- 1 See for instance Karssenberg, 2018; Carlier & Lahousse, forth. The term “cleft” is genera (...)
1This study focuses on the forms called “presentational” in French and in Chinese, of which examples are provided in [1]. The label is motivated by the main discourse function of these constructions, which is that of calling “the attention of an addressee to the hitherto unnoticed presence of some person or thing in the speech setting” (Lambrecht, 1994: 39; see Li & Thompson, 1981: 509 on Chinese). In the literature, monoclausal constructions (e.g. [1a-b], [2a], [3b]) are generally named “existential sentences” (McNally, 2011; Koch, 2012; Bentley et al., 2013, 2015; Creissels, 2019, among many others; see Sarda & Lena, forth., for a recent review), while biclausal constructions (e.g. [2b], [3a]), are more often labelled “presentational clefts”, at least in the literature on French1.
- 2 The parallel corpus collected for this study, along with its subcorpora, is described in (...)
[1a] |
Évidemment, |
il |
y |
avait |
un |
léger |
problème. |
|
of.course |
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
a.m |
light |
problem |
|
Lit. ‘Of course, there was one tiny problem.’ |
|
(OpenSub)2 |
|
Dāngrán |
yǒu |
ge |
xiǎoxiǎo |
de |
wèntí. |
|
of.course |
have |
cl |
little |
sub |
problem |
|
‘Of course there was one tiny problem.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[2a] |
Il |
y |
avait |
un |
homme |
avec |
toi. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
a.m |
man |
with |
2sg |
|
‘There was a man with you.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Hái |
yǒu |
yí-ge |
nánrén |
[hé |
nǐmen |
zài |
yīqǐ]. |
|
also |
have |
one-cl |
man |
with |
2pl |
stay |
together |
|
Lit. ‘There was also a man who was with you.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[3a] |
Il |
y |
a |
un |
élément |
[qui |
cloche], |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
a.m |
element |
rel.s |
be.wrong.prs.3sg |
|
dans |
ton |
histoire. |
|
in |
poss.2sg.sg |
story |
|
Lit. ‘There is an element which is wrong, in your story.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Zài |
nǐ |
de |
gùshì=li |
yǒu |
ge |
dà |
lòudòng. |
|
at |
2sg |
sub |
story=in |
have |
cl |
big |
hole |
|
‘There’s one major hole in your story.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
- 3 As pointed out by Chappell and Creissels (2019: 487), the possessive use of yǒu is to be (...)
2Il y a-constructions and yǒu-constructions have been a central topic in the research agenda on French and Chinese, respectively. The two forms show striking points of similarity. On a formal level, they both rely on an existential verb built on the copula have, although this appears in the grammaticalised form il y avoir “it there have” in French, which includes the expletive subject il [3sg.m] and the frozen locative adverb y “there”3. As just mentioned, monoclausal constructions coexist with biclausal constructions in the two languages. From a discourse-pragmatic point of view, these forms represent a device often used to introduce new referents into the discourse (see Lena, 2020a, forth.2, for a recent review). However, a major point of divergence is represented by the treatment of the definiteness restrictions.
- 4 Milsark (1974) distinguishes two basic types of NPs: “weak” NPs which are allowed in exis (...)
3Across languages, one of the main characteristics of existential/presentational constructions is the indefiniteness of the pivot (e.g., a little problem in [1a-b]), and the related impossibility of having a definite noun phrase (NP) in this position (since Milsark, 1974)4. At the same time, exceptions to the definiteness restrictions have been extensively discussed in the relevant literature (Rando & Napoli, 1978; Lumsden, 1988; Abbott, 1993; Ward & Birner, 1995; Leonetti, 2008; Bentley, 2013; Bentley et al., 2013, 2015, among others), with some languages being stricter than others with regard to the possibility of admitting definite pivots (Beaver et al., 2006; Bentley et al., 2015; Creissels, 2019). In this respect, French is particularly “tolerant”, as il y a-constructions, both monoclausal and biclausal, often include definite pivots. Sentences such as the following naturally occur in discourse:
[4a] |
Tiens, |
il |
y |
a |
Jean! |
|
hold.prs.2sg |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
J. |
|
Lit. ‘Hey, there is John!’ |
|
(from Creissels, 2019: 40) |
[4b] |
Il |
y |
a |
Jean |
qui |
a |
téléphoné. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
J. |
rel.s |
has |
call.ptcp |
|
Lit. ‘There is John who telephoned.’ |
|
(from Lambrecht, 1988: 136) |
- 5 Similar ungrammatical examples are discussed in Xú (2015).
4By contrast, it is well-known that yǒu-constructions do not easily tolerate definite pivots (since Lü, 1985 [1942]: 101). In fact, the literal Chinese translation of French examples such as [4] are ungrammatical5:
|
*Yǒu |
Yuēhàn |
(dǎ-le |
diànhuà). |
|
have |
Y. |
make-pfv |
phone.call |
|
*‘There is John (who telephoned).’ |
5Exceptions to the definiteness constraint have been identified in Chinese as well. Li (1996) argued that two types of yǒu-constructions should be identified, one introducing a new entity (example [2b]) and the other asserting the existence of an event (example [6a]), with definiteness restrictions being relevant only in the former. Hu and Pan (2007) discussed the role of focalizing adverbs such as hái “also” in [6b] – which is reminiscent of the neutralization of definiteness restrictions identified in the so-called “list reading” use of existential sentences (see 4.2.1) – or zhǐ “only” in [6c]: “what is unnoticed in the literature is that, although it is generally excluded from the post-you position, a definite NP can occur there if a focus particle is introduced into the relevant sentences” (Hu & Pan, 2007: 134). Cai (2000) and Xia (2009) report on the contexts that allow definite pivots within the yǒu-construction, showing that these are rarely found in main clauses. When this is the case, they are strongly context-dependent and cannot stand in isolation [6d].
[6a] |
如果有张三/那个老板来,我们就可以马上解决问题了。 |
|
Rúguǒ |
yǒu |
Zhāngsān / |
nà-ge |
lǎobǎn |
lái, |
|
if |
have |
Z. |
that-cl |
boss |
come |
|
wǒmen |
jiù |
kěyǐ |
mǎshàng |
jiějué |
wèntí |
le. |
|
1pl |
then |
can |
immediately |
solve |
problem |
crs |
|
‘If there was Zhangsan / that boss coming, we could solve the problem right away.’ |
|
(Li, 1996: 178) |
|
Hái |
yǒu |
nèi-ge |
rén / |
Zhāngsān. |
|
also |
have |
that-cl |
person |
Z. |
|
‘There’s also that person / Zhangsan.’ |
|
(Hu & Pan, 2007: 134) |
|
Yǎn=li |
zhǐ |
yǒu |
nǐ. |
|
eye=in |
only |
have |
2sg |
|
‘There’s only you in [my] eyes.’ |
|
(Retrieved from a WeChat commercial) |
|
Jīn Gū: |
Wǒ |
shàng-bu-liǎo |
shù. |
|
J.G. |
1sg |
go.up-neg-psb |
tree |
|
Gāo Zhènyì: |
Yǒu |
wǒ |
tuō-zhe |
nǐ. |
|
G.Z. |
have |
1sg |
support-dur |
2sg |
|
Lit. ‘Jin Gu: “I can’t climb the tree.” Gao Zhenyi: “There’s me supporting you.”’ |
|
(Cai, 2000: 95) |
6Despite these exceptions, it is generally assumed that in the vast majority of contexts only weak determiners such as indefinite NPs can occupy the pivot position (e.g. [1b]). Lena (2020a) analysed a semi-spontaneous corpus of spoken Chinese and found that the pivots in biclausal yǒu-constructions strongly tend to be indefinite. Monoclausal yǒu-constructions, on the other hand, can include definite pivots in list-reading contexts. In the following example, the second pivot has a possessive determiner, and hence it denotes a highly accessible referent (Ariel, 2002) (note that focalising adverbs need not to be expressed):
[7] |
家里情况也挺好的,呵。有一老人,有我爱人,有两个小孩儿。嗯,爱人有工作,小孩也工作啦。 |
|
Jiāli |
qíngkuàng |
yě |
tǐng |
hǎo |
de, |
hē. |
|
home |
situation |
also |
very |
good |
sub |
int |
|
Yǒu |
yí |
lǎorén, |
yǒu |
wǒ |
àirén, |
|
have |
one.cl |
old.person |
have |
1sg |
partner |
|
yǒu |
liǎng-ge |
xiǎoháir. |
Ǹg, |
àirén |
yǒu |
gōngzuò, |
|
have |
two-cl |
child |
int |
partner |
have |
job |
|
xiǎoháir |
yě |
gōngzuò |
la. |
|
child |
also |
work |
sfp.crs |
|
Lit. ‘At home the situation is very good too, huh. There is an elderly person, there is my partner, there are two children. [My] partner has a job, the children also work.’ |
|
(BJKY semi-spontaneous spoken corpus, Lena, 2020a: 41-42) |
7On the basis of elicited spoken narratives based on a filmed stimulus, Lena (2020b) found that French speakers can use the il y a-construction to reintroduce discourse-old referents (example [8a]), while Chinese speakers do not assign such function to the yǒu-construction. Hence, sentences such as [8b], uttered by a French learner of Chinese, are not accepted by native speakers.
[8a] |
Il |
y |
a |
la |
fille |
qui |
l’ |
attend |
à la sortie. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f.sg |
girl |
who |
him |
wait.prs.3sg |
at the exit |
|
Lit. ‘There is the girl waiting for him at the exit.’ |
|
*Yǒu |
zhè-ge |
nǚrén |
děng |
tā. |
|
have |
this-cl |
woman |
wait |
3sg |
|
Int. ‘There is this woman waiting for him.’ |
8The purpose of the present study is to examine in detail the (lack of) correspondence between the presentational structures of the two languages, taking as the starting point the French il y a-construction including a definite pivot. Before turning to the results of the contrastive analysis, a note on the marking of (in)definiteness distinctions in Chinese is necessary.
- 6 On accessibility and identifiability, see for instance Prince, 1981; Ariel, 1990; Gun (...)
