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Escrita do Tempo, escrita do Mundo: historiografia universal na Ibéria dos séculos XII a XV

Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon in Iberia up to the Year 1000

Rodrigo Furtado

Résumés

Either in Greek, or translated into Latin by Jerome (and later into Armenian by an unknown author), until at least the 13th century, few books have had a greater and more lasting influence on Mediterranean historiography than the Chronicon of Eusebius of Caesarea (CPG 3494). For almost a thousand years, this Chronicon was continuously referred to as a literary model, and it was expanded, abridged, truncated, adapted, or completely rewritten, giving rise to new texts that, in a closer to or more distant way from its model, became, in turn, new models and sources for other new works.
In Iberia, this enormous text, in the Latin version made by Jerome, was known from the second half of the 5th century (with Hydatius’ Chronicon; CPL 2263) onwards. In this paper, I will make an history of the the reception of Eusebius/Jerome’s text in Iberia up to year 1000. This paper will be divided in two parts: in the first, I will review the concrete evidence one has today for the circulation of manuscripts transmiting the Chronicon. Even If I have to refer to some more recent examples, they witness the existence of an older tradition whose origin may be traced back into the sixth century. In the second part, I will analyse the evidence for the use of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon by Iberian authors, from Hydatius up to the Christian and Mozarabic authors of the end of the frist millenium.

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Texte intégral

  • 1 See, for all, Richard W. Burgess and Michael Kulikowski, Mosaics of Time: The Latin Chronicle Tradi (...)
  • 2 R. W. BURGESS, “The dates and editions of Eusebius Chronici canones and Historia ecclesiastica”, Th (...)
  • 3 Josef Karst (ed.), Die Chronik aus dem Armenischen Ubersetzt mit textkritischem Commentar, Leipzig: (...)
  • 4 Rudolf HELM (ed.), Die Chronik des Hieronymus; Hieronymi Chronicon (1 Aufl. 1913), 3 Aufl. mit eine (...)
  • 5 Arnaldus PONTAC, Chronica trium illustrium auctorum Eusebii Pamphili episcopi Caesariensis D. Hiero (...)
  • 6 Alfred SCHOENE, Eusebi chronicorum libri duo. Eusebi chronicorum canonum quae supersunt, Berolini: (...)
  • 7 Ludwig TRAUBE, Hieronymi Chronicorum codicis floriacensis fragmenta Leidensia Parisina Vaticana. Co (...)
  • 8 John Knight Fotheringham, The Bodleian Manuscript of Jerome’s Version of the Chronicle of Eusebius (...)
  • 9 R. HELM, ed. cit.
  • 10 A. A. MOSSHAMMER, “Lucca Bibl. Capit. 490 and the manuscript tradition of Hieronymus’ (Eusebius’) C (...)

1Few books have had a greater and more lasting influence on Mediterranean historiography than the Chronicon of Eusebius of Caesarea (CPG 3494)1. Completed in 325/62, the Greek text was eventually lost. In the Eastern Mediterranean, though, Eusebius’ text became famous as a source and a literary model, mainly through more manageable translations and versions, which often modified Eusebius’ structure and chronology. The most important translation was made in Armenia, where the Chronicon was preserved in a twelfth-century manuscript that has survived in near-complete form3. The second part of the text, known as the Chronici canones, presents very complex synchronic tables on which world events are chronologically organized, became famous in the West through a Latin translation completed and updated by Jerome in 3804. The first volume of Eusebius’ work, known as Chronographia, was not translated by Jerome, and therefore was never known in the West. Jerome’s translation has a rich manuscript tradition: its oldest witnesses date to less than a hundred years after Jerome. Despite the remarkable work of scholars such as Arnaud de Pontac5, Alfred Schöene6, Ludwig Traube7, John Knight Fotheringham8, Rudolf Helm9, and Alden A. Mosshamer10, however, there is no recent edition of the text.

  • 11 The most important manuscripts are (family ω) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. 2.2 (S .C. 20632), Pa (...)

2In contrast to late antique Italy or to the Carolingian centers of production, where the best copies of Eusebius/Jerome’s text circulated between the fifth and the ninth centuries11, late antique and early medieval Iberia bequeathed us not a single manuscript copy and made no contribution to the establishment of the text. However, in Iberia there is evidence of the circulation of the Latin translation of Eusebius’ text from at least the second half of the fifth century and throughout the High Middle Ages, until at least the year 1000, in both Christian and Mozarabic milieux. The aim of this paper is to survey and discuss the testimonies of this circulation during those five centuries.

The Direct Tradition: Iberian Manuscripts

The Soriensis

  • 12 The best analysis is Francisco BAUTISTA, “Juan Páez de Castro, Juan Bautista Pérez, Jerónimo Zurita (...)
  • 13 Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz, Codices visigoticos en la monarquia leonesa, Leon: Centro de Estudios e Inve (...)
  • 14 Gregorio DE ANDRÉS, “Los códices visigóticos de Jorge de Beteta en la Biblioteca del Escorial”, Cel (...)
  • 15 CfJuan GIL, Chronica Hispana saeculi VIII et IX, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 65), 2018, p. 116-134.
  • 16 G. DE ANDRÉS, op. cit.

3The Soriensis12 is the oldest known manuscript that transmitted the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome in Iberia13. The first reference to it comes in 1578, when it became part of the new library of San Lorenzo de El Escorial. It was brought there from Soria, Spain (hence its name), by Jorge de Beteta y Cárdenas. Unfortunately, the Soriensis was lost in a fire in 167114. All the authors who reported having seen it agreed that it was a vetustissimus codex written in Visigothic script (Gothicus). The most recent datable text copied into the manuscript was the Chronica Adefonsi III ad Sebastianum (Díaz 519), composed after 88315; it must therefore have been copied at the end of the ninth century at the earliest. Gregorio de Andres asserted that it came from La Rioja, Spain, perhaps from Saint Martín de Albelda or San Millán de la Cogolla16.

  • 17 F. BAUTISTA, .it., p. 39-41.

4The Soriensis contains the Iberian Genealogiae bibliorum, which was usually transmitted with the Beati, followed by the Chronica Adefonsi III ad Sebastianum, the Chronicon of Eusebius and the additiones by Jerome, Prosper of Aquitaine (CPL 2258), Victor of Tunnuna (CPL 2260) and John of Biclar (CPL 2261; Díaz 42)17.

  • 18 See MS Madrid, BN 1346, fol. 11vº, 14rº, 16rº, 18rº, 25rº. CfDiego Catalán, “Desenredando la mara (...)
  • 19 García de Loaysa y Girón, Chronicon D. Isidori Archiep. Hisp. emendatum, scholiisque illustratum, T (...)
  • 20 Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja (...)
  • 21 Pérez copied Isidore’s Chronica (CPL 1205; Díaz 112), the Chronica Byzantina-Arabica (Díaz 386), th (...)

5Ambrosio de Morales (1513-1591) used the Soriensis for the collation of the Chronica Adefonsi III, the Laterculus regum Visigothorum (CPL 1266, Díaz 214, 405) and the Historia Wambae (CPL 1262; Díaz 238-39, 264-65)18. García de Loaysa y Girón (1534-1599) also mentions it in his edition of Isidore of Seville’s Chronica19, and Juan de Mariana (1536-1624) in MS London, Egerton, 1873. Finally, Juan Bautista Pérez Rupert (c. 1534-1597) repeatedly used the Soriensis in one of his working manuscripts, known as the Codex Segobrigensis, which is now only preserved in some old photos at the Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás in Madrid20. Pérez copied or collated many texts taken from the Soriensis in the Segobrigensis21.

6However, the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome’s and Prosper of Aquitaine’s Chronica, transmitted by the Soriensis, were not copied: This is almost certainly because of the codex’s length and complexity and the fact that these texts were not Iberian.

The Alcobaciensis

  • 22 Joannes Vasaeus, Chronici rerum memorabilium Hispaniae, tomus prior, Salmanticae: excudebat Ioannes (...)
  • 23 Jeronimo Román, La Historia del religiosíssimo y Real monesterio d’Alcobaça de la Orden de sant Ber (...)
  • 24 CfLisbon, Biblioteca Nacional, Alc. 116, fol. 310vº.

7The Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome and Prosper of Aquitaine were also transmitted in Iberia by a codex from the monastery of Alcobaça, Portugal, where it remained until the early seventeenth century. It was seen by Johannes Vasaeus (1511-1561), who borrowed it twice in 1552 and used it to write his Chronici rerum memorabilium Hispaniae22. Jeronimo Román y Zamora (1536-1597) also reported seeing it23. António Brandão (1584-1637) used it for his Monarchia Lusitana but noted its disappearance from the monastery in 163224.

  • 25 CfAires A. NASCIMENTO, “Em busca dos códices alcobacenses perdidos”, Didaskalia, 9 (2), 1979, p.  (...)
  • 26 Pierre DAVID, Annales Portugalenses Veteres”, Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal du V (...)
  • 27 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 86*-87*.

8The Alcobaciensis transmitted the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome, Prosper, Victor, John, Hydatius and Isidore, Isidore’s Historiae [Gothorum, Vandalorum, Sueuorum], the Chronica Gallica a. 511 (CPL 2259), the Chronica Muzarabica a. 754 (Díaz 397) and the twelfth-century Annales Portucalenses Veteres (Díaz 886)25, which were usually copied in manuscripts produced by scriptoria depending from the monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra26. Carmen Cardelle de Hartmann thus argued that this codex was copied in the mid-twelfth century, probably in Santa Cruz or using a model from this monastery27.

