Bibliographie
1902 Intartsag Oratsuyts - S. Prgcyan Hivantanotsi, vol. 3, Istanbul: Surp Pırgiç Ermeni Hastanesi Vakfı Kültür Yayınları, 2012.
Ali Emiri, Osmanlı Şark Vilayetleri (Osmanlı Vilâyât-ı Şarkiyyesi), Kayseri: Erciyes Üniversitesi, 1992.
Anadolunun Mahal-i Muhtelifesinde ve Arazi-i Magsube Hakkında Ermeni Patrikhanesince Teşekkül Eden Komisyon-i Mahsus Tarafından Tanzim Olunan Raporun Suret-i Tercümesi, Doğramacıyan Matbaası, 1327.
Anderson Margaret L., “A Responsibility to Protest? The Public, the Powers and the Armenians in the Era of Abdülhamit II,” Journal of Genocide Research, vol. 17 (3), 2015, p. 259–283.
Astourian Stephan H., “The Silence of the Land: Agrarian Relations, Ethnicity, and Power,” in Ronald G. Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, and Norman M. Naimark (eds.), A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 55-81.
Aykut Ebru, “Ethnic Conflict, the Armenian Question, and Mob Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire,” in Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt (eds.), Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from an International Perspective, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p. 119-135.
Chambers William N., Yoljuluk: Random Thoughts on a Life in Imperial Turkey, London: Simpkin Marshall, 1928.
Cora Y. Tolga, “Doğu’da Kürt-Ermeni Çatışmasının Sosyoekonomik Arkaplanı”, in Oktay Özel and Fikret Adanır (eds.), 1915: Siyaset, Tehcir, Soykırım, Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2015, p. 126-139.
Darnton Robert, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History, New York: Basic Books, 1984.
Das Veena, “Anthropological Knowledge and Collective Violence: The Riots in Delhi, November 1984,” Anthropology Today, vol. 1 (3), 1985, p. 4-6.
Das Veena, “The Anthropology of Violence and the Speech of Victims,” Anthropology Today, vol. 3 (4), 1987, p. 11–13.
Davis Natalie Zemon, “The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth-Century France,” Past & Present, vol. 59, 1973, p. 51-91.
De La Roche Roberta Senechal, “Collective Violence as Social Control,” Sociological Forum, vol. 11 (1), 1996, p. 97-128.
Deghegakir Hoghayin Kravmants Hantsnajoghovoy, vol. 1, G. Bolis: D. Doghramacyan, 1910.
Der Matossian Bedros, Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2014.
Derderian Dzovinar, “Shaping Subjectivities and Contesting Power through the Image of Kurds, 1860s,” in Y. Tolga Cora, Dzovinar Derderian and Ali Sipahi (eds.), The Ottoman East in the Nineteenth Century: Societies, Identities and Politics, London: I.B. Tauris, 2015, p. 91-108.
Dubois Laurent, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution, Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004.
Duguid Stephen, “The Politics of Unity: Hamidian Policy in Eastern Anatolia,” Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 9 (2), 1973, p. 139-155.
Eppel Michael, “The Demise of the Kurdish Emirates: The Impact of Ottoman Reforms and International Relations on Kurdistan during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century,” Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 44 (2), 2008, p. 237-258.
Göçek Fatma Müge, Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present, and Collective Violence against the Armenians, 1789-2009, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014.
Gölbaşi Edip, “1895-1896 Katliamları: Doğu Vilayetlerinde Cemaatler Arası ‘Şiddet İklimi’ ve