9Contrary to French, Chinese is an article-less language, which thus relies on different strategies to mark (in)definiteness oppositions. Leaving aside its non-referential uses, the [(numeral +) classifier] sequence (e.g. yí-ge lièrén “a hunter” in [8]), is typically used to express unanchored unidentifiable referents (LaPolla, 1995; Chen, 2003), that is, prototypical (quantified) new referents – the ones marked by the indefinite article in languages such as English and French6. By contrast, nouns modified by demonstrative determiners zhè “this” and nà “that” are used to encode identifiable referents, that can be in one of the three activation states – active, accessible or inactive – according to LaPolla (1995). The NP zhè-zhi gǒu “this dog” in [9] (from Chen, 2004: 1153) points to an activated referent thus offering an example of the anaphoric use of the demonstrative determiner:
|
Yǒu |
yí-ge |
lièrén… |
yǎng-zhe |
yì-zhi |
gǒu. |
|
have |
one-cl |
hunter |
keep-dur |
one-cl |
dog |
|
Zhè-zhi |
gǒu |
hěn |
dǒngshì. |
|
this-cl |
dog |
very |
intelligent |
|
‘There was a hunter who had a dog. The dog was very intelligent.’ |
10Although demonstrative determiners in Chinese are “the closest to definite articles in other languages” (Chen, 2004: 1151), the two are not equivalent. While serving all the typical functions of demonstratives (situational in [10], discourse deictic in [11] and contrastive anaphoric in [12]), zhè “this” and nà “that” can be used in contexts where demonstratives (say, in languages like English) are not allowed: non-contrastive anaphoric in [9], shared knowledge in [13], frame-based association in [14] (the following examples are from Chen, 2004: 1151–1153):
|
Qǐng |
bǎ |
zhè/nà-zhāng |
yǐzi |
bān-dào |
nà-jiān |
fángjiān |
qù. |
|
please |
acc |
this/that-cl |
chair |
move-to |
that-cl |
room |
go |
|
‘Please move this/that chair to that room.’ |
|
Tā |
xiǎng |
huíqù? |
Zhè |
nǐ |
kě |
bùnéng |
dāyìng. |
|
he |
want |
return |
this |
you |
surely |
cannot |
agree |
|
‘He wants to go back? You surely cannot give your permission to that.’ |
[12] |
一个小孩子碰到了一个女孩子…这个时候,这个小孩子又看了那个女孩子,看了一眼。 |
|
Yí-ge |
xiǎoháizi… |
lù=zhong |
de |
shíhòu |
ne, |
pèngdào-le |
|
one-cl |
kid |
road=middle |
sub |
time |
paus |
run.into-pfv |
|
yí-ge |
nǚháizi… |
zhè-ge |
shíhòu, |
zhè-ge |
xiǎoháizi |
yòu |
|
one-cl |
girl |
this-cl |
time |
this-cl |
kid |
again |
|
kàn-le |
nà-ge |
nǚháizi, |
kàn-le |
yì |
yǎn. |
|
look-pfv |
that-cl |
girl |
look-pfv |
one |
eye |
|
‘A kid in the middle of the road ran into a girl… this time the kid had another look at the girl.’ |
|
Zhè tiānqì |
zhēn |
guài |
shí’èr |
yuè |
le |
kě |
yìdiǎn |
bù lěng. |
|
this weather |
really |
strange |
twelve |
month |
crs |
but |
bit |
not cold |
|
‘The weather is really strange. It is December now, but it is not cold at all.’ |
|
Tā |
mǎi-le |
yí-liang |
jiù |
chē, |
nà |
lúntāi |
dōu |
mó |
píng |
le. |
|
he |
buy-pfv |
one-cl |
old |
car |
that |
tire |
even |
wear |
flat |
crs |
|
‘He bought an old car. All the tires are worn out.’ |
11At the same time, uses characteristic of fully grammaticalised definite articles (e.g., shared knowledge and frame-based association) “are exceptional rather than the norm” with Chinese demonstratives (Chen, 2004: 1156). Crosthwaite et al. (2018) found that Chinese speakers more often use bare nouns when establishing bridging reference (i.e., frame-based anaphora relations, as in war…soldier[+DEF]) (see also Lena, 2020b).
12Besides nouns that are formally marked (either by a classifier or by a demonstrative) Chinese speakers can make use of bare nouns as referring expressions. These present the highest degree of ambiguity, given that they can designate unidentifiable, inactive, accessible and active referents (LaPolla, 1995: 305, see also Huang, 2013: chap. 5). Between accessible referents, bare nouns can denote deictically (situationally) identifiable referents and uniquely identifiable referents (Cheng & Sybesma, 1999: 510; Chen, 2004: 1165).
|
Gǒu |
yào |
guò |
mǎlù. |
|
dog |
want |
cross |
road |
|
‘The dog(s) want to cross the road.’ |
|
(Cheng & Sybesma, 1999: 510) |
|
Yuèliàng |
shēng-shang-lai |
le. |
|
moon |
rise-up-come |
crs |
|
‘The moon has risen.’ |
|
(Chen, 2004: 1165) |
13It has been noted that the interpretation of bare nouns is influenced by their syntactical contexts, and they are generally interpreted as indefinite in the postverbal position (Chao, 1968: 76; Li & Thompson, 1981: 510; Xu, 1995; Hole, 2012: 61). In Hole’s (2012: 61) terms:
bare nouns constitute an especially interesting domain of investigation because they contain no functional morphemes indicating their status as given or new. Despite the lack of definiteness marking, bare nouns display definiteness effects in some syntactic environments. The first such effect concerns subjects vs. objects. Bare nouns in a non-subject (and non-topical) position are typically interpreted as indefinite (unless they denote inherently definite entities), whereas they are invariably definite in the subject position preceding the verb.
(Hole, 2012: 61)
14The crucial point here is that bare nouns which have a unique reference do not change their interpretation when appearing as the pivots of a yǒu-construction, and thus are semantically definite even though they are formally unmarked with respect to definiteness, and despite their postverbal position.
15The study relies on a parallel corpus of French-Chinese aligned sentences built via the Sketch Engine software. Two subcorpora within the OPUS27 corpus were selected, i.e. the Opensubtitles8 corpus (hereafter OpenSub), consisting of the aligned translations of film subtitles, and the MultiUN corpus, which is a collection of translated documents from the United Nations. The first is representative of the spoken language while the latter reflects the written register. The following French sequences were extracted:
[17] |
[Il + y + avoir (…0-4) + {def.art / dem / poss / pro / Proper name} (±RelativeClause)] |
- 9 The French subcorpus contains 40/136 (29.4%) occurrences of il y a-construction including (...)
16French definite pivots are nouns modified by a definite article (le/la/les), a demonstrative determiner (ce/cette/ces) or a possessive determiner (mon/ma/mes), as well as personal pronouns (e.g., moi “me”) and proper names. The search in [17] left open the possibility of obtaining both monoclausal and biclausal il y a-constructions (i.e., constructions including a relative clause [RC], as in [3a])9. Specifically, the data consists of all sentences identified in the OpenSub corpus (n = 68) and an equivalent number of items extracted from the MultiUN corpus (random sample). This resulted in a total of 136 sentences per language, after noise elimination.
17It should be stressed that, as the starting point is the French construction, the Chinese aligned sentences do not necessarily include a yǒu-construction.
18Table 1 illustrates the definite pivot types in French il y a-constructions.
Table 1 – French: distribution of definite pivot types
Pivot types |
Count |
% |
Definite article + N |
94 |
69.1% |
Demonstrative determiner + N |
16 |
11.7% |
Proper name |
11 |
8.0% |
Definite article + Proper name |
6 |
4.4% |
Personal pronoun |
4 |
2.9% |
Possessive determiner + N |
4 |
2.9% |
Demonstrative pronoun |
1 |
0.7% |
Total |
136 |
100% |
- 10 In an additional 4 examples (4% of il y a-constructions including a pivot modified by a (...)
- 11 Such general nouns are labelled “low-content nouns” in Bolinger (1977: 5-6), (...)
19Most pivots are represented by nouns modified by the definite article (69.1%; raising to 73.5% when proper names introduced by the definite article are also considered), as shown in Table 1 above. Among these forms, 34 instances (34% of the pivots with a definite article) are represented by a NP of the type [N1 sub N2], in which the definite marking is provided by the N2, which plays an identifying role and contributes to restrict the reference of the N1 (e.g. [18a])10. These forms typically correspond in Chinese to bare-head NPs (as in [18b]). The N1 modified by the definite article can be a general noun (e.g., question “question”, problème “problem”, cas “case”), as in [19a]11. Note that while the use of the indefinite article is not felicitous in French [19a’], Chinese can express such NPs by means of quantified indefinite nouns [19b].
[18a] |
Premièrement, |
il |
y |
a |
le |
principe |
de |
|
firstly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
principle |
of |
|
l’ |
égalité |
souveraine |
des |
États. |
|
the |
equality |
sovereign |
of.the.pl |
States |
|
Lit. ‘First, there is the principle of the sovereign equality of States.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
|
Dìyí-ge |
yuánzé |
shì |
guójiā |
de |
zhǔquán |
píngděng. |
|
first-cl |
principle |
be |
State |
sub |
sovereignty |
equality |
|
Lit. ‘The first principle is the sovereign equality of States.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[19a] |
Enfin, |
il |
y |
a |
la |
question |
de |
l’ |
égalité |
|
finally |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f.sg |
question |
of |
the |
equality |
|
entre |
les |
hommes |
et |
les |
femmes. |
|
between |
the.pl |
men |
and |
the.pl |
women |
|
‘Finally, there is the issue of equality between women and men.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[19a’] |
??Il |
y |
a |
une |
question |
de |
l’ |
égalité |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
a.f |
question |
of |
the |
equality |
|
entre |
les |
hommes |
et |
les |
femmes. |
|
between |
the.pl |
men |
and |
the.pl |
women |
|
Lit. ‘There is an issue of equality between women and men.’ |
|
Zuìhòu, |
hái |
yǒu |
yí-ge |
nánnǚ |
|
finally |
also |
have |
one-cl |
men.and.women |
|
zhījiān |
píngděng |
de |
wèntí. |
|
between |
equality |
sub |
problem |
|
Lit. ‘Finally, there is also an issue of equality between men and women.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
20In the following example [20a], the use of the definite article before voiture “car” is clearly triggered by the complement de quelqu’un “of somebody” and is not motivated semantically (Milsark’s [1974: 6] “crypto-indefinites”, discussed in Meulleman, 2012: 39). The use of an indefinite classified pivot in the Chinese aligned yǒu-construction does not entail a substantial change in meaning (example [20b]).