9No one copied the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome transmitted by the Alcobaciensis, either. However, one recognizes here the same collection of texts that was also transmitted by the Soriensis: the Chronica by Eusebius/Jerome, Prosper of Aquitaine, Victor of Tunnuna and John of Biclar.

10Vasaeus’ notes show that the Alcobaciensis transmitted three interpolations to Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon:

  • 28 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 54r. CfR. Furtado, “La ‘Crónica’ de Eusebio-Jerónimo en Madrid, BHMV, (...)

post Hier. chron. p. 159d: Hoc tempore edicto Augusti Cesaris es in tributum et census dari iubetur, ex quo era collecta est28.

  • 29 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 58rº.

post p. 176d: Iacobus frater Ioannis apostoli iubente Herode rege capite truncatus occiditur. Petrus Apostolus ab Herode in carcerem trusus, et uinctus catenis duabus, mirabiliter ab angelo liberatur29.

  • 30 Ibid., fol. 74vº.

post p. 239g: Petrus Caesaraustae orator insignis docet30.

11These interpolations point to an Iberian context, perhaps later than the ninth century, when Compostela took on religious importance.

The Manuscript Seen by Schott

  • 31 A. PONTAC, op. cit., p. 27.
  • 32 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*, 87*.

12In July 12, 1583, Andreas Schott (1553-1638), who was a professor of Greek in Toledo between 1580 and 1583, saw the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome with the additiones of Prosper in the Cathedral library when Pérez was librarian there (1581-1591). Schott’s notes were used by Arnaud de Pontac (c. 1530-1605) in his own edition of the Chronicon (1604). Pontac thought Schott’s manuscript was the Alcobaciensis seen by Vasaeus31. He must have been wrong, however, unless the Alcobaciensis traveled to Toledo in 1583: the manuscript was seen in Alcobaça in 1589 by Román and before 1632 by Brandão32. In any case, the Alcobaciensis interpolation on the Spanish Era (post Hier. chron. p. 159d) was not copied into Schott’s manuscript, which would seem to confirm that Pontac’s identification is erroneous (unless Schott and Pontac did not notice it).

  • 33 G. Loaysa Y Girón, op. cit., p. 85, §95; Theodor Mommsen, Chronica minora saec. IV. V. VI. VII, 2, (...)
  • 34 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*; J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 9r; J. L. VILLANUEVA, op. (...)
  • 35 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*.

13In his edition of Isidore’s Chronica, Loaysa mentioned a manuscript containing the Chronica Gallica a. 511 wrongly attributed to Sulpicius Severus33. After Mommsen, Cardelle suggested that Loaysa had seen the manuscript handled by Schott in Toledo34. She called it Codex Toletanus35.

  • 36 J. L. VILLANUEVA, op. cit., p. 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 213, 215-216; C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op.  (...)
  • 37 F. BAUTISTA, art. cit. p. 21-22.

14Francisco Bautista suggested that the manuscript seen by Schott and Loaysa should be identified with another codex instead, formerly held in the Capitular Archive of Burgo de Osma (Soria, Spain) and now lost. Pérez described it as a manuscript non tamen ualde ueteri transmitting the Chronica by Victor of Tunnuna, John of Biclar, Isidore of Seville and Hydatius (CPL 2263), the Chronica Gallica a. 511, the Chronica Carthaginiensia a. 525 (CPL 2258), the Laterculus regum Vandalorum, the Chronica Muzarabica a. 754, the De uiris illustribus by Isidore of Seville (CPL 1206) and Ildefonsus of Toledo (CPL 1252), the Renotatio by Braulio of Zaragoza (CPL1206o) and the lives of Ildefonsus and Julian de Toledo (CPL 1251-1252)36. It was thus very similar to the Alcobaciensis indeed. Pérez did not mention the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome and Prosper37, but he did not give an exhaustive description of the codex. If Bautista is right, Pérez and Schott may have seen the same manuscript: it transmitted the same collection copied in the Soriensis and the Alcobaciensis, with the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome, Prosper of Aquitaine, Victor of Tunnuna and John of Biclar.

  • 38 E.g. post p. 181c: Philippus apostolus Christi apud Hieropolim Asiae ciuitatem, dum Euuangelium pop (...)
  • 39 Ibid., cols. 555-556 (on St. James’ martyrdom and St. Peter’s imprisonment); loc. cit. (on Peter of (...)

15Concerning Eusebius/Jerome’s text, Schott’s manuscript also transmitted some interpolations of its own38, including two of the interpolations copied in the Alcobaciensis (on St. James and St. Peter, and on Peter of Zaragoza)39. These entries confirm the Iberian origin of the model upon which these copies depend.

16Pontac’s notes also cover the entire text of the Chronicon. Therefore, Schott’s manuscript transmitted the full Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome.

Complutense 134

  • 40 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 27*-38*; R. Furtado and Isabel Velázquez Soriano, “BH MSS 134 (...)

17The only surviving Iberian manuscript containing Eusebius/Jerome's Chronicon is MS Madrid, Biblioteca Marqués de Valdecilla-Universidade Complutense 134, copied after 125040. Cardelle de Hartmann argues that it must have been copied in Toledo, from a model from Santa Cruz of Coimbra. Indeed, on fol. 2rºb-2vºa, there is a copy of the Annales Portucalenses Veteres transmitted by the Alcobaciensis, and of a short notitia about the conquest of Coimbra in 1064 (Díaz 800). Although it is a later manuscript, Complutense 134 is our main witness for the earlier presence of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon in Iberia.

  • 41 Fortunato de SÃO BOAVENTURA, Historia chronologica e critica da Real Abbadia de Alcobaça, Lisbon: I (...)
  • 42 C. CARDELLE de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 14*-18*, 27*-38*.

18Based on the absence of references to this codex in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and on the coincidence of contents, in 1827 Fortunato de São Boaventura (1777-1844) argued that this codex was the Alcobaciensis, which had disappeared from the monastery’s library41. Cardelle de Hartmann solved the problem: this manuscript is listed in the 1523 inventory of the library of the Colegio de San Ildefonso in Alcalá, Spain42, a hundred years before Brandão had seen the Alcobaciensis in Portugal.

  • 43 T. MOMMSEN, op. cit.,p. 167.
  • 44 R. FURTADO, “La ‘Crónica’…”, p. 76-79. Complutense 134 also has the Alcobaciensis interpolation on (...)

19Mommsen also suggested that this was the codex seen by Schott43. However, it was not: I have recently argued that Complutense 134, the Alcobaciensis and Schott’s codex (considering the notes by Pontac) were three different manuscripts that depended on a common model44. Schott’s manuscript at least still transmitted a complete version of the Chronicon. Despite declaring, in the index of fol. 2rºa, that the first text copied in the manuscript is the Cronica Eusebii Cesarensis de ueteri et nouo testamento, Complutense 134 does not transmit the full text.

20In fact, Complutense 134 transmits only part of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome (fol. 2vºa-14vºb), its continuatio by Prosper of Aquitaine (fol. 14vºb-17vºa) and the chronica of Victor of Tunnuna (fol. 17vºa-23rºa) and John of Biclar (fol. 23rºb-25vºb). After this collection, one can read new epitomes of the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome (fol. 25vºb-29vºb) and Prosper (fol. 29vºb-30rºb). Finally, on fol. 42rºb-47rºb, there is a third epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon, now attributed to Isidore of Seville.

Fol. 2vºa-14vºb: The Truncated Version of the Chronicon45

  • 45 R. Furtado, “La ‘Crónica’…”, p. 69-84.
  • 46 Ibid., p. 72-75.

21The title of the first version of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon is Liber chronicorum a sanctissimo Eusebio Cesariensi […] et a b<eat>issimo Iheronimo presbytero de greco in latinum sermonem translatus (fol. 2va). However, this is a truncated text: it does not begin as usual with Abraham, but with the death of Pompey (p. 156c, Helm). The preceding text was not copied. However, it transmits a text of high quality: it shares typical errors of the family δ (see note 11), and many variants common to MS Bern 21946.

  • 47 Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja (...)
  • 48 T. MOMMSEN (ed.), “Prosperi Tironis chronicon”, Chronica minora saec. IV. V. VI. VII, 1, Berolini: (...)
  • 49 Ibid. p. 486-487.

22Although the Soriensis also transmitted the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome and Prosper, the fact that no one subsequently copied them makes it harder to prove that they belonged to the same textual transmission. However, Prosper’s continuatio gives us a clue: Pérez copied a list of consuls, covering the period 446-455, which he had found in manuscripto Gothico [= Soriensis] in fine additionis Prosperi Aquitanici47. Now, these same consularia also appear in Complutense 134, fol. 17rºb-vºa, in exactly the same place: Mommsen edited them as Continuatio Alcobaciensis48. This list confirms that the Soriensis and Complutense 134 transmitted the same text of Prosper’s continuatio; and, therefore, most probably the same text of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon too. The consularia present the Vandal Geiseric as the successor of emperor Valentinian III (fol. 17rºb)49. It is thus possible that this updated version of Prosper’s text came from Africa.

  • 50 F. BAUSTISTA, art. cit., p. 62 (this common model is Bautista’s d).
  • 51 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 76* (the common model is Cardelle’s α).

23Based mainly on Isidore’s Historiae, Bautista confirmed that these manuscripts depended on a common model that occupied a high position in the stemma (Bautista considered it to have been copied before the eighth century)50. Regarding Victor of Tunnuna’s and John of Biclar’s chronica, Cardelle had also defended a similar position: these manuscripts depended on a model at least from the first half of the eighth century51. The Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome, Prosper’s continuatio (updated by some consularia of the years 446-455), and the Chronica of Victor of Tunnuna and John of were already part of this model. The tradition split into two branches/collections (the model of the Soriensis and the model of the Alcobaciensis/Complutense 134/Schott’s manuscript) in the mid-eighth century in the Mozarabic territory.

Fol. 25vºb-29vºb: The Second Epitome

  • 52 See R. Furtado, “A collection of chronicles from Late Antique Spain: Madrid, Complutense 134, fol.  (...)
  • 53 CfProsp. Chron. a. 1304.
  • 54 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 1, p. 491.
  • 55 Ibid., p. 373.

24In Complutense 134, John’s Chronicon is followed by an apparently heterogeneous second collection of texts (fol. 25vºb-42rºb)52. The first work is an epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon (Breuiatio cronice Eusebii Iheronimi), whose text was entirely reorganized: in the first part (fol. 25vºb-28vºb), one finds the history of the Hebrews from Adam (who did not appear in the text of Eusebius/Jerome) to the conquest of Jerusalem in AD 70 (= Hier. Chron. 187a Helm); in the second part (fol. 28vºb-29vºb), the history of Rome up to the time of Valens/Valentinian I, including information on Christian history. This is followed by another epitome of Prosper’s continuatio, with only 16 entries, whose latest event is the death of Augustine (fol. 30rºa)53: its model was the edition of Prosper’s Chronicon made in 433. These texts were followed by a laterculus from the regency of Galla Placidia in 423 to the consulship of the western emperor Libius Severus in 462 (fol. 30ra)54 and a reckoning beginning with Adam and ending with the western emperor Majorian (457-462) (fol. 30rºa)55. The year 462 is thus the terminus ante quem for the set.

  • 56 Sulp. Sev. Chron. 33.2-34.2. CfPaul. Nol. ep. 31.

25When it comes to the time of Constantine, the epitomizer added some information about the empress Helena and the invention of the Holy Cross, taken from Sulpicius Severus (fol. 29vºa-b)56. The epitome of Prosper’s Chronicon concedes special importance to Augustine, more than to any other ecclesiastical figure (fol. 30rºa-rºb). However, it never refers to a single event related to Iberia. The laterculus which was added to the epitome of Prosper’s Chronicon ends with Libius Severus, who never had effective control in Iberia. In fact, the characteristics of these epitomes make it clear that they were produced outside of Iberia.

  • 57 R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, art. cit, p. 237-243.
  • 58 Cécile Conduché et al. (ed.), “Le De cursu temporum d’Hilarianus et sa réfutation (CPL 2280 et 2281 (...)

26Texts copied after these epitomes help to clarify their origin57. After the epitome of Prosper’s Chronicon is a set of texts dealing with the Parousia (fol. 30rºa-34vºb), comprising Quintus Julius Hilarianus’ De cursu temporum (CPL 2280) and an anonymous Expositio temporum (CPL 2281), written around 470 to explicitly contest the De cursu temporum and its calculation of the date of Christ’s return58. The link between the Expositio and Hilarianus’ text and the fact that Complutense 134 is the only known manuscript transmitting this Expositio make it likely that this work was purposely copied after the De cursu temporum, just as in Complutense 134.

  • 59 CfE. MARQUIS, art. cit., p. 136-137.

27Hilarianus’ text was produced in Africa. It had a limited diffusion, though. Even in Africa, it was used only by the De ratione paschae (CPL 2296), written in 45559. Bearing in mind that an African origin is compatible with the epitomes of Eusebius/Jerome’s and Prosper’s Chronicon, it is possible that the entire set was produced in the region where all those texts seem to have been written. It makes sense: starting with the epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon, it can be read as an abbreviated history of the world from Adam to 462, ending with a discussion on the Parousia.

  • 60 R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, p. 244-245.

28In Complutense 134, after the Expositio temporum there followed several short texts, not involved in this controversy: the most important are the Chronica Gallica a. 511 which was composed in southern Gallia (fol. 34vºb-39vºb); an epitome of Hydatius’ Chronicon (fol. 40rºb-41vºa), expanded in 568, possibly in Italy in the context of the Lombard invasion; and the Chronicon a. 562 (CPL 2265), a short chronological list of events, which was composed in Iberia using the Spanish Era (fol. 41vºa-vºb)60. Despite the fact that none of these texts are African or discuss the Parousia, they were copied in an apparently planned chronological sequence as continuations of the Chronica by Eusebius/Jerome and Prosper and of the texts discussing the Parousia: indeed, after the epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s and Prosper’s Chronica and the rejection of the calculations of the Parousia, one can thus continue reading the history of the world until 568. This perhaps offers a reliable terminus ante quem for the arrival of this second collection in Iberia, in time for the local Chronicon a. 562 to be added to it.

  • 61 Ibid., p. 249-251.

29On fol. 42rb, the copyist of Complutense 134 stated explicit liber chronicorum. This means that, at some point, a collection of chronicles ended here. In Complutense 134, one finds only one incipit liber chronicorum, at the beginning of the first copy of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon (fol. 2vºa): it seems, then, that in Complutense 134, the two collections mentioned above had once formed a Liber chronicorum61.

30The Soriensis transmitted the first collection but it did not transmit the second: this means that this Liber had not yet been formed before the textual tradition divided in the mid-eighth century. In contrast, the Alcobaciensis and the codex from Burgo de Osma also transmitted at least the Chronica Gallica a. 511 and Hydatius’ Chronicon, which were part of the second collection. This confirms that the Liber chronicorum was certainly gathered only after the bifurcation of the textual tradition, becoming part of the branch that led to the Alcobaciensis, to the codex from Burgo de Osma (= Schott’s codex?) and eventually to Complutense 134.

Fol. 42rºb-47rºb: The Third Epitome

  • 62 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 1, p. 493-497.
  • 63 Ibid., p. 494-495.
  • 64 Eus./Ruf. HE 1.28.255 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46rºa); 1.29.256 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46rºa); 2.2.268 (= C (...)
  • 65 Prosp. Chron. a. 1198 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1203 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1204 (= Compl. 1 (...)

31After the Liber chronicorum, the scribe copied a Chronografia sancti et doctoris summi Ysidori Ispalensis sedis episcopi (fol. 42rºb-47vºb), known as the Epitome Carthaginiensis62 or Chronica Carthaginiensia a. 525 (CPL 2258). This is the third epitome of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome copied in Complutense 134, now with additions from Hieronymus’ Vulgata63, Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica (CPG 3495)64 and Prosper of Aquitaine’s Chronicon65. This is confirmed in the prologue of the text, where the epitomizer explains that he had used material taken ab Eusebio Cesariense maxime, ab Iheronimo cetera, a Prospero and from the Hystoria autem ecclesiastica (fol. 42rºb). He was interested in events of general and ecclesiastical history, especially in connection to Africa and Carthage.

  • 66 Roland Steinacher (ed.), Der Laterculus regum Vvandalorum et Alanorum. Eine afrikanische Ergaenzung (...)

32The third epitome ends with the peace between Valentinian III and Geiseric in 442 (fol. 47vºa; Prosp. Chron. a. 1347), to which was added a new subscriptio in 523 (nouissimum annum Trasamundi), a reference to the Vandal conquest of Carthage in 439, and a Laterculus regum Vandalorum et Alanorum up to Belisarius’ conquest in 534 (fol. 47vºb)66. This is a new epitome certainly produced and/or completed in North Africa in a Vandal-Byzantine context.

33This epitome is the first text of a new collection with the historical texts by Isidore of Seville: after the Chronica Carthaginiensia a. 525, it also includes Isidore’s Chronica (fol. 47vºb-53rºa) and Historiae (fol. 53rºa-59rºb), completed by the Chronica Muzarabica a. 754 (fol. 59vºa-68rºa). The compiler certainly wanted to gather an “Isidorian historical collection” and the Chronica Carthaginiensia was considered a part of it.

  • 67 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 4vº.
  • 68 It was copied by Pérez: see Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y So (...)

34This third epitome and the Chronica Muzarabica were also copied into the Alcobaciensis67 and the codex from Burgo de Osma (the Chronica Carthaginiensia is called here Chronographia Isidori Iunioris)68, but not the Soriensis.

The Indirect Tradition

Hydatius’ Chronicon69

  • 69 R. W. Burgess (ed.), The Chronicle of Hydatius and the Consularia Constantinopolitana, Oxford: Clar (...)
  • 70 R. W. BURGESS, ibid. p. 8, 11-13; J.-M. Kötter and c. Scardino, ibid.., p. 48-52.