[20a] |
Faites vous voler votre voiture, elle sera revendue en pièces dans cet atelier, vous pouvez voir ça, |
|
il |
y |
a |
la |
voiture |
de |
quelqu’un |
là |
dedans. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f.sg |
car |
of |
someone |
there |
inside |
|
‘You have a car hijacking, there’s a chop shop there, you can see that, that (lit. there)’s somebody’s car in there.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Nǐ |
kěyǐ |
kàn |
nàli |
yǒu |
yí-liang |
chē. |
|
2sg |
can |
see |
there |
have |
one-cl |
car |
|
Lit. ‘You can see there’s a car there.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
21In other cases, the definite article is used to denote uniquely identifiable referents (that is, a referent which is identifiable independently from the discourse structure or the extra-linguistic setting):
[21] |
En effet, |
à la base |
de |
l’ |
organisation |
administrative, |
|
in fact |
at the base |
of |
the |
organisation |
administrative |
|
il |
y |
a |
le |
Fokontany |
qui |
est |
la |
subdivision |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
F. |
rel.s |
is |
the |
subdivision |
|
administrative |
de |
base |
de |
la |
commune. |
|
administrative |
of |
base |
of |
the.f.sg |
commune |
|
Lit. ‘Indeed, at the base of the administrative organisation, there is the Fokontany, which is the basic administrative subdivision of the Commune.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
22The definite article can also modify in French nouns describing uncountable intangible entities or abstract concepts that pertain to general world knowledge such as terrorism, poverty, truth. They cannot be modified by other determiners (cf. [22a] with [22a’]). Such referents are typically expressed by bare nouns in Chinese (example [22b]).
[22a] |
Oui, |
je |
crois |
qu’ |
il |
y |
a |
le |
typhus. |
|
yes |
1sg |
believe.prs.sg |
that |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
typhus |
|
‘Yes, I believe there’s typhus.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[22a’] |
Je |
crois |
qu’ |
il |
y |
a |
{*un/*du} |
typhus. |
|
1sg |
believe.prs.1sg |
that |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
a.m/pa.m.sg |
typhus |
|
*‘I believe there’s one/some typhus.’ |
|
Shìde, |
wǒ |
zhīdào |
yǒu |
shānghánbìng |
zài |
liúxíng. |
|
right |
1sg |
know |
have |
typhus |
prog |
spread |
|
Lit. ‘Right, I know there is typhus spreading.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
- 12 See Lambrecht (1994: 83) on English. Such usage of the demonstrative determiner has bee (...)
23Demonstrative determiners (11.7%) tend to appear in event-reporting il y a-constructions (see 4.2.3), in which they denote discourse-new referents (see [23a]) instead of discourse-old referents (i.e., the prototypical anaphoric function of demonstrative determiners)12. Such referents are encoded by indefinite nouns in the Chinese aligned sentences (within or outside a yǒu-construction). In [23b], a rather marginal formulation (2 instances), the relevant NP appears as an indefinite quantified subject.
[23a] |
Il y a |
huit |
ans |
il |
y |
a |
ce |
vieil |
homme |
|
ago |
eight |
years |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
this.m |
old |
man |
|
qui |
est |
venu |
me |
frapper |
le |
visage |
|
rel.s |
is |
come.ptcp.m.sg |
to.me |
hit.inf |
the.m.sg |
face |
|
devant |
mon |
personnel. |
|
in.front.of |
poss.1sg.m.sg |
staff |
[23b] |
八年前一个老头进来当着我手下的面扇了我耳光。 |
|
Bā |
nián |
qián |
[yí-ge |
lǎotóu |
jìn-lái] |
|
eight |
year |
before |
one-cl |
old.man |
enter-come |
|
dāngzhe |
wǒ |
shǒuxià |
de |
miàn |
shàn-le |
wǒ |
ěrguāng. |
|
facing |
1sg |
leadership |
sub |
face |
box-pfv |
1sg |
ear |
|
‘Eight years ago this old man came in and slapped me around in front of my crew.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
24Despite being frequently included in the examples of il y a-constructions provided in the literature (at least on il y a-clefts), proper names are less frequent (8%), as already pointed out by Karssenberg (2018: 99).
[24a] |
– Je |
ne |
suis |
pas |
seul. |
Il |
y |
a |
Sal. |
|
1sg |
neg |
be.prs.1sg |
neg |
alone |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
S. |
|
– Pour Salvatore? – C’est un tueur. On a fait le Viêtnam. Pour nous, tuer c’est rien. |
|
‘I’m not alone. I got (lit. there is) Sal. – Sal, what’s that for, Salvatore? – Yeah. Sal, he’s a killer. We’re Vietnam veterans so killing don’t mean anything to us.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Wǒ |
bú |
shì |
yí-ge |
rén. |
Hái |
yǒu |
Shā‘ěr. |
|
1sg |
neg |
be |
one-cl |
person |
also |
have |
S. |
|
Lit. ‘I’m not alone. There’s also Sal.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
25Taken together, proper names and personal pronouns – and to a lesser extent possessive determiners – are elements highly ranked in topichood hierarchies (Gundel et al., 1993), and as such these forms are expected to be most strongly banned from Chinese yǒu-constructions.
26The most definite pivots (i.e., all pivot types except the ones modified by definite articles) are predominantly found in the spoken corpus (37 out of 42 occurrences in the OpenSub corpus).
27The occurrences of il y a-constructions have been classified according to their discourse functions and semantic properties (the labels used in the tables are illustrated in the next subsections). As several parameters can coexist, the numbers in brackets illustrate the total number of occurrences of a given property (Table 2). This is especially true for sentences where the pivot stands in a part-whole relation with a given referential set. Such part-whole relationship often underlies the expression of a list-reading meaning.
Table 2 – The functional classification of French il y a-constructions (both subcorpora)
Functions |
Count (including overlaps) |
% |
Enumerative |
Inter-clause list |
27 (32) |
19.8% (22.7%) |
Sentence-level list |
16 (35) |
11.7% (18.3%) |
|
Sentence-level list + Inter-clause list |
3 |
2.2% |
|
Sentence-level list + Locative |
3 |
2.2% |
Part-whole |
8 (23) |
5.8% (16.9%) |
|
Part-whole + Sentence-level list |
13 |
9.5% |
|
Part-whole + Inter-clause list |
2 |
1.4% |
Locative |
Locative |
20 (24) |
14.7% (17.6%) |
Locative metaphoric |
11 |
8% |
|
Locative + Event-reporting |
2 |
1.4% |
|
Locative + Topic-promoting |
2 |
1.4% |
Event-reporting |
16 (18) |
11.7% (13.2%) |
Topic-promoting |
10 (12) |
7.3% (8.8%) |
Existential |
3 |
2.2% |
Total |
136 |
100% |
28When several parameters are associated to the il y a-construction, one of them turns out to be significant in motivating the choice of the aligned Chinese form. Hence, for the sake of clarity – and at the cost of a certain simplification – Table 3 illustrates the data by classifying each sentence according to its most relevant property only (e.g., “locative + event-reporting” sentences are classified as “locative”). Note that, with the exception of the part-whole meaning, the concurrence of functions remains relatively marginal.
Table 3 – The functional classification of French il y a-constructions in both subcorpora (main categories)
Functions |
Count |
% |
Enumerative |
72 |
52.9% |
Locative |
35 |
25.7% |
Event-reporting |
16 |
11% |
Topic-promoting |
10 |
7.3% |
Existential |
3 |
2.2% |
Total occurrences |
136 |
100% |
29Tables 4 and 5 below show the distribution of the functional properties identified in il y a-constructions in the spoken and written subcorpora, respectively. Table 6 offers a global comparison of the main categories identified in the two subcorpora.
Table 4 – The functional classification of French il y a-constructions in the OpenSub corpus
Functions |
Count (including overlaps) |
% |
Enumerative |
Sentence-level list |
13 (19) |
19.1% (27.9%) |
Inter-clause list |
0 |
0% |
|
Sentence-level list + Locative |
2 |
2.9% |
|
Part-whole + Sentence-level list |
4 |
5.8% |
Locative |
Locative |
18 (23) |
26.4% (33.8%) |
Locative metaphoric |
3 |
4.4% |
|
Locative + Event-reporting |
2 |
2.9% |
|
Locative + Topic-promoting |
2 |
2.9% |
Event-reporting |
14 (16) |
20.5% (23.5%) |
Topic-promoting |
9 (11) |
13.2% (16.1%) |
Existential |
1 |
1.4% |
Total |
68 |
100% |
Table 5 – The functional classification of French il y a-constructions in the MultiUN corpus
Functions |
Count |
% |
Enumerative |
Inter-clause list |
27 (32) |
39.7% (47%) |
Part-whole |
8 (19) |
11.7% (27.9%) |
Sentence-level list |
3 (16) |
4.4% (23.5%) |
|
Sentence-level list + Inter-clause list |
3 |
4.4% |
|
Sentence-level list + Locative metaphoric |
1 |
1.4% |
|
Part-whole + Sentence-level list |
9 |
13.2% |
Part-whole + Inter-clause list |
2 |
2.9% |
Locative |
Locative |
2 |
2.9% |
Locative metaphoric |
8 (9) |
11.7% (13.2%) |
Event-reporting |
2 |
2.9% |
Topic-promoting |
1 |
1.4% |
Existential |
2 |
2.9% |
Total |
68 |
100% |
Table 6 – The functional classification of French il y a-constructions in each subcorpus (main categories)
Subcorpora |
OpenSub |
MultiUN |
|
Count |
% |
Count |
% |
Enumerative |
19 |
27.9% |
53 |
77.9% |
Locative |
25 |
36.7% |
10 |
14.7% |
Event-reporting |
14 |
20.5% |
2 |
2.9% |
Topic-promoting |
9 |
13.2% |
1 |
1.4% |
Existential |
1 |
1.4% |
2 |
2.9% |
Subtotal |
68 |
100% |
68 |
100% |
30In what follows, the criteria for identifying each function are detailed and examples are provided.
- 13 “[T]he communicative function of [enumerative existential] sentences […] is to dr (...)
31The “enumerative” or “list-reading” use of the existential/presentational construction13 has been identified as a context neutralising the definiteness restriction on the pivot. As Lambrecht (2002: 199) puts it:
English and French behave alike with respect to the possible occurrence of definite NPs, including independent pronouns, in the so-called “listing” use of the existential construction […]. In both languages, the constraint on the cognitive status of the presented entity can be cancelled if the entity belongs to a SET whose existence is pragmatically presupposed in the discourse, but whose MEMBERS have not yet been determined at utterance time.