35Eusebius’s Chronicon was known in Iberia long before the copy of the manuscripts I have been referring to. Soon after Jerome’s translation, in the third quarter of the fifth century, there were copies of the text circulating in Iberia (historia in aliquantis Hispaniarum prouinciis conscripta retinetur; Hyd. intr.). At least one of these copies was in Aquae Flaviae (modern Chaves, Portugal): Hydatius knew Eusebius/Jerome’s text, used it as a model and decided to update it with his own new chronicle, covering the events from 378 to 468/9. He most probably added one or several quires with his text to the codex that transmitted the Chronicon. The manuscript Berlin Phillipps 1829 presents exactly the same structure: Hydatius’ text follows Eusebius/Jerome’s (fol. 153rº-172vº), even imitating the layout of the folios70. In 613, in the pseudo-Fredegarius collection, both texts are also copied together, as if the latter were a continuation of the former. Regarding Hydatius’ text, Fredegarius and Ms. Phillipps 1829 depend on the same model. Phillipps 1829 is also close to the famous Ms. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. T.II.2 (which does not transmit Hydatius). If Phillipps 1829 really depends on and twins Hydatius’ codex, where his own Chronicon was appended to an exemplar of Eusebius/Jerome’s, it is possible that the text of Eusebius/Jerome known by Hydatius was close to MSS Berlin Phillipps 1829 and Oxford, Auct. T.II.2.

36Considering that in all the Iberian manuscripts I have mentioned above, the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome is associated with Prosper’s text and never with Hydatius’, it is certain that the structure of those Iberian manuscripts was different from the one Hydatius handled. In fact, Hydatius did not know Prosper of Aquitaine’s Chronicon.

Isidore of Seville

37In his Versus in bibliotheca (Vers. 12; CPL 1212) Isidore mentions Eusebius and Orosius among the historians found in his library (Carm. 12). In fact, they stand as representatives of two different types of historiography also mentioned in Isidore’s Etymologiae: annals/chronicles and histories –Eusebius (and Jerome) had written annales (Etym. 1.44.1-4). Isidore defines chronica as the Greek equivalent of the Latin temporum series (Etym. 5.28), and again Eusebius and Jerome are given as examples. In his Chronica, Isidore defines Eusebius/Jerome’s work as a chronicorum canonum multiplex historia (“multiple history of chronological tables”; Chron. 1-2).

  • 71 José Carlos Martín-Iglesias (ed.), Isidori hispalensis chronica, Turnhout: Brepols (CCSL 112), 2003 (...)

38Isidore used Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon extensively as a source in his Historia and especially in his Chronica, which took it as its main model. However, Isidore did not rely only on Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon or simply update it, as Hydatius had done: he wrote a new text from scratch, using other authors too (including Hydatius, Prosper of Aquitaine, Victor of Tunnuna and John of Biclar)71. Perhaps inspired by Prosper, he also abandoned Eusebius’ synchronic columns, preferring to arrange events into a chronological list in a single column. Isidore started with Adam (Eusebius had started with Abraham) and organized the Chronica by reigns, up to the Roman emperors.

  • 72 Marc Reydellet (ed.), Isidore de Séville. Étymologies. Livre IX. Les langues et les groupes sociaux(...)

39Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon was also used in the Etymologiae. A few examples: Isidore’s reference to Linus of Thebes, Zetus and Amphion (Chron. p. 48d, Helm ~ Is. Or. 3.16.1); the references to Phoroneus as the first legislator (Chron. p. 29e ~ Or. 5.1.1; 15.2.27); the origin of the toponym “Cecropia” (Chron. p. 41i ~ Or. 15.1.44); the myth of Phrixus and Helle (Chron. p. 50d ~ Or. 13.16.8); and the conquest of Samaria by Hyrcanus (Chron. p. 146h ~ Or. 15.1.25). Isidore made particularly extensive use of the Chronicon in book 9, on “man institutions”72 (Chron. p. 24a ~ Or. 9.2.6; Chron. p. 72a ~ Or. 9.2.53; Chron. p. 88l ~ Or. 9.2.54; Chron. p. 46i ~ Or. 9.2.55; Chron. p. 45f ~ Or. 9.2.60; Chron. p. 45g ~ Or. 9.2.67; Chron. p. 20e+51a ~ Or. 9.2.71; Chron. p. 44b ~ Or. 9.2.76; Chron. p. 52f ~ Or. 9.2.77; Chron. p. 45c ~ Or. 9.2.81; Chron. p. 38e ~ Or. 9.2.128; Chron. p. 156a ~ Or. 9.3.12).

  • 73 See R. W. BURGESS, The Chronicle of Hydatius…, p. 14-15; J.-M. Kötter and C. Scardino, op. cit., p. (...)
  • 74 See R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, p. 241-242.

40The version of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome used by Isidore may have depended on one of the copies circulating in Iberia in Hydatius’ time. It is also possible that it had been coupled with Hydatius’ text, as in Phillipps 1829, or in the pseudo-Fredegarius (which was contemporary to Isidore). However, this is unlikely. According to Burgess, archetype γ is the model of the text of Hydatius which was used by Isidore in Seville73. The main surviving witness of this γ is Complutense 134, in which Hydatius’ Chronicon does not follow Eusebius/Jerome’s. In addition, considering the text of Hydatius copied in Complutense 134, γ was certainly produced in Italy, around 568, as it adds to Hydatius’ text an account of the Lombards’ arrival in the region. Therefore, the widespread version of Hydatius’ Chronicon in Iberia depended not on a “pure-Iberian” text, but on this “foreign” testimony, in which Hydatius’ Chronicon was no longer associated with Eusebius/Jerome’s text74.

  • 75 Escorial, R.II.18, fol. 47r-v (= Prosp. Chron. a. 1022-1048) + fol. 48vº-54vº (= Chron. a. 1179-135 (...)

41In Seville, was Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon copied with Prosper’s, instead? In the Iberian manuscripts, these texts were usually copied together. There is an important detail to note, though. Prosper’s Chronicon consisted of two parts: an epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s chronicle and a continuation from 378. Now, in the Iberian manuscripts Prosper’s text is incomplete. In Escorial R.II.18, there are still excerpts taken from both parts75. However, as far as one can tell from an assessment of the texts, in the other Iberian manuscripts, only the continuatio was copied as a complement to Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon. The typical structure of the Iberian manuscripts is Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronica + Prosper of Aquitaine’s continuatio. Isidore could not have used only this continuatio, because he used both parts of Prosper’s text.

  • 76 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 101*-102*, 108*.
  • 77 R. Furtado, “Reassessing…”, p. 178.
  • 78 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 2, p. 179-180; Marc Reydellet, “Les intentions idéologiques et politi (...)
  • 79 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 102*-106*.
  • 80 R. Furtado, “Reassessing…”, p. 178.

42In his De uiris illustribus, Isidore also states that Victor of Tunnuna wrote a Chronica a principio mundi (Vir. ill. 25). However, no manuscript known today transmits Victor’s complete Chronicon76. Instead, Eusebius-Jerome’s text and Prosper’s half-Chronicon are usually associated with Victor’s Chronica starting from 444. Therefore, either Isidore was wrong or the text we know today is a truncated version and its first part lost77. Isidore knew and made extensive use of all of these texts; I do not think, therefore, that he could have misinterpreted Eusebius-Jerome’s and Prosper’s chronica (or an epitome of these texts) for the first part of Victor’s Chronica, as Mommsen and Marc Reydellet suggested78. Cardelle suggested that John of Biclar may have removed the first part of Victor’s text and replaced it with Eusebius-Jerome’s and Prosper’s79. I suggest that this replacement must have been made only after Victor’s complete Chronica had arrived in Seville. In fact, Seville is a good candidate for the place where the full collection was established: the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome, Prosper, Victor and John were known and used by Isidore; and they were copied together before the textual tradition of the collection divided into two branches, in the eighth century80.

  • 81 J. C. Martín-Iglesias (ed.), Iuliani Toletani episcopi Liber Anticemen. Elogium Ildefonsi. Felicis (...)
  • 82 Jocelyn Nigel Hillgarth (ed.), Sancti Iuliani Toletanae sedis episcopi opera. Pars I, Turnhout: Bre (...)
  • 83 CfJúlio Campos, “El ‘De comprobatione sextae aetatis libri tres’ de San Julián de Toledo. (Sus fu (...)

43Still in Visigothic Iberia, by the end of the seventh century, Julian of Toledo had used the Chronicon in the Antikeimena (CPL 1261; Díaz 273), to answer interrogatio 9, on how long the Hebrews were in Egypt (Chron. p. 36c+23b, Helm)81. In Julian’s De comprobatione aetatis sextae (CPL 1260; Díaz 266-268)82, the Chronicon is quoted in a long passage about king Herod (Compr. 1.24 = Chron. p. 160a, Helm)83. These are the last known Visigothic texts to use the Chronicon.

After 711, in the North

  • 84 J. GIL, op. cit. p. 435-484.

44After 711, the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome was little read in Asturias. It seems to have been used in the Ordo Romanorum regum that came to be part of the Chronica Albeldensia (Díaz 514), compiled in Asturias after 88384.

  • 85 Abilio BARBERO and Marcelo VIGIL, La formación del feudalismo en la Península Ibérica, Barcelona: C (...)
  • 86 Eulog. Apol. 16 (J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici saeculi VIII-XI, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 65A-B (...)
  • 87 L. A. García Moreno, op. cit.

45The Ordo is a list of the Roman kings and emperors, with short texts offering information about each. It was composed after the Muslims’ arrival, acknowledging the end of the regnum Gothorum in 712. It is unlikely to have been composed in Asturias, where the date of 714 for the Muslim conquest was preferred; the years 711/12 were mainly used in the south85. In fact, the Ordo’s model may have been written in Toledo, in view of a notice shared with the Historia Mahometis pseudopropheta about the foundation of the church of Santa Leocadia (Alb. 13.64)86. According to Luís A. García Moreno, this historia was written in Andalusia at some point after 75087. This may be a reasonable terminus post quem for the Ordo’s composition, too.

  • 88 F. Bautista, “Dos notas sobre el ciclo historiográfico de Alfonso III”, Territorio, sociedad y pode (...)

46Two different versions of the Ordo Romanorum regum are transmitted by MSS. Madrid, BN 1358, fol. 10rºa-14vºb, Escorial d.I.2, fol. 238vºa-239vºa and Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, cod. 39, fol. 247vºb-250vºa. Recently, Bautista argued that these versions document two stages of composition: the first version of the Ordo was still a working text, combining the Laterculus regum et imperatorum ad Tiberium III (whose only surviving copy was transmitted by the Soriensis) and Isidore’s Chronica88. According to Bautista, this version was composed in the Mozarabic region and then taken north, where it was integrated into the Chronica Albeldensia. Ms. Madrid, BN 1358 (San Juan Bautista de Corias, 1162-1178), transmits this version.

47At some point after it was integrated into the Chronica Albeldensia, i.e inly after having arrived in Asturias, the Ordo was corrected with data taken from Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon (e.g. regarding the length of Vespasian’s reign and the reference to the number of bishops in Nicaea; see Chron. p. 186, Helm; and p. 230h, Helm): this is the model included in Escorial d.I.2 (San Martín de Albelda, 974-976) and Madrid, RAH, cod. 39 (San Millán de la Cogolla, 2/2 11th c.). If this is so, there was a copy of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon in the north by the beginning of the tenth century.

48There is a second indication of this presence. In Escorial d.I.2, at the beginning of this Ordo Romanorum regum, a text with the title De Romulo et Remo was copied into the margin of fol. 238vºa (= Alb. 13.1a; ed. Gil). It was taken almost verbatim from Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon (p. 84c Helm). This may reflect the revision method used for first version of the Ordo. In the margin of the manuscript, the corrector of the Ordo added excerpts taken from other sources, that could be inserted later, or not, into the text. Perhaps due to its length, Eusebius/Jerome’s text on Romulus and Remus remained in the margin of Escorial d.I.2, never making it into the text.

49In any case, there is very little evidence that the Chronicon was used in the north after 711. Most likely, it did not circulate in Asturias until the arrival of the model of the Soriensis manuscript, which was known and used in the Christian zone.

After 711, in the South

  • 89 José Eduardo LÓPEZ PEREIRA, Continuatio Isidoriana Hispana. Crónica Mozárabe de 754, León: Centro d (...)

50In the south, from 733 until 754, at least one compiler intervened in the texts later copied in MS Complutense 134. In this manuscript, we can find two subscriptiones that were added, in 733 and in 742, to the Chronica Gallica a. 511 (fol. 39vºb) and to John of Biclar’s Chronicon (fol. 25vºb). Both these subscriptiones are exclusive to the Complutense 134 branch. A similar subscriptio indicating year 754 is found at the end of the Chronica Muzarabica in Complutense 134 (fol. 68rºa). These subscriptiones reveal that in the Mozarabic context there was at least one compiler working on and updating all these texts. If it was only one person, as José Eduardo López Pereira and Cardelle de Hartmann suggest89, he may also have been responsible for adding the aforementioned Liber chronicorum to the Isidorian historical collection to which the Chronica Muzarabica belonged.

  • 90 D. Catalán and María Soledad de Andrés (eds.), Crónica del moro Rasis: versión del Ajbār mulūk al-A (...)
  • 91 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, 2, p. 1217-1264.
  • 92 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés, (eds.), op. cit., p. XXV-XXVIII.
  • 93 Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, Investigaciones sobre historiografía hispana medieval (siglos VIII al XII (...)

51Eusebius/Jerome’s and John of Biclar’s Chronica, Isidore’s Historiae and the Chronica Muzarabica were also used by the authors of the Crónica del moro Rasis90 and the anonymous Chronica pseudoisidoriana91. The Crónica del moro Rasis is a translation of a text attributed to Aḥmad al-Rāzī (888-955). The text was originally written in Arabic but translated into Portuguese at the time of Denis I (1261-1325) and from Portuguese to Castilian between 1425 and 143092. Only the latter translation has survived. Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz studied the Latin sources of the part of the chronicle relating to the Roman empire and showed that, up to 378, the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome was, by far, the main text used by al-Razi (in conjunction with the Breuiarium by Eutropius)93.

  • 94 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, 2, p. 1228-1229. See also the edition by Fernando González Mu (...)

52The Chronica pseudoisiriana is a universal history that ends in 711. It is preserved in a codex unicus (Paris, BnF, lat. 6113, Part II, fol. 27rº-49rº) from the end of the twelfth century or the beginning of the thirteenth that transmits the twelfth-century Latin translation of a lost Arabic text, perhaps produced at the end of the tenth centuryor the beginning of the eleventh94.

  • 95 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés (eds.), op. cit., p. XL-XLIII. See C. Sánchez Albornoz, op. cit., p. (...)
  • 96 Ramón Menéndez Pidal, “Sobre la Crónica Pseudoisidoriana”, Cuadernos de historia de España, 21-22,  (...)
  • 97 D. CatalÁn and M. S. de AndrÉs (ed.), op. cit., p. LX.

53Diego Catalán argued that these two texts depended on a common source (instead of the Chronica pseudoisiriana depending on the Crónica del moro Rasis, as argued by Sánchez Albornoz and Fernando González Muñoz)95. This source was a lost “compilation or selection of notes” taken from Eutropius’ Breuiarium, Eusebius/Jerome’s and John of Biclar’s chronica, Isidore’s Historia and Chronica maiora. Ramón Menéndez Pidal96 and Catalán argued that this compilation/selection of notes had been organized in the second half of the eighth or ninth century, thus becoming “the backbone of the two histories of al-Andalus”97. Almost all of these texts (Eutropius’ Breuiarium excepted) were transmitted by the Complutense 134 collection. This cannot be a coincidence. It is certain that either our collection was used directly or at least was at the origin of the Arabic “compilation or selection of notes” used by those Mozarabic sources.

  • 98 Giorgio Levi della Vida, “Un texte mozarabe d’histoire universelle”, Études d’orientalisme dédiées (...)
  • 99 Thomas E. Burman, Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, ca. 1050-1200, Le (...)

54This use is confirmed by the Universal History of Qayrawan, an anonymous text in Arabic, preserved by a single manuscript (Raqqada, Musée national d’art islamique, Ms. 2003/2)98, also known as Tā’rīkh Yarūnim (The Chronicle of Jerome)99. However, it does not transmit our text: “Chronicle of Jerome” became a label for the type of text transmitted by the manuscript, confirming the Chronicon as a paradigm for Mediterranean chronicle production. Giorgio Levi della Vida argued that this manuscript was copied in Qayrawan in the late thirteenth century or early fourteenth; Philip Roisse prefers the eleventh century.

  • 100 MS Raqqada 2003/2, fol. 50b, 11b (= ed. Della Vida, fol. 9r, 17v).
  • 101 See G. Levi della Vida, art. cit., p. 172, n. 40. See also M. Penelas, “El Kitab Hurusiyus…”, p. 5, (...)

55Part of the Universal History is lost. The surviving text is a brief history of the world from King David to 711. The author was certainly a Christian, given his interest in Hebrew and Christian history. He used Iberian texts: one of its sources was the Kitāb Hurūshyūsh (The Book of Orosius), an Arabic version of Orosius’ Historiae [aduersus paganos], produced in Iberia in the late ninth century or early tenth. “Jerome” is mentioned twice100, the first time (fol. 50ºb) explicitly as a source for the kings of Babylon known to the Jews101. Still, the evidence is scarce.

  • 102 M. Penelas, “Novedades…”, p. 146-148.
  • 103 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, p. 5.
  • 104 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés (ed.), op. cit., p. 169-170.
  • 105 G. Levi Della Vida, “The ‘Bronze Era’ in Moslem Spain”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 6 (...)
  • 106 See note 45.

56According to Mayte Penelas, on fol. 48rº of the manuscript, there is information about the beginning of the Spanish Era102. This is also transmitted by the Chronica pseudo-Isidoriana103 (p. 5; ed. Gil), by the Crónica del moro Rasis104 (p. 169-170; ed. Catalán-Andrés) and by several Muslim authors105. As mentioned above, a reference to the bronze tribute collected by Octavian is also in the version of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome transmitted by the Alcobaciensis and by Complutense 134106. However, the text in these manuscripts cannot be the source of the Mozarabic chronicles: they transmit a much simpler notice, not mentioning the paving of the Tiber with bronze plates, which appears in Muslim authors and in the Latin texts that depend on them. Most probably, Isidore’s Etymologiae (5.36.4) or De natura rerum (6.7) were the source for all of these texts.