(Lambrecht, 2002: 199)
32Overall, 72 out of 136 occurrences (52.9%) of il y a-constructions in my data (Table 3) are characterised by the expression of an enumerative meaning. This can either occur within the same sentence (labelled “sentence-level list”, 31 occurrences) (e.g. [25a]), as a connection between sentences (labelled “inter-clause list”, 35 occurrences) (e.g. [25b]) and by establishing an explicit part-whole relation between the pivot and a larger referential group (labelled “part-whole”, 25 occurrences) (e.g. [25c]). As mentioned earlier, the three parameters can coexist, as in example [25d] and [25e] which instantiates a part-whole relation while expressing a sentence-level and inter-clause list meaning, respectively.
[25a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (sentence-level list) |
|
Il |
y |
avait |
moi, |
Nicky, |
et |
un |
jeune, |
Carson. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
had |
me |
N. |
and |
a.m.sg |
young.person |
C. |
|
‘It (lit. There) was me, Nicky and this kid Carson.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[25b] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (inter-clause list) |
|
Premièrement, |
il |
y |
a |
le |
lien |
entre |
ce |
|
firstly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
link |
between |
pro |
|
que |
nous |
accomplissons |
ici |
et |
ce |
que |
les |
|
that |
1pl |
accomplish.prs.1pl |
here |
and |
pro |
that |
the.pl |
|
parlementaires, |
dans |
des |
cadres |
similaires, |
|
parlamentarians |
in |
indf.art.pl |
settings |
similar |
|
sont |
appelés |
à |
accomplir |
chez |
eux. |
|
be.prs.3pl |
call.ptcp.pl |
to |
accomplish.inf |
at |
them |
|
Lit. ‘First, there is the link between what we do here and what parliamentarians in similar settings are called upon to do at home.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[25c] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (part-whole relation) |
|
Parmi |
les |
défis |
qu’ |
affronte |
l’ |
Union |
|
between |
the.pl |
challenges |
rel.o |
face.prs.3sg |
the |
Union |
|
du |
Maghreb |
arabe, |
il |
y |
a |
le |
problème |
|
of.the.m |
Maghreb |
arab |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
problem |
|
dit |
du |
Sahara |
occidental. |
|
called |
of.the.m |
Sahara |
western |
|
‘Among the challenges faced by the Mahgreb, there is the so-called problem of the Western Sahara.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[25d] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (part-whole + sentence-level list) |
|
Parmi |
les |
nombreux |
obstacles |
au |
développement |
|
between |
the.pl |
numerous |
impediments |
to.the |
development |
|
socio-économique |
en Afrique, |
il |
y |
a |
la |
pauvreté, |
|
socio-economic |
in Africa |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f.sg |
poverty |
|
les |
systèmes |
médiocres |
de prestation |
des |
soins de santé, |
|
the.pl |
systems |
poor |
of delivery |
of.the |
healthcare |
|
les |
guerres |
régionales |
et |
les |
conflits |
civils. |
|
the.pl |
wars |
regional |
and |
the.pl |
conflicts |
civil |
|
Lit. ‘Among the many impediments to social and economic development in Africa there are poverty, poor health delivery systems, intra-regional wars and civil conflicts.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[25e] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (part-whole + inter-clause list) |
|
Le terrorisme d’Al-Qaida se décline aujourd’hui en trois groupes distincts mais liés entre eux: |
|
premièrement, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
anciens |
dirigeants, |
|
firstly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
ancient |
leaders |
|
dont |
les |
noms |
sont |
bien |
connus; |
|
of.which |
the.pl |
names |
be.prs.3pl |
well |
know.ptcp.pl |
|
deuxièmement, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
combattants |
qui |
|
secondly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
fighters |
rel.s |
|
sont |
passés |
par |
les |
camps |
d’entraînement |
|
be.prs.3pl |
pass.ptcp.pl |
by |
the.pl |
camps |
of training |
|
afghans |
et |
en |
sont |
sortis |
terroristes |
confirmés; |
|
Afghan |
and |
of.it |
be.prs.3pl |
exit.ptcp.pl |
terrorists |
experienced |
|
et troisièmement , il y a une nouvelle génération en pleine expansion de partisans qui peuvent très bien n’être jamais sortis de leur pays mais qui adhèrent aux fondements du message d’Al-Qaida. |
|
Lit. ‘Al-Qaida terrorism now comprises three distinct but interlinked groups: first, there is the old leadership whose names are well known; second, there are the fighters who attended the camps in Afghanistan and graduated as experienced terrorists; and third, there is a new and growing generation of supporters who may never have left their countries of residence but have embraced the core elements of the Al-Qaida message.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
33The sentences classified as “locative” are those expressing an explicit relation between the pivot and a spatial reference frame, i.e. between a Figure (F) and a Ground (G) in Creissels’ (2019) terms (see Talmy, 2000, who introduced the Figure/Ground dichotomy in linguistics), as in [26a]. These include metaphorical locative relations (e.g. [26b]). Metaphorical locative sentences are mostly found in the MultiUn corpus (8/10 occurrences), while concrete locative sentences are mostly found in the OpenSub corpus (20/23 occurrences).
[26a] |
Locative il y a-construction |
|
[À |
15 |
km](G), |
il |
y |
a |
les |
Allemands(F)! |
|
at |
15 |
km |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
Germans |
|
Lit. ‘15km from here, there are the Germans!’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[26b] |
Metaphorical locative il y a-construction |
|
[Au |
cœur |
de |
chaque |
phobie](G), |
il |
y |
a |
|
at.the |
heart |
of |
each |
phobia |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
|
la |
peur |
de |
perdre |
le |
contrôle(F). |
|
the.f.sg |
fear |
of |
lose.inf |
the.m.sg |
control |
|
Lit. ‘At the heart of every phobia, there is the fear of losing control.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
34In event-reporting sentences (see Sasse, 1987, and Lambrecht, 1988), the (unanchored) pivot is expressed as participating in an event and is not promoted to topic status in the continuing discourse.
[27a] |
Event-reporting il y a-construction (written register) |
|
Il |
y |
a |
le |
terrorisme |
qui |
frappe |
|
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
terrorism |
rel.s |
hit.prs.3sg |
|
de |
nombreuses |
sociétés |
|
of |
numerous |
societies |
|
alors même que la pauvreté, l’ignorance et la maladie se répandent dans maintes régions du monde. |
|
Lit. ‘There is the terrorism hitting several societies while poverty, ignorance and illness are spreading in many regions of the world.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[27b] |
Event-reporting il y a-construction (spoken register) |
|
Ensuite… |
Oh, |
il |
y |
a |
eu |
Don |
qui |
|
then |
int |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
have.ptcp |
D. |
rel.s |
|
rompait |
avec |
moi |
tous |
les |
vendredis |
pour |
que |
je |
|
break.pst.3sg |
with |
me |
all.pl |
the.pl |
Fridays |
for |
that |
1sg |
|
sois |
pas |
dans |
ses |
pattes |
le |
weekend. |
|
be.sbjv.prs.1sg |
neg |
in |
poss.3sg.f.pl |
paws |
the |
weekend |
|
‘And then… Oh, there was (lit. there has been) Don who broke up with me every Friday so that he could have his weekends free.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
35In principle, all – or most – il y a-constructions are “presentational” in the sense that they include at least non-topical and typically discourse-new referents (see Carlier & Lahousse, forth.). The term “topic-promoting” is preferred here to characterise, in a narrow sense, the constructions including unanchored referents that are explicitly promoted to topic status. This is an operational choice as pivots standing in a part-whole relation with a given set, can of course be promoted to the topic status at least within the paragraph that concerns them. For the purposes of this study, this distinction suffices in that the enumerative function turns out to be crucial in identifying a subgroup of constructions in Chinese. By contrast, the topic-promoting function can coexist with the establishment of a locative relation between the Figure and an explicit Ground, as can be seen in the examples below.
[28a] |
Topic-promoting il y a-construction |
|
Il |
y |
avait |
ce |
gars, |
Wayne Dobbs, |
|
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
this.m |
guy |
W.D. |
|
il |
avait |
24 ans. |
Il |
travaillait |
à |
|
3sg.m |
have.pst.3sg |
24 years |
3sg.m |
work.pst.3sg |
at |
|
temps partiel |
dans |
un |
magasin de copies. |
|
part-time |
in |
a |
copy shop |
|
Lit. ‘There was this guy, Wayne Dobbs, 24 years old. He worked part-time in a copy shop.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[28b] |
Locative + topic-promoting yǒu-construction |
|
这里有个人,叫Wayne Dobbs,24岁,在一个影印店里做兼职。 |
|
[Zhèli](G) |
yǒu |
ge rén(F), |
jiào |
Wayne Dobbs, |
24 suì, |
|
here |
have |
cl person |
be.called |
W.D. |
24 years |
|
zài |
yí-ge |
yǐngyìndiàn=li |
zuò |
jiānzhí. |
|
at |
one-cl |
copy.shop=in |
do |
part.time.work |
|
Lit. ‘There’s a person here, named Wayne Dobbs, 24, working part-time in a copy shop.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
36Note that the pivot in the French sentence is represented by a noun modified by a demonstrative determiner. Here the demonstrative determiner is used not to refer anaphorically or deictically, but to encode a discourse-new referent by highlighting its salience in the continuing discourse.
37Finally, the few sentences classified as “existential” are those expressing the literal existence outside enumerative contexts. In the following example [29a], the pivot (le terrorisme “the terrorism”) is discourse-old and topical, and its inclusion in the il y a-construction is allowed by the full existential meaning of il y a. Note that the same proposition is expressed in Chinese by using the lexical verb cúnzài “exist” (see [29b]).
[29a] |
Il |
ne |
peut |
pas |
y |
avoir |
de |
démocratie |
|
itEXPL |
neg |
can.prs.3sg |
neg |
there |
have.inf |
of |
democracy |
|
tant qu’ |
il |
y |
a |
le |
terrorisme. |
|
as.long.as |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
terrorism |
|
‘There can be no democracy as long as there is terrorism.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
|
Zhǐyào |
cúnzài |
kǒngbùzhǔyì, |
jiù |
bú |
huì |
yǒu |
mínzhǔ. |
|
provided |
exist |
terrorism |
then |
neg |
can |
have |
democracy |
|
Lit. ‘As long as terrorism exists, there can be no democracy.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
38In what follows, I will analyse the Chinese examples aligned with the il y a-constructions of the French subcorpus, by considering first the syntactic structures before turning to the marking at the NP level, and the interaction between the two levels of analysis.
39Table 7 shows the Chinese syntactic structures aligned with French il y a-constructions (the spoken and written registers are both considered).