  • 107 Fuʼād SAYYID (ed.), Les générations des médecins et des sages, par Ibn Gulgul al-Andalusî (Ṭabaqāt (...)
  • 108 F. SAYYID, op. cit., p. 33-35.
  • 109 M. Penelas, Kitāb Hurūšiyūš (traducción árabe de las Historiae adversus paganos de Orosio), Madrid: (...)

57Finally, I add one last Iberian text from the tenth century which also used the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome: the Kitāb tabaqāt al-atibbā’ wa-l-hukama’ (Book of Generations of Physicians and Sages) by Abū Dāwūd Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān ibn Juljul (b. 943), which was completed in 987107. Fuʼād Sayyid, who edited Ibn Juljul’s text, argued that he used an Arabic translation of the Eusebius/Jerome text, made in Córdoba at the time of al-Ḥakam II (961-976)108. More recently, Penelas expressed doubt about this hypothesis109. In fact, there are no other references to this translation or other evidence for its use. It is perhaps best to assume that Ibn Juljul used the Latin version of the text.

58After its Latin translation by Jerome in 380, Eusebius’ Chronicon was soon known in Iberia. In the third quarter of the fifth century, there were already several copies circulating there. One was in Gallaecia. Hydatius decided to continue it, using it as a model and adding his own Chronicon to the manuscript.

59After Hydatius, however, there are no traces of the circulation of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon in Iberia for almost 150 years. But it must have circulated: in the first quarter of the seventh century, there was a copy in Isidore’s library in Seville, and Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon was already considered one of the two main paradigms for writing history. Around 615, Isidore took it as his main model to write a new chronicon from scratch. He also wrote some Historiae (Gothorum, Vandalorum, Sueuorum) that used the text too.

60I propose that in Seville, some copyist joined Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon with several other texts: the continuatio of Prosper’s Chronicon and the texts gathered by Biclar, namely Victor of Tunnuna’s Chronicon after 444 and John of Biclar’s own continuatio. This was the first model of the Iberian Soriensis, Alcobaciensis and Complutense 134. The textual tradition of these texts split into two branches in the mid-eighth century: one branch is at the origin of the Soriensis manuscript; the other, that of the Alcobaciensis, Complutense 134 and Schott’s/Burgo de Osma manuscript.

61In this second branch, a breuiatio of the Chronicon by Eusebius/Jerome and that of Prosper of Aquitaine also circulated, updated by a short imperial laterculus and a reckoning of the years of the world up to 462. These epitomes were followed by an anti-eschatological collection, organized around the African text of Hilarianus’ De cursu temporum, probably in 470, and by other minor historiographic texts, chiefly the Chronica Gallica a. 511 and an Italian epitome of Hydatius’ Chronicon a. 568. I suggest that all of these texts arrived in Iberia shortly after 568, in order to explain the inclusion into this second collection of a brief Iberian chronicle up to 562.

62In North Africa, in the context of the Vandal kingdom, another epitome based again on the Chronica of Eusebius/Jerome and Prosper of Aquitaine was produced in the fifth century, updated in 523 and around 534. At some point, this text reached Iberia, was attributed to Isidore of Seville and joined his Chronica and Historiae, as well as the Chronica Muzarabica a. 754 that continued Isidore’s Historiae. A new Iberian collection was thus formed, bringing together all the historiographical work attributed to Isidore of Seville.

63At an unknown date, but after the split of the textual tradition, the collection of Biclar-Seville and the collection started by the breuiatio of Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon formed a Liber chronicorum beginning with the complete Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome. Later, the historiographical collection attributed to Isidore (with a new epitome of Eusebius/Jerome’s text) was added to this Liber, too. It is tempting to think that this compilation was the work of the same person, perhaps the anonymous author of the Chronica Muzarabica. If this is so, the year 754 can be taken as the terminus ante quem for these interventions.

64In the Mozarabic world, texts from this collection were used by the historians who began writing in Arabic: the Chronica by John of Biclar, the Historiae by Isidore of Seville, the Chronica Muzarabica and the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome were used by the Crónica del moro Rasis and the Chronica pseudoisidoriana (whose Arabic versions were composed in the tenth century and in the late tenth or early eleventh century, respectively); at least our Chronicon was also used by the Arabic Universal History of Qayrawan and the Book of Generations of Physicians and Sages.

65The model of the Alcobaciensis and Complutense 134 manuscripts was not known in the North. However, it is certain that the Soriensis model reached the region. Up to the year 1000, there is also other evidence of the use of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome in the North. It was used to correct the Ordo Romanorum regum, one of the texts that was integrated into the Chronica Albeldensia. It was also from Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon that a short excerpt entitled De Romulo et Remo was copied into the margin of Escorial d.I.2, composed between 974 and 976 in San Martín de Albelda.

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Notes

1 See, for all, Richard W. Burgess and Michael Kulikowski, Mosaics of Time: The Latin Chronicle Traditions from the First century BC to the Sixth century AD, 1: A Historical Introduction to the Chronicle Genre from Its Origins to the High Middle Ages, Turnhout: Brepols, 2013.

2 R. W. BURGESS, “The dates and editions of Eusebius Chronici canones and Historia ecclesiastica”, The Journal of Theological Studies, 48 (2), 1979, p. 471-504. cf. Alden A. Mosshammer, The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition, Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 1979.

3 Josef Karst (ed.), Die Chronik aus dem Armenischen Ubersetzt mit textkritischem Commentar, Leipzig: J. c. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung (Eusebius Werke, Bd. 5), 1911.

4 Rudolf HELM (ed.), Die Chronik des Hieronymus; Hieronymi Chronicon (1 Aufl. 1913), 3 Aufl. mit einer Vorbemerkung, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag (Eusebius Werke, Bd. 7), 1984. CfA. A. MOSSHAMMER, op. cit., p. 37-38, p. 67-73; R. W. BURGESS, “Jerome explained: An introduction to his Chronicle and a guide to its use”, Ancient History Bulletin, 16, 2002, p. 1-32; Benoît Jeanjean and Bertrand Lançon, Saint-Jérôme, “Chronique”, continuation de la “Chronique” d’Eusèbe, années 326-378: suivie de quatre études sur les chroniques et chronographies dans l’Antiquité  tardive (IVe-Ve siècles), Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2004.

5 Arnaldus PONTAC, Chronica trium illustrium auctorum Eusebii Pamphili episcopi Caesariensis D. Hieronymo interprete […], Burdigaliae: apud Simonem Millangium typographum regium, 1604.

6 Alfred SCHOENE, Eusebi chronicorum libri duo. Eusebi chronicorum canonum quae supersunt, Berolini: apud Weidmannos, 1866; id., Die Weltchronik des Eusebius in ihrer Bearbeitung durch Hieronymus, Berlin: Weidmann, 1900.

7 Ludwig TRAUBE, Hieronymi Chronicorum codicis floriacensis fragmenta Leidensia Parisina Vaticana. Codices Graeci et Latini photographice depicti, Supll. 1, Lugduni Batavorum: A. W. Sijthoff, 1902.

8 John Knight Fotheringham, The Bodleian Manuscript of Jerome’s Version of the Chronicle of Eusebius Reproduced in Collotype, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905.

9 R. HELM, ed. cit.

10 A. A. MOSSHAMMER, “Lucca Bibl. Capit. 490 and the manuscript tradition of Hieronymus’ (Eusebius’) Chronicle”, California studies in Classical Antiquity, 8, 1975, p. 203-240

11 The most important manuscripts are (family ω) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. 2.2 (S .C. 20632), Part 2, fol. 33rº-145vº, Italy, 5th c.; Berlin: Staatsbibliothek-Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Phillipps 1829, Verona, 8th c. ex.-9th c. inc.; (family δ) Paris: BN lat. 6400B, Part 1, fol. 1-8, 285-290 + Leiden: Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. Lat. Q. 110a + Vatican City: BAV, Reg. Lat. 1709B, fol. 34-35 + Orléans: Bibliothèque Municipale 306, 5th c. ex., Italy; Valenciennes: Bibliothèque municipale, 495, Luxeuil: St.-Pierre Abbey, ca. 700; Leiden: Bibliotheek der Universiteit, Voss. Lat. 4º 110, Micy, 9th c. med.; Berlin: Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1872, Tours: 9th c. ex.-10th c. inc.; (others) Bern: Burgerbibliothek, 219, Fleury, 7th century; Lucca: Chapter Library, 490, Lucca, 787 or 796.

12 The best analysis is Francisco BAUTISTA, “Juan Páez de Castro, Juan Bautista Pérez, Jerónimo Zurita y dos misceláneas historiográficas de la España altomedieval”, Scriptorium, 70, 2016, p. 3-68, p. 36-63. See also Rodrigo Furtado, “Reassessing Spanish chronicle writing before 900: The tradition of compilation in Oviedo at the end of the ninth century”, The Medieval Chronicle, 11, 2017, p. 171-194, p. 174-183.

13 Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz, Codices visigoticos en la monarquia leonesa, Leon: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro (C.S.I.C.), 1983, p. 20, indicates that there is a fragment of the Chronicon of Eusebius/Jerome in MS Escorial, R.II.18, fol. 47rº-47vº. In fact, it is a fragment taken from Prosper’s Chronicon, a. 1022-1048 (which Díaz, mistakenly, locates on fol. 48vº).