Table 7 – The overall distribution of the Chinese structures aligned with French il y a-constructions
Structure |
Count |
% |
Yǒu “there be” |
50 |
36.7% |
Copular shì “be” |
27 |
19.8% |
SV |
15 |
11.0% |
Bāokuò “include” |
12 |
8.8% |
Locative shì “be” |
11 |
8.0% |
NP only |
5 |
3.6% |
Cúnzài “exist” |
4 |
2.9% |
Possessive yǒu |
3 |
2.2% |
VS |
3 |
2.2% |
Other VO |
3 |
2.2% |
Zài “at” |
2 |
1.4% |
Perception verbs |
1 |
0.7% |
Total |
136 |
100% |
40As expected, there is no one-to-one correspondence between French il y a-constructions and Chinese yǒu-constructions. However, somewhat surprisingly, the yǒu-construction is nonetheless the most frequent (36.7%). In section 4.5, I will analyse the definiteness of the pivots included in these constructions. In the copular shì-constructions (19.8%), the relevant NP (i.e., the “pivot” in the French sentence) is introduced as the argument of the copular verb shì “be”, while in subject-verb (SV) sentences, it appears as a canonical preverbal subject (11%). The use of lexical verb bāokuò “include” (8.8%) makes explicit the meronymic relation (i.e., the inclusion of the relevant NP to a larger group) often observed in the written register. NP-only constructions are also found in enumerative contexts. Locative shì-constructions (8%) differ from copular shì-constructions in that the precopular position is occupied by a locative expression ([NPGround + shì + NPFigure]). In 4 occurrences, il y a is aligned with the lexical verb cúnzài “exist” (as in [29b] above). The possessive use of verb yǒu is rather marginal (2.2%), as are other strategies identified in the corpus: verb-subject (VS) order, the other verb-object (VO) constructions – beside the ones classified separately, the use of the form [zài “at” + NP] and perception verbs.
41Table 8 below illustrates the distribution of the Chinese structures aligned with French il y a-constructions in each subcorpus.
Table 8 – The distribution of Chinese structures in each subcorpus
|
MultiUN |
OpenSub |
Yǒu “there be” |
12 (17.6%) |
38 (55.8%) |
Copular shì “be” |
23 (33.8%) |
4 (5.8%) |
Locative shì “be” |
2 (2.9%) |
9 (13.2%) |
Bāokuò “include” |
11 (16.1%) |
1 (1.4%) |
SV |
10 (14.7%) |
5 (7.4%) |
NP only |
3 (4.4%) |
2 (2.9%) |
Cúnzài “exist” |
4 (5.8%) |
0 (0%) |
Possessive yǒu |
0 (0.0%) |
3 (4.4%) |
VS |
1 (1.4%) |
2 (2.9%) |
Zài “at” |
0 (0.0%) |
2 (2.9%) |
Perception verbs |
0 (0.0%) |
1 (1.4%) |
Other VO |
2 (2.9%) |
1 (1.4%) |
Subtotal |
68 (100%) |
68 (100%) |
42Several findings are noteworthy. In the spoken corpus, the yǒu-construction is the most frequently used strategy (55.8%), while in the written register, most French il y a-sentences with a definite pivot correspond in Chinese to strategies other than the use of yǒu. In particular, recall that in the MultiUN corpus the il y a-construction is primarily used in enumerative contexts, and especially to ensure inter-clause list reading (47%). For this purpose, written Chinese tends to use the copular verb shì “be” associated to a connector such as a generic noun preceded by an ordinal number. The lexical verb bāokuò “include” makes explicit a relation between the “pivot” and a given referential set. By contrast, the latter strategy is almost absent in the OpenSub corpus (one occurrence). The SV construction is more frequent in the written corpus (14.7%) but is represented in the spoken corpus as well (7.4%).
43In what follows, the strategies observed in each subcorpus are analysed in detail.
44In the MultiUN corpus, within the inter-clause list the relevant NP is systematically introduced by the copular verb shì, with a lexical connector such as shǒuxiān “first” or a generic noun (such as diǎn “point”) preceded by an ordinal number (e.g. dìyī/dìèr/… diǎn “the first/second/etc. point”) in the preverbal position.
[30a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (inter-clause list) |
|
Premièrement, |
il |
y |
a |
le |
lien |
entre |
ce |
|
firstly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
link |
between |
pro |
|
que |
nous |
accomplissons |
ici |
et |
ce |
que |
les |
|
that |
1pl |
accomplish.prs.1pl |
here |
and |
pro |
that |
the.pl |
|
parlementaires, |
dans |
des |
cadres |
similaires, |
|
parlamentarians |
in |
indf.art.pl |
settings |
similar.pl |
|
sont |
appelés |
à |
accomplir |
chez |
eux. |
|
be.prs.3pl |
call.ptcp.pl |
to |
accomplish.inf |
at |
them |
|
Lit. ‘First, there is the link between what we do here and what parliamentarians in similar settings are called upon to do at home.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[30b] |
首先是我们在这里所做的工作和议员们在类似环境中被要求在国内所做的工作之间的联系。 |
|
Shǒuxiān |
shì |
[women |
zài |
zhèli |
suǒ |
zuò |
de |
gōngzuò |
hé |
|
first |
be |
1pl |
at |
here |
sub |
do |
sub |
work |
with |
|
yìyuánmen |
zài |
lèisì |
huánjìng |
zhōng |
bèi |
yāoqiú |
|
parlamentarian |
at |
similar |
context |
in |
pass |
request |
|
zài |
guó-nèi |
suǒ |
zuò |
de |
gōngzuò |
zhījiān |
de] |
liánxì. |
|
at |
State-inside |
sub |
do |
sub |
work |
between |
sub |
link |
|
‘First is the link between what we do here and what parliamentarians, in similar settings, are called upon to do at home.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
45This subgroup of copular shì-constructions, whose structure can be illustrated by [31], is systematically associated to the expression of inter-clause listing (all 15 occurrences) and is only found in the MultiUN corpus.
[31] |
[{Connector / ordinal No + N1} + shì “be” + N2] |
46When the expression of inter-clause list goes along with the instantiation of an explicit meronymic relation, the N1 is no longer a generic noun (such as diǎn “point” or wèntí “question”), but rather it is an hyperonim pointing to the broader set to which the N2 belongs. In [32], the general referent (i.e., “the three groups of Al-Qaida terrorism”) is first introduced before detailing its members. In the Chinese version, each instance of the group is introduced as the argument of the copular verb shì “be” within the pattern “the first/second/… N1 is N2”. (Note that in the aligned English sentence [32c], only the connectors are used.)
[32a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (part-whole + inter-clause list) |
|
Le terrorisme d’Al-Qaida se décline aujourd’hui en trois groupes distincts mais liés entre eux: |
|
premièrement, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
anciens |
dirigeants, |
|
firstly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
ancient.pl |
leaders |
|
dont |
les |
noms |
sont |
bien |
connus; |
|
of.which |
the.pl |
names |
be.prs.3pl |
well |
know.ptcp.pl |
|
deuxièmement, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
combattants |
qui |
|
secondly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
fighters |
rel.s |
|
sont |
passés |
par |
les |
camps |
d’entraînement |
|
be.prs.3pl |
pass.ptcp.pl |
by |
the.pl |
camps |
of training |
|
afghans |
et |
en |
sont |
sortis |
terroristes |
confirmés; |
|
Afghan |
and |
of.it |
be.prs.3pl |
exit.ptcp.pl |
terrorists |
experienced |
|
et troisièmement, il y a une nouvelle génération en pleine expansion de partisans qui peuvent très bien n’être jamais sortis de leur pays mais qui adhèrent aux fondements du message d’Al-Qaida. |
|
(= [25e]) |
[32b] |
基地组织恐怖主义现在由三个不同、但是又相互联系的集团组成:第一组的是原来的领导层,他们的名字大家耳熟能详,第二组是在阿富汗营地受训毕业的战斗员,他们是经验丰富的恐怖义分子,第三组是新的一代人数不断增加的支持者,他们可能从来没有离开过居留国,但是拥护基地组织信息的核心内容。 |
|
Jīdì zǔzhī kǒngbùzhǔyì xiànzài yóu sān-ge bùtóng, dànshì yòu xiānghù liánxì de jítuán zǔchéng: |
|
Dìyī |
zǔ |
de |
shì |
yuánlái |
de |
lǐngdǎo |
céng, |
tāmen |
|
first |
group |
sub |
be |
originally |
sub |
boss |
level |
3pl |
|
de |
míngzì |
dàjiā |
ěrshúnéngxiáng, |
dìèr |
zǔ |
shì |
zài |
|
sub |
name |
everyone |
be.familiar.with |
second |
group |
be |
at |
|
Afùhàn |
yíngdì |
shòuxùn |
bìyè |
de |
zhàndòuyuán |
|
Afghanistan |
campsite |
be.trained |
graduate |
sub |
fighter |
|
tāmen |
shì |
jīngyàn |
fēngfù |
de |
kǒngbùyì |
fēnzǐ, |
|
3pl |
be |
experience |
rich |
sub |
terrorism |
element |
|
dì-sān zǔ shì xīn de yīdài rén shǔ bùduàn zēngjiā de zhīchízhě, tāmen kěnéng cónglái méiyǒu líkāi-guo jūliú guó, dànshì yǒnghù Jīdì zǔzhī xìnxī de héxīn nèiróng. |
[32c] |
‘Al-Qaida terrorism now comprises three distinct but interlinked groups: first, the old leadership whose names are well known; second, the fighters who attended the camps in Afghanistan and graduated as experienced terrorists; and third, a new and growing generation of supporters who may never have left their countries of residence but have embraced the core elements of the Al-Qaida message.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
47In the remaining occurrences of the copular shì-construction, the relevant NP is also introduced as the argument of shì, but without this specialised use of a connector. Such sentences are found in sentence-level enumerative and locative contexts.
- 14 Only 2 sentences of this kind are found in the corpus.
48As mentioned earlier, another strategy linked to the written register is the use of the lexical verb bāokuò “include”. All sentences with bāokuò in the data occur when a meronymic relation is instantiated. Note that sometimes such part-whole relation may be expressed only in the Chinese sentence and not in the aligned French il y a-construction (recall that only explicitly marked relations were considered in the classification)14.
[33a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (inter-clause list) |
|
Deuxièmement, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
prisonniers |
qui |
|
secondly |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
prisoners |
rel.s |
|
ont |
achevé |
de |
purger |
leur |
peine |
|
have.prs.3pl |
finish.ptcp |
of |
serve.inf |
their |
sentence |
|
mais sont encore incarcérés et dont la détention est donc à la fois illégale et arbitraire. |
|
‘Second, there are prisoners who have completed their sentences but are still being held, making their detention both illegal and arbitrary.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[33b] |
Enumerative yǒu-construction (part-whole + inter-clause list) |
|
第二类,包括服满刑期但仍然被拘留的囚犯,将他们拘留狱中是非法和任意的行为。 |
|
Dìèr |
lèi, |
bāokuò |
[fúmǎn |
xíngqí |
dàn |
|
second |
type |
include |
finish.to.serve |
detention.time |
but |
|
réngrán |
bèi |
jūliú |
de] |
qiúfàn, |
|
yet |
pass |
detain |
sub |
criminal |
|
jiāng tāmen jūliú yù zhōng shì fēifǎ hé rènyì de xíngwéi. |
|
‘The second category includes prisoners who have served their sentences but are still in detention, and whose detention in prison is an unlawful and arbitrary act.’ |
49The canonical SV order (14.7%) is not associated to any one particular function in the written corpus. One consistent parameter is that SV sentences are not used in contexts where a part-whole relation is instantiated. In [34b], the SV pattern is aligned with a locative il y a-construction in French [34a].
[34a] |
Locative il y a-construction |
|
C’ |
est |
[en |
Inde](G) |
qu’ |
il |
y |
aurait |
le |
plus |
|
it |
is |
in |
India |
that |
itEXPL |
there |
have.cond.3sg |
the.m |
most |
|
de |
séropositifs(F). |
|
of |
HIV.positive.persons |
|
Lit. ‘It is in India that there would be the most HIV-positive people.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[34b] |
据估计,印度艾滋病患者超过世界上任何其他国家。 |
|
Jù |
gūjì, |
Yìndù |
Aizībìng |
huànzhě |
chāoguò |
|
according |
estimate |
India |
AIDS |
patient |
exceed |
|
shìjiè=shàng |
rènhé |
qítā |
guójiā. |
|
world=on |
any |
other |
country |
|
Lit. ‘It is estimated that India’s HIV-positive people exceed (those of) any other country in the world.’ ‘India is now estimated to have more people living with HIV than any other country in the world.’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
50Note that in the French sentence, the locative (en Inde “in India”) is focalised by means of the c’est “it”-construction. In the Chinese sentence, the locative appears as a nominal complement, while the relevant noun (i.e., the “pivot”) is encoded as the nominal head (Aizībìng huànzhě “AIDS patients”). The pivot NP plays the role of the subject of the sentence.
51Besides the increased presence of bare-head NPs, the SV order cannot be seen as a strategy to prevent strong NPs from appearing in the pivotal position of a yǒu-construction, as the same kind of nominals can occur in both positions (see Section 4.4) with the exception of marked indefinite NPs which do not occur as preverbal subjects in the written subcorpus.
52The yǒu-construction (17.6%) is used in enumerative contexts in the MultiUn corpus, and especially to express inter-clause list-readings. Contrary to the copular shì-construction that can be used to the same purpose, here most pivots are indefinite (i.e., classified nouns) (see Section 4.4).
53As mentioned earlier, the yǒu-construction is the most frequent syntactic form in the spoken subcorpus, where it can convey the (i) event-reporting, (ii) topic-promoting, (iii) sentence-level list-reading and (iv) locative functions, to the same extent. It competes with the locative shì-construction ([NPGROUND + shì “be” + NPFIGURE]) in contexts where the relation between the Figure and a Ground is explicitly expressed (13.2%) (cf. [35b], [36b] with [37b]). This strategy is mostly observed in the OpenSub corpus.
[35a] |
Locative il y a-construction |
|
[À |
15 |
km](G), |
il |
y |
a |
les |
Allemands(F)! |
|
at |
15 |
km |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
Germans |
|
Lit. ‘15km from here, there are the Germans!’ |
|
(= [26a], OpenSub) |
|
[Nà-tiao |
lù |
de |
shí |
lǐ |
chù](G), |
jiù |
shì |
Déguórén(F). |
|
that-cl |
road |
sub |
ten |
mile |
place |
then |
be |
German |
|
‘Ten miles up that road are the Germans!’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[36a] |
Locative + event-reporting il y a-construction |
|
Je |
me |
vois |
monter |
sur |
scène, |
et |
il |
y |
a |
|
1sg |
me |
see.prs.1sg |
go.up.inf |
on |
stage |
and |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
|
tous |
ces |
jeunes(F) |
[dans |
le |
public](G) |
qui |
scandent |
|
all.m.pl |
these |
young.pl |
in |
the |
audience |
rel.s |
chant.prs.3pl |
|
mon |
nom, |
comme |
si |
j’ |
étais |
une |
rock-star. |
|
poss.1sg.m.sg |
name |
like |
if |
1sg |
be.pst.1sg |
a.f |
rockstar |
|
‘It’s just this fantasy of me stepping out on stage, and there are all these kids out in the audience chanting my name, like I’m a rock star.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
[Guānzhòngxí=shàng](G) |
dōu |
shì |
wǒde |
tóngxué(F) |
|
audience=on |
all |
be |
my |
classmate |
|
jiānjiào-zhe |
wǒde |
míngzì |
|
scream-dur |
my |
name |
|
Lit. ‘On the whole audience were my classmates screaming my name.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[37a] |
Locative il y a-construction |
|
[Au |
sous-sol](G), |
il |
y |
a |
le |
seul |
PDP-10 |
|
at.the |
basement |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.m.sg |
only |
PDP-10 |
|
encore |
relié |
au |
net(F). |
|
still |
connected |
at.the |
net |
|
‘In the basement is (lit. there is) the only PDP-10 still active and on the Internet.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
[Nàli](G) |
yǒu |
yuánshǐ |
de |
zīliàochǔlǐqì(F). |
|
there |
have |
original |
sub |
processor |
|
Lit. ‘There is the original processor there.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
54For the sake of completeness, it should be noted that in 2 occurrences classified as locative shì-constructions in the OpenSub corpus, the verb shì is preceded by the forms jiēxiàlái or jiēxiàqù “next, then”. Both occur in event-reporting contexts. Although a locative expression is not present, these forms also introduce the relevant NP in the postcopular position, with no (regular) subject in the precopular position.
[38a] |
我大概该把那些该死的药片吞了但之后我大概就一睡不起了,接下去就是该死的噩梦啊 |
|
Wǒ dàgài gāi bǎ nàxiē gāisǐ de yàopiàn tūn-le dàn zhīhòu wǒ dàgài jiù yì shuì bù qǐ le, |
|
[jiēxiàqù] |
jiù |
shì |
gāisǐ |
de |
èmèng |
a |
|
next |
then |
be |
damned |
sub |
nightmare |
sfp |
|
‘I should probably just take those fucking pills, but then I just sleep all the time, and then there’s the fucking nightmares.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[38b] |
接下来是…哦,是堂,他每周五要和我分手一次这样他就拥有自由的周末 |
|
[Jiēxiàlái] |
shì… |
ò, |
shì |
Táng, |
tā |
měi |
zhōuwǔ |
|
next |
be |
int |
be |
T. |
3sg |
every |
Friday |
|
yào |
hé |
wǒ |
fēnshǒu |
yīcì |
zhèyàng |
tā |
jiù |
|
want |
with |
1sg |
breake.up |
once |
this.way |
3sg |
then |
|
yǒngyǒu |
zìyóu |
de |
zhōumò |
|
have |
free |
sub |
weekend |
|
‘And then… Oh, there was Don who broke up with me every Friday so that he could have his weekends free.’ |
|
(OpenSub) (cf. with [27b]) |
55SV sentences (7.4%) mostly occur in event-reporting contexts where the relevant NP is encoded as an indefinite quantified subject (as in [23b] above), either marginally it is a noun modified by a demonstrative used deictically (example [39b]) or as an indefinite noun modified by a possessive determiner (example [40b]), denoting an anchored indefinite referent (in a deictic locative sentence).
[39a] |
Event-reporting il y a-construction |
|
Qu’est-ce qui s’est passé là-bas? |
|
Il |
y |
avait |
ce |
crabe |
qui |
ne |
voulait |
|
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
this.m |
prawn |
rel.s |
neg |
want.prs.3sg |
|
pas |
m’ |
écouter, |
un |
crabe |
très |
indiscipliné |
|
neg |
to.me |
listen.inf |
a.m |
prawn |
very |
unruly |
|
‘What happened out there? (Lit. There was) this prawn (lit. who) wouldn’t listen to me, one really unruly prawn.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[39b] |
那边出什么事了?那些大虾们根本不肯听我的其中一个还特别不守规矩 |
|
Nàbiān chū shénme shì le? |
|
Nà-xiē |
dà |
xiā-men |
gēnběn |
bù |
kěn |
tīng |
wǒ |
de, |
|
that-few |
big |
prawn-pl |
basically |
neg |
willing |
hear |
1sg |
sub |
|
qízhōng |
yí-ge |
hái |
tèbié |
bù shǒu guījǔ |
|
between.them |
one-cl |
also |
especially |
unruly |
|
Lit. ‘What was going on over there? Those prawns wouldn’t listen to me, one of them was particularly unruly.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[40a] |
Event-reporting (deictic) il y a-construction |
|
Uh-oh, |
il |
y |
a |
ton |
copain. |
|
int |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
poss.2sg.m.sg |
mate |
|
‘Un-oh, there’s your mate.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Nǐ |
de |
lìng |
yī |
bàn |
zài |
nà |
|
2sg |
sub |
other |
one |
mate |
be.at |
there |
|
Lit. ‘Your other mate is there.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
56All these pivot types, including the strong ones, can occur in the pivotal position of a yǒu-construction (4.5).
57Let us now consider the types of NPs aligned with the French pivots, by first considering all the structures identified in the Chinese corpus.