14 Gregorio DE ANDRÉS, “Los códices visigóticos de Jorge de Beteta en la Biblioteca del Escorial”, Celtiberia, 51, 1976, p. 101-107; Charles B. Faulhaber and Óscar Perea Rodríguez, “¿Cuántos Cancioneros de Baena?”, eHumanista, 31, 2015, p. 19-63, p. 30-34.

15 CfJuan GIL, Chronica Hispana saeculi VIII et IX, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 65), 2018, p. 116-134.

16 G. DE ANDRÉS, op. cit.

17 F. BAUTISTA, .it., p. 39-41.

18 See MS Madrid, BN 1346, fol. 11vº, 14rº, 16rº, 18rº, 25rº. CfDiego Catalán, “Desenredando la maraña textual pelagiana (I)”, Revista de Filoloxía Asturiana, 3/4, 2005, p. 61-87.

19 García de Loaysa y Girón, Chronicon D. Isidori Archiep. Hisp. emendatum, scholiisque illustratum, Taurini: apud Io. Baptistam Beuilaquam, 1593, p. 95, col. a.

20 Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja I-III/Segorbe. CfCarmen Cardelle de Hartmann, Victoris Tunnunensis chronicon cum reliquiis ex Consularibus Caesaraugustanis et Iohannis Biclarensis chronicon, Turnhout: Brepols (CCSL 173a), 2001, p. 23*-27*; José Carlos Martín-Iglesias, La Renotatio librorum domini Isidori de Braulio de Zaragoza († 651). Introducción, edición crítica y traducción, Logroño: Fundación San Millán de la Cogolla, 2002, p. 147-156.

21 Pérez copied Isidore’s Chronica (CPL 1205; Díaz 112), the Chronica Byzantina-Arabica (Díaz 386), the Chronica Adefonsi III ad Sebastianum, some Nomina regum Romanorum, the Historia Wambae by Julian of Toledo, the Ordo annorum mundi (CPL 1266b) and the Laterculus regum Visigothorum, and collated Victor of Tunnuna’s and John of Biclar’s chronica and Isidore of Seville’s Historia. See Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva, “Carta XXVI: Noticia del códice de cronicones que copió el señor Perez de varios originales antiguos, el qual se conserva en el archivo de la Santa Iglesia de Segorve”, in: Jaime VILLANUEVA and Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva, Viage literario a las iglesias de España, 22, Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1804, 3, p. 196-220.

22 Joannes Vasaeus, Chronici rerum memorabilium Hispaniae, tomus prior, Salmanticae: excudebat Ioannes Iunta, 1552, fol. 10rº, 76rº, 81vº-82rº, 99rº, 114rº-v, 119rº, 120vº-121vº.

23 Jeronimo Román, La Historia del religiosíssimo y Real monesterio d’Alcobaça de la Orden de sant Bernardo = Lisbon, BN, Pomb. 686, fol. 178rº.

24 CfLisbon, Biblioteca Nacional, Alc. 116, fol. 310vº.

25 CfAires A. NASCIMENTO, “Em busca dos códices alcobacenses perdidos”, Didaskalia, 9 (2), 1979, p. 279-288.

26 Pierre DAVID, Annales Portugalenses Veteres”, Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal du VIe au XIIe siècle, Paris: Livraria Portugália, 1947, p. 261-340; R. Furtado, “Writing history in Portugal before 1200”, Journal of Medieval History, 47 (2), 2021, p. 145-173, p. 163-166.

27 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 86*-87*.

28 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 54r. CfR. Furtado, “La ‘Crónica’ de Eusebio-Jerónimo en Madrid, BHMV, Complutense 134 (fol. 2va-14vb)”, in: Juan Francisco MESA SÁNZ (ed.), Latinidad medieval hispánica, Florence: SISMEL-Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2017, p. 69-84, p. 70.

29 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 58rº.

30 Ibid., fol. 74vº.

31 A. PONTAC, op. cit., p. 27.

32 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*, 87*.

33 G. Loaysa Y Girón, op. cit., p. 85, §95; Theodor Mommsen, Chronica minora saec. IV. V. VI. VII, 2, Berolini: apud Weidmanos (MGH AA 11), 1894, p. 167.

34 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*; J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 9r; J. L. VILLANUEVA, op. cit., p. 201.

35 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 21*-22*.

36 J. L. VILLANUEVA, op. cit., p. 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 213, 215-216; C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 20*-21*.

37 F. BAUTISTA, art. cit. p. 21-22.

38 E.g. post p. 181c: Philippus apostolus Christi apud Hieropolim Asiae ciuitatem, dum Euuangelium populo nuntiaret, cruci affixus lapidibus opprimitur (A. PONTAC, op. cit., col. 567).

39 Ibid., cols. 555-556 (on St. James’ martyrdom and St. Peter’s imprisonment); loc. cit. (on Peter of Zaragoza). In this case, Pontac does not use the abbreviation he usually applies to Schott’s manuscript (Al).

40 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 27*-38*; R. Furtado and Isabel Velázquez Soriano, “BH MSS 134”, Catálogo de manuscritos medievales de la Biblioteca Histórica “Marqués de Valdecilla” (Universidad Complutense de Madrid), Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 2020, p. 643-649.

41 Fortunato de SÃO BOAVENTURA, Historia chronologica e critica da Real Abbadia de Alcobaça, Lisbon: Impressão Régia, 1827, p. 70-72.

42 C. CARDELLE de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 14*-18*, 27*-38*.

43 T. MOMMSEN, op. cit.,p. 167.

44 R. FURTADO, “La ‘Crónica’…”, p. 76-79. Complutense 134 also has the Alcobaciensis interpolation on the Iberian era (Complutense 134, fol. 12vºb). Cf. J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 54r.

45 R. Furtado, “La ‘Crónica’…”, p. 69-84.

46 Ibid., p. 72-75.

47 Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja I/Segorbe, photos 191 and 192 (= fol. 117vº and 118rº).

48 T. MOMMSEN (ed.), “Prosperi Tironis chronicon”, Chronica minora saec. IV. V. VI. VII, 1, Berolini: apud Weidmanos (MGH AA 9), 1892, p. 487 (Continuatio Alcobaciensis).

49 Ibid. p. 486-487.

50 F. BAUSTISTA, art. cit., p. 62 (this common model is Bautista’s d).

51 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 76* (the common model is Cardelle’s α).

52 See R. Furtado, “A collection of chronicles from Late Antique Spain: Madrid, Complutense 134, fol. 25vb-47vb. Content, structure and chronology”, in: David PANIAGUA and María Adelaida ANDRÉS-SÁNZ (ed.), Formas de acceso al saber en la Antigüedad tardía y en la Alta Edad Media. La Transmisión del conocimiento dentro y fuera de la escuela, Barcelona and Rome: Brepols, 2016, p. 227-258 (see the list of the texts at p. 231-237)

53 CfProsp. Chron. a. 1304.

54 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 1, p. 491.

55 Ibid., p. 373.

56 Sulp. Sev. Chron. 33.2-34.2. CfPaul. Nol. ep. 31.

57 R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, art. cit, p. 237-243.

58 Cécile Conduché et al. (ed.), “Le De cursu temporum d’Hilarianus et sa réfutation (CPL 2280 et 2281): une querelle chronologique à la fin de l’Antiquité. Éditions, traduction, études par le ‘Groupe hilarianiste’”, Recherches Augustiniennes et patristiques, 37, 2013, p. 131-267 (of the De cursu temporum by Jean-Baptiste Guillaumin, at p. 191-208; edition of the Expositio temporum by Émeline Marquis, at p. 251-255).

59 CfE. MARQUIS, art. cit., p. 136-137.

60 R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, p. 244-245.

61 Ibid., p. 249-251.

62 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 1, p. 493-497.

63 Ibid., p. 494-495.

64 Eus./Ruf. HE 1.28.255 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46rºa); 1.29.256 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46rºa); 2.2.268 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºa); 2.4 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºa); 2.9 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºb); 2.11 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºa); 2.15-16 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºb); 2.17 (= Compl. 134, fol. 46vºb-47rºa); 2.19 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºa-b); 2.20 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb).

65 Prosp. Chron. a. 1198 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1203 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1204 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1206 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1207 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1230 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rb); 1232 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1235 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1237 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1243 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1259 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1267 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47rºb); 1273 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1274 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1286 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1288 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1289 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1295 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1304 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 132 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1327 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1328 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1329 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1339 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1341 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa); 1347 (= Compl. 134, fol. 47vºa).

66 Roland Steinacher (ed.), Der Laterculus regum Vvandalorum et Alanorum. Eine afrikanische Ergaenzung der Chronik Prosper Tiros aus dem 6. Jahrhundert. Staatspruefungsarbeit fuer den 62. Kurs am Institut fuer Oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, Vienna: 2001.

67 J. Vasaeus, op. cit., fol. 4vº.

68 It was copied by Pérez: see Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja III/Segorbe, photo 545 = fol. 315r.

69 R. W. Burgess (ed.), The Chronicle of Hydatius and the Consularia Constantinopolitana, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993; Jan-Markus Kötter and Carlo Scardino (eds.), Chronik des Hydatius. Fortführung der spanischen Epitome, Leiden and Boston, MA: Verlag Ferdinand Schöning, 2019.