Table 9 – The distribution of NP types in the Chinese subcorpus (all sentence structures)
NP types |
Count |
% |
Bare noun |
28 |
20.5% |
Classifier + N |
24 |
17.6% |
Bare-head NP + Pre-nominal RC |
23 |
16.9% |
Bare-head NP |
21 |
15.4% |
Clause |
10 |
7.3% |
Proper name |
10 |
7.3% |
Demonstrative + N |
6 |
4.4% |
Personal pronoun |
4 |
2.9% |
Possessive determiner + N |
4 |
2.9% |
Classified noun + Proper name |
2 |
1.4% |
Indefinite quantifier + N |
2 |
1.4% |
Ordinal number + N |
1 |
0.7% |
Possessive determiner + Proper name |
1 |
0.7% |
Total |
136 |
100% |
58As discussed in Section 2, bare nouns are unmarked with respect to indefiniteness. Previous studies pointed out that their interpretation is dependent on their sentence position, with the postverbal position (including the post-yǒu position) being associated to the indefinite reading. However, bare nouns which have an intrinsic unique reference make an exception. In [41a] the yǒu-construction includes the bare noun shàngdì in the pivotal position which refers to the uniquely identifiable “entity” of “God” (cf. with the French [41b] and English [41c] aligned sentences).
|
Yuánlái |
yī |
kāishǐ |
zhǐ |
yǒu |
shàngdì |
hé |
tiānshǐ. |
|
originally |
as.soon.as |
start |
only |
have |
god |
and |
angel |
|
Lit. ‘Originally, when it all started there was only God and angels.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[41b] |
Au |
début, |
il |
y |
avait |
Lui |
et |
nous |
|
at.the |
beginning |
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
3sg |
and |
1pl |
|
Lit. ‘In the beginning, there was him and us.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[41c] |
See, in the beginning it was just us and him, angels and God. |
|
(OpenSub) |
- 15 A reviewer points out to me examples such as zhè zhong kǒngbùzhǔyì “this ki (...)
- 16 I am thankful to Delia Bentley (personal communication) for her insighful remarks on th (...)
- 17 Similar observations can be made of the bare noun mínzhǔ “democracy” appearing as the p (...)
59A particular case is that of bare nouns denoting abstract notions such as terrorism, poverty, truth (which in French, but not in English, are modified by a definite article). Although such concepts defy definiteness or specificity by virtue of their being abstract (and indeed the relevant nouns are uncountable15), they are familiar to the interlocutors and as such are comparable to nouns with a uniquely identifiable reference16. The following are examples of a bare noun of such kind in preverbal (example [42a]) and postverbal (example [42b]) position. In both cases, kǒngbùzhǔyì refers to the abstract concept of “terrorism”, and its referential value is not influenced by the position in the sentence17.
|
Kǒngbùzhǔyì |
zhèng |
wēixié-zhe |
xǔduō |
guójiā (…). |
|
terrorism |
prog |
threat-dur |
many |
countries |
|
‘Terrorism is threatening many countries (…).’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
|
Zhǐyào |
cúnzài |
kǒngbùzhǔyì, |
jiù |
bú |
huì |
yǒu |
mínzhǔ. |
|
provided |
exist |
terrorism |
then |
neg |
can |
have |
democracy |
|
Lit. ‘As long as terrorism exists, there can be no democracy.’ |
|
(MultiUN) (= [29b]) |
60In the corpus, 16 out of 28 occurrences of bare nouns either have a unique reference or denote invariably familiar abstract concepts, and as such can be considered as strong pivots.
61Bare-head NPs are highly represented in the data collected (32.3% of the total occurrences, including bare-head NPs with a pre-nominal relative clause). Although formally unmarked, these referring expressions are no less “definite” than French nouns modified by a definite article including a nominal complement. They can be considered as invariably definite since the pre-nominal material contribute to single out the reference of the noun phrase. For this reason, Chen (1986: 16-17, cited in LaPolla, 1995) considered that all NPs marked with a genitive phrase or a relative clause to be “definite”.
62Formally marked indefinite NPs (i.e., classified nouns and indefinite quantifiers) strongly tend to occur as the pivots in yǒu-constructions (21/28 occurrences).
63Nouns marked by a demonstrative determiner are rather underrepresented in the Chinese data (4.4%), a fact that directly points to a low functional correlation between these referring expressions and the grammaticalised category of definite articles in French (see Section 2).
64Pivots marked as “clause” (7.3%) reflect the cases where French (nominal) pivots are aligned with verbal phrases in Chinese. In [43a], the nominal head la nécessité “the need” in the French pivot correspond to the auxiliary verb xūyào “to need” in Chinese (example [43b]), both followed by an infinitive (“make globalization more inclusive”).
[43a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (part-whole instantiation) |
|
Parmi |
les |
messages |
essentiels |
qui |
figurent |
|
among |
the.pl |
messages |
essential.pl |
rel.s |
appear.prs.3pl |
|
dans |
ce |
rapport, |
il |
y |
a |
la |
nécessité |
de |
|
in |
this.m.sg |
report |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f.sg |
necessity |
of |
|
rendre |
la |
mondialisation |
plus |
accessible |
à |
tous (…). |
|
make.inf |
the.f.sg |
globalization |
more |
accessible |
to |
all.pl |
|
Lit. ‘Among the essential messages that appear in this report, there is the need of making globalization more inclusive (…).’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[43b] |
报告中的关键信息中,包括需要使全球化更具包容性(…)。 |
|
Bàogào |
zhōng |
de |
guānjiàn |
xìnxī |
zhōng, |
bāokuò |
|
report |
among |
sub |
key |
information |
among |
include |
|
xūyào |
shǐ |
quánqiúhuà |
gèng |
jù |
bāoróngxìng (…). |
|
need |
make |
globalization |
more |
possess |
inclusivity |
|
Lit. ‘Among the key messages in this report include needing to make globalization more inclusive (…).’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
65Note that yǒu is not used to introduce verbal phrases in the corpus (one occurrence, where it is followed by a comma); instead this is characteristic of bāokuò “include” and the copular shì-construction.
66The next section focuses on the pivots observed in yǒu-constructions.
67Table 10 illustrates the types of NPs occurring as the pivots in yǒu-constructions aligned with the French il y a-constructions with a definite pivot.
Table 10 – Pivot types in Chinese yǒu-constructions aligned with the French il y a-constructions + definite pivot
Pivot types |
Count |
% |
Classifier + N |
18 |
36% |
Bare noun |
12 |
24% |
Proper name |
5 |
10% |
Personal pronoun |
3 |
6% |
Classifier + Proper name |
2 |
4% |
Bare-head NP |
2 |
4% |
Bare-head NP + Pre-nominal relative clause |
2 |
4% |
Indefinite quantifier + N |
1 |
2% |
Demonstrative determiner + N |
1 |
2% |
Ordinal number + N |
1 |
2% |
Possessive determiner + N |
1 |
2% |
Possessive determiner + Proper name |
1 |
2% |
Clause |
1 |
2% |
Total |
50 |
100% |
68Most pivots included in yǒu-constructions are indefinite (e.g., classified nouns) or unmarked with respect to definiteness (e.g., bare nouns). Among the latter type of forms, 5 instances denote uniquely identifiable referents. Bare-head NPs and bare-head NPs including a pre-nominal RC are scarcely represented in yǒu-constructions (8%), especially with respect to their general distribution in the Chinese data (32.3%). As mentioned earlier, such forms can be considered to be invariably definite due to the identifying function of the pre-nominal material. The under-representation of bare-head NP with prenominal RC can also be seen as motivated by the tendency to avoid such complex NPs in the pivotal position. All pivot types considered (n = 50), the data include 30 instances of monoclausal yǒu-constructions (i.e., without RC), 15 instances of yǒu-construction with a post-nominal RC (i.e., biclausal constructions), and only 5 instances of yǒu-construction with a pre-nominal RC.
69Finally, yǒu-constructions can include proper names (10%) and personal pronouns (6%), with other types of strong modifiers (ordinal numbers, possessive and demonstrative determiners) being marginal but attested.
70Let us consider the distribution of pivot types in relation to the functions of the yǒu-constructions in the data (Table 11).
Table 11 – The functions expressed by the yǒu-constructions (both subcorpora)
Functions |
Count (including overlaps) |
% |
Sentence-level list |
9 (14) |
18% (28%) |
Event-reporting |
10 (12) |
20% (24%) |
Topic-promoting |
8 (9) |
16% (18%) |
Inter-clause list |
7 (8) |
14% (16%) |
Locative |
4 (8) |
8% (16%) |
Part-whole |
3 (6) |
6% (12%) |
Part-whole + Sentence-level list |
3 |
6% |
Locative + Event-reporting |
2 |
4% |
Locative + Topic-promoting |
1 |
2% |
Locative + Sentence-level list |
1 |
2% |
Locative metaphoric |
1 |
2% |
Sentence-level list + Inter-clause list |
1 |
2% |
Total |
50 (107) |
100% |
71The high frequency of indefinite pivots (Table 10) can seem surprising in a corpus aligned with il y a-constructions including definite pivots. Recall that event-reporting il y a-constructions in the data included discourse-new referents that are encoded by nouns modified by the demonstrative determiner (e.g. [45a]) or by the definite article (e.g. [44a]). Such pivots are typically expressed by indefinite NPs in Chinese, i.e. classified nouns (e.g. [44b]) or semantically-indefinite bare nouns (e.g. [45b]).
[44a] |
Event-reporting il y a-construction |
|
Et |
il |
y |
a |
la |
fille |
qui |
a |
escaladé |
la |
barrière. |
|
and |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.f |
girl |
rel.s |
has |
climbed |
the.f |
fence |
|
Lit. ‘And there is the girl who climbed over the fence.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[44b] |
Event-reporting yǒu-construction |
|
Hái |
yǒu |
yī |
nǚhái |
páyuè |
qiánmén |
de |
lán. |
|
also |
have |
one |
girl |
climb |
front.door |
sub |
fence |
|
Lit. ‘There is also a girl who climbed the fence of the front door.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[45a] |
Event-reporting il y a-construction |
|
Il |
y |
avait |
ces |
moines |
et |
ils |
psalmodiaient. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
these |
monks |
and |
they |
chant.pst.3pl |
|
‘There were these monks, and they were chanting.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[45b] |
Locative + event-reporting yǒu-construction |
|
[Nàli](G) |
yǒu |
sēngrén |
zài |
sònggē. |
|
there |
have |
monk |
prog |
chant |
|
Lit. ‘There were monks chanting there.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
72Topic-promoting yǒu-constructions tend to include indefinite quantified NPs (not indefinite bare nouns). Among these, it is worth mentioning the form [yǒu cl jiào…] “there is one called…” (2 occurrences), as in [46b], which introduce a new and definite referent by means of an indefinite nominal expression (such forms were discussed by Zhang, 2006):
[46a] |
Et |
il |
y |
avait |
Walter. |
|
and |
itEXPL |
there |
have.pst.3sg |
W. |
|
‘And there was Walter.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Hái |
yǒu |
ge |
[jiào |
Walter]. |
|
also |
have |
cl |
call |
W. |
|
Lit. ‘There was also one called Walter.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
73Although marginal, other NP types are attested as the pivots in topic-promoting yǒu-constructions, such as proper names and nouns modified by a possessive determiner. Yǒu-constructions expressing an inter-clause list-reading (e.g. [47b]) also tend to include indefinite pivots (7/8 occurrences).
[47a] |
Enumerative il y a-construction (inter-clause list) |
|
D’autre part, |
il |
y |
a |
les |
États |
qui |
voient |
|
on other side |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
the.pl |
States |
rel.s |
see.prs.3pl |
|
leur |
sécurité |
menacée |
par |
l’ |
éventuelle |
agression |
|
their |
security |
menaced |
by |
the |
possible |
aggression |
|
contraire |
au |
droit |
international (…). |
|
contrary |
to.the |
law |
international |
|
‘On the other hand, there are those (lit. the) States that see their security threatened by possible acts of aggression contrary to international law (…).’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
[47b] |
Enumerative yǒu-construction (inter-clause list) |
|
另一方面,有一些国家看到其安全受到有违国际法的可能侵略行为的威胁(…)。 |
|
Lìng |
yī |
fāngmiàn, |
yǒu |
yìxiē |
guójiā |
kàndào |
|
other |
one |
aspect |
have |
a.few |
State |
see |
|
qí |
ānquán |
shòudào |
yǒu |
wéi |
guójìfǎ |
de |
|
obj.pro |
security |
receive |
have |
violate |
international.law |
sub |
|
kěnéng |
qīnlüè |
xíngwéi |
de |
wēixié (…). |
|
possible |
aggression |
action |
sub |
menace |
|
Lit. ‘On the other hand, there are some countries that see their security threatened by possible acts of aggression that are contrary to international law (…).’ |
|
(MultiUN) |
74On the other hand, strong pivots tend to appear in constructions instantiating a sentence-level list-reading (11/21), but also in topic-promoting, event-reporting, and locative constructions.
- 18 A typical context for such use of the demonstrative found in the corpus is when speaker (...)
75Importantly, demonstrative determiners are almost absent as the pivots of a yǒu-construction (one occurrence). Most pivots in il y a-constructions modified by a demonstrative appear in event-reporting contexts (where they point to a referent available in the projected situational setting18) (9/16), with the cataphoric (the encoding of salient referents in topic-promoting constructions) (3/16), anaphoric (2/16) and situational deictic (2/16) uses being also attested. Chinese demonstratives aligned with French demonstratives express all kind of reference except the encoding of a topic-to-be (i.e., a discourse-new referent that will play a central role in the continuing discourse). The pivots in yǒu-constructions (all types considered) aligned with French demonstratives are mainly classified nouns and marginally indefinite bare nouns. The only occurrence of [dem + N] found as the pivot of a yǒu-construction is found in an event-reporting context.
76Overall, 21/50 occurrences of yǒu-constructions contain strong pivots – including proper names, personal pronouns, possessive determiners (and marginally demonstrative determiners and ordinal numbers) but also semantically-definite NPs which are formally unmarked. These are by no way marginal with respect to the total number of yǒu-constructions (42%), although decreasing with respect to their general distribution in the Chinese data (88/136; 64.7%). The small sample, however, does not allow for generalisations.
77A preliminary observation that can be made is that only 8/21 instances of strong pivots occur outside enumerative contexts, of which an additional 4 instances include a focalizing adverb before yǒu, a condition identified by previous studies for neutralizing the definiteness effect (see the introduction). This also shows that not all instances of the [hái yǒu NP] “there’s also NP” sequence are used in enumerative contexts. In [48b], the preceding sentence provides a strong presupposition allowing the use of yǒu with a definite pivot, where an enumerative meaning can still be implied. In [49b] the pivot does not belong to a discourse-old group, nor it is involved in any kind of list-reading; the adverb hái “also” is used to focalise on such NP. Conversely, not all (sentence-level) enumerative yǒu-constructions need to include the focalising adverb hái “also”, as is the case in [50b].
[48a] |
Je |
ne |
suis |
pas |
seul. |
Il |
y |
a |
Sal. |
|
1sg |
neg |
be.prs.1sg |
neg |
alone |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
S. |
|
‘I’m not alone. There is Sal.’ |
|
(OpenSub) (= [24a]) |
|
Wǒ |
bú |
shì |
yí-ge |
rén. |
Hái |
yǒu |
Shā‘ěr. |
|
1sg |
neg |
be |
one-cl |
person |
also |
have |
S. |
|
Lit. ‘I’m not alone. There’s also Sal.’ |
|
(OpenSub) (= [24b]) |
[49a] |
Et |
il |
y |
a |
Megan, |
la |
cadette |
de |
|
and |
itEXPL |
there |
has |
M. |
the.f |
youngest.daughter |
of |
|
mes |
enfants. |
|
poss.1sg.pl |
children |
|
Lit. ‘And there is Megan, my youngest child.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
|
Hái |
yǒu |
wǒ |
de |
xiǎo |
bǎobèi |
nǚ‘ér. |
|
also |
have |
1sg |
sub |
little |
baby |
daughter |
|
Lit. ‘There’s also my baby girl.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
[50a] |
Il |
y |
avait |
moi, |
Nicky, |
et |
un |
jeune, |
Carson. |
|
itEXPL |
there |
had |
me |
N. |
and |
a.m.sg |
young.person |
C. |
|
Lit. ‘There was me, Nicky and a kid, Carson.’ |
|
(OpenSub) (= [25a]) |
|
Yǒu |
wǒ, |
Níkě, |
hé |
yí-ge |
xiǎoguǐ |
Kǎsēn |
|
have |
1sg |
N. |
and |
one-cl |
little.devil |
K. |
|
Lit. ‘There was me, Nicky and a kid Carson.’ |
|
(OpenSub) |
78The sequence [hái yǒu NP] “there’s also NP” (19 occurrences in the data out of 50 instances of yǒu-constructions) mainly appears in sentence-level and inter-clause list, but also outside enumerative contexts (i.e., in event-reporting and topic-promoting constructions). In these sentences (e.g. [50b]), hái yǒu is used as a focalising device whose usage is broader than the expression of a list-reading.
79Finally, given that strong pivots mostly occur in monoclausal yǒu-constructions (18/21 occurrences), this casts doubts on the usefulness of assimilating mono- and biclausal constructions, in Chinese at least (cf. Carlier & Lahousse, forth., on French and Italian).
80Much research has been done on existential/presentational constructions in both Chinese and French (see Zhang, 1998; Ceng & Wang, 2004; Chao, 1968: 727-729; Li & Thompson, 1981: 509, for Chinese; and Lambrecht, 1988, 2000, 2002; Karssenberg, 2017, 2018, for French, among many others). A crucial point of divergence that emerges from previous studies is the treatment of the definiteness restriction on the pivot, with French il y a-constructions naturally including strong NPs in the pivotal position and Chinese yǒu-constructions showing a clear definiteness effect. Such a constraint in Chinese has been illustrated in the literature by the ungrammaticality of yǒu-constructions with proper names and nouns modified by a demonstrative determiner. At the same time, the inclusion of bare nouns is not considered a “violation” of the definiteness effect – at least not explicitly – because such nominals are formally unmarked with respect to definiteness.
81This study has demonstrated that the difference in the definiteness restrictions in the two languages is more nuanced than has so far been thought. First, the local marking of definiteness (at the NP level) is to be considered. As “purely surface phenomena” (Lenart, 2020: 184), definite articles are a discrete representation of one – or rather several – cognitive, non-discrete considerations (Lambrecht, 1994: 105), which concern not only the accessibility and identifiability of a referent but also its role in the continuing discourse. Their use may also respond to formal constraints, pertaining to the position of the noun modified by the article in relation to its complement. Significantly, Chinese unmarked nominals are not always indefinite in the postverbal position. Hence, pivotal bare nouns within yǒu-constructions can denote unique referents and are thus semantically definite. Bare-head NPs are also interpreted as definite because the subordinate material (be it a nominal complement or a clause) contribute to single out the referent of the pivot.
82In the spoken subcorpus, the yǒu-construction is the most frequently used strategy (55.8%), which however competes with the locative shì “be” construction when the pivot is spatially related to a Ground. Presentational and event-reporting il y a-constructions are mostly found in the spoken corpus and are systematically aligned with yǒu-constructions, which, however, tend to include indefinite pivots in these contexts.
83It should be noted that the corpus collected for this study is not informative with regards to the actual distribution of definite vs. indefinite pivots in the presentational constructions of the two languages. It is revealing that, although aligned with definite-pivot il y a-constructions, most pivots in the yǒu-constructions are nevertheless indefinite (56%). The fact that definite pivots in French can denote unidentifiable referents (e.g., in the projected-deictic use of demonstratives, and the topic-promoting use of demonstrative and definite articles, but also in semantically-indefinite sequences [def.art + N1 sub N2INDF]), cannot fully account for the frequency of indefinite NPs in the Chinese data.
84In fact, il y a-constructions such as il y a Jean qui a téléphoné, lit. “there is John who telephoned”, which include an identifiable but non-topical pivot are completely natural and common in French. By contrast, non-topical pivots strongly tend to map with unidentifiable pivots in Chinese yǒu-constructions, as also reflected by the data analysed in this work. However, there exist a certain number of exceptions to this tendency. Sentence-level list reading is a context allowing for definite pivots in Chinese, as is the use of focalizing adverbs before yǒu.
85Given that even the most definite pivots (such as personal pronouns or proper names) are not excluded from yǒu-constructions, on the one hand, and considered the tendency for French il y a-constructions to include indefinite pivots (see for instance Karssenberg, 2018 on biclausal il y a-constructions), as well as the lack of one-to-one correspondence between the definite meaning and the formal marking of definiteness, on the other, the different treatment of definiteness restrictions in the two languages is to be understood as a gradient phenomenon rather than a categorical opposition.
861: first person; 2: second person; 3: third person; acc: pretransitive marker; art: article; cl: classifier; cond: conditional; crs: current relevant state particle le 了; def: definite; dem: demonstrative; dur: durative aspect; expl: expletive; f: feminine; have: existential copula yǒu 有; indf: indefinite; inf: infinitive; int: interjection; m: masculine; neg: negation; o: object; pa: partitive article; paus: particle marking a pause; pfv: perfective; pl: plural; poss: possessive; pro: pronoun; prog: progressive; prs: present; psb: verbal complement expressing possibility; pst: past; ptcp: participle; rc: relative clause; rel: relative marker; s: subject; sbjv: subjonctive; sfp: sentence final particle; sg: singular; sub: subordinative particle; v: verb.