70 R. W. BURGESS, ibid. p. 8, 11-13; J.-M. Kötter and c. Scardino, ibid.., p. 48-52.

71 José Carlos Martín-Iglesias (ed.), Isidori hispalensis chronica, Turnhout: Brepols (CCSL 112), 2003, p. 25*-31*.

72 Marc Reydellet (ed.), Isidore de Séville. Étymologies. Livre IX. Les langues et les groupes sociaux, Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1984.

73 See R. W. BURGESS, The Chronicle of Hydatius…, p. 14-15; J.-M. Kötter and C. Scardino, op. cit., p. 49.

74 See R. FURTADO, “A collection of chronicles…”, p. 241-242.

75 Escorial, R.II.18, fol. 47r-v (= Prosp. Chron. a. 1022-1048) + fol. 48vº-54vº (= Chron. a. 1179-1354) + fol. 54v-55r (= continuatio codicum Ouetensis et Reichnaviensis; T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 1, p. 488-490).

76 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 101*-102*, 108*.

77 R. Furtado, “Reassessing…”, p. 178.

78 T. Mommsen, Chronica minora…, 2, p. 179-180; Marc Reydellet, “Les intentions idéologiques et politiques dans la Chronique d’Isidore de Séville”, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 82, 1970, p. 363-400, p. 368-369.

79 C. Cardelle de Hartmann, op. cit., p. 102*-106*.

80 R. Furtado, “Reassessing…”, p. 178.

81 J. C. Martín-Iglesias (ed.), Iuliani Toletani episcopi Liber Anticemen. Elogium Ildefonsi. Felicis Toletani episcopi uita Iuliani. Iuliani Toletani fragmenta II. Pseudo-Iuliani Toletani episcopi Ordo annorum mundi, Turnhout: Brepols (CCSL 115B), 2014, p. 15-682.

82 Jocelyn Nigel Hillgarth (ed.), Sancti Iuliani Toletanae sedis episcopi opera. Pars I, Turnhout: Brepols (CCSL 115), 1976, p. 141-212.

83 CfJúlio Campos, “El ‘De comprobatione sextae aetatis libri tres’ de San Julián de Toledo. (Sus fuentes, dependencias y originalidad)”, La Patrología Toledano-visigoda. XXVII Semana Española de Teología (Toledo, 25-29 sept. 1967), Madrid: CSIC-Instituto Francisco Suárez, 1970, p. 245-259.

84 J. GIL, op. cit. p. 435-484.

85 Abilio BARBERO and Marcelo VIGIL, La formación del feudalismo en la Península Ibérica, Barcelona: Crítica, 1978, p. 246-249; Juan Gil Fernández, “Judíos y cristianos en Hispania (s. VIII y IX)”, Hispania Sacra, 31, 1978-1979, p. 9-88, p. 67-68; Thomas Deswarte, De la destruction a la restauration. L’idéologie du royaume d’Oviedo-León (VIIIe-XIe siècles), Turnhout: Brepols, 2003, p. 150; F. BAUTISTA, “Breve historiografía: listas regias y anales en la Península Ibérica (siglos VII-XII)”, Talia dixit, 4, 2009, p. 113-190, p. 126-127; R. Furtado, “The Chronica Prophetica in MS Madrid, RAH Aem. 78”, in: Lucio Cristante and Vanni VERONESI (ed.), Forme di accesso al sapere in età tardoantica e altomedievale VI, Trieste: Università di Trieste, 2017, p. 75-100, p. 82.

86 Eulog. Apol. 16 (J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici saeculi VIII-XI, Turnhout: Brepols (CCCM 65A-B), 2020, 892, 1, p. 316-317). CfManuel Cecilio Díaz y Díaz, “Los textos antimahometanos más antiguos en códices españoles”, Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 45, 1970, p. 150-159; Luis Antonio García Moreno, “Elementos de tradición bizantina en dos Vidas de Mahoma mozárabes”, in: Inmaculada Pérez Martín and Pedro Bádenas de la Peña (eds.), Bizancio y la Península Ibérica: de la Antigüedad Tardía a la Edad Moderna, Madrid: CSIC, 2004, p. 247-271.

87 L. A. García Moreno, op. cit.

88 F. Bautista, “Dos notas sobre el ciclo historiográfico de Alfonso III”, Territorio, sociedad y poder, 10, 2015, p. 5-16 (at p. 12-13). The Laterculus regum et imperatorum ad Tiberium III is preserved today in photos of the manuscript owned by Pérez (Madrid, Biblioteca Tomás Navarro Tomás, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Fondos CCHS, AEHCaja I/Segorbe, photos 406-408 = fol. 245vº-246vº).

89 José Eduardo LÓPEZ PEREIRA, Continuatio Isidoriana Hispana. Crónica Mozárabe de 754, León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, Caja España de inversiones and Archivo histórico diocesano (Fuentes y estudios de história leonesa, 127), 2009, p. 53; C. CARDELLE DE HARTMANN, op. cit., p. 133*-135*.

90 D. Catalán and María Soledad de Andrés (eds.), Crónica del moro Rasis: versión del Ajbār mulūk al-Andalus de Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Mūsà al-Rāzī, 889-955; romanzada para el rey Don Dionís de Portugal hacia 1300 por Mahomad, Alarife, y Gil Pérez, clérigo de don Perianes Porçel, Madrid: Gredos, 1975.

91 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, 2, p. 1217-1264.

92 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés, (eds.), op. cit., p. XXV-XXVIII.

93 Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, Investigaciones sobre historiografía hispana medieval (siglos VIII al XII), Buenos Aires: Instituto de historia de España, 1967, p. 303-336.

94 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, 2, p. 1228-1229. See also the edition by Fernando González Muñoz, La Chronica Gothorum Pseudo-Isidoriana (MS. Paris BN 6113). Edición crítica, traducción y estudio, Noia: Toxosoutos, 2000.

95 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés (eds.), op. cit., p. XL-XLIII. See C. Sánchez Albornoz, op. cit., p. 334-335, 359-361; F. González Muñoz, op. cit., p. 88-91. Juan Gil suggested that the Chronica pseudoisidoriana derives from a recomposition of al-Rāzī’s text (J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, 2, p. 1220-1222).

96 Ramón Menéndez Pidal, “Sobre la Crónica Pseudoisidoriana”, Cuadernos de historia de España, 21-22, 1954, p. 5-15, p. 10-15.

97 D. CatalÁn and M. S. de AndrÉs (ed.), op. cit., p. LX.

98 Giorgio Levi della Vida, “Un texte mozarabe d’histoire universelle”, Études d’orientalisme dédiées à la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal, 1, Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962, p. 175-183; Philippe Roisse, “Redécouverte d’un important manuscrit ‘arabe chrétien’ occidental: le Ms. Raqqada 2003/2 (olim Kairouan 120/829)”, Collectanea Christiana Orientalia, 1, 2004, p. 279-285; Mayte Penelas, “Novedades sobre el ‘Texto mozárabe de historia universal’ de Qayrawan”, Collectanea Christiana Orientalia, 1, 2004, p. 143-161; id., “El Kitab Hurusiyus y el ‘Texto mozárabe de historia universal’ de Qayrawan. Contenidos y filiación de dos crónicas árabes cristianas”, in: Cyrille Aillet, M. Penelas and Philippe Roisse (eds.), ¿Existe una identidad mozárabe? Historia, lengua y cultura de los cristianos de al-Andalus (siglos IX-XII), Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2008, p. 135-157.

99 Thomas E. Burman, Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, ca. 1050-1200, Leiden, New York and Cologne: Brill, 1994, p. 96, n. 7.

100 MS Raqqada 2003/2, fol. 50b, 11b (= ed. Della Vida, fol. 9r, 17v).

101 See G. Levi della Vida, art. cit., p. 172, n. 40. See also M. Penelas, “El Kitab Hurusiyus…”, p. 5, n. 25.

102 M. Penelas, “Novedades…”, p. 146-148.

103 J. Gil (ed.), Scriptores Muzarabici…, p. 5.

104 D. Catalán and M. S. de Andrés (ed.), op. cit., p. 169-170.

105 G. Levi Della Vida, “The ‘Bronze Era’ in Moslem Spain”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 63 (3), 1943, p. 183-191.

106 See note 45.

107 Fuʼād SAYYID (ed.), Les générations des médecins et des sages, par Ibn Gulgul al-Andalusî (Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbā’ wal-hukamā’), al-Qahira, maṭbaʻah al-muʻahad, 1955. See Juan Vernet Ginés, “Los médicos andaluces en el ‘Libro de las Generaciones de Médicos’, de Ibn Ŷulŷul”, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 5, 1968, p. 455-463, p. 450-51; José Antonio García-Junceda and Rafael Ramón Guerrero, “La vida de Aristóteles de Ibn Ŷulŷul”, Anuario del Departamento de Historia de la Filosofía y de la Ciencia, 1984, p. 109-123.

108 F. SAYYID, op. cit., p. 33-35.

109 M. Penelas, Kitāb Hurūšiyūš (traducción árabe de las Historiae adversus paganos de Orosio), Madrid: CSIC, 2001, p. 38, n. it96.

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Rodrigo Furtado, « Eusebius/Jerome’s Chronicon in Iberia up to the Year 1000 », e-Spania [En ligne], 42 | juin 2022, mis en ligne le 24 juin 2022, consulté le 12 août 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/e-spania/44769 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/e-spania.44769

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Rodrigo Furtado

Centro de Estudos Clássicos/Universidade de Lisboa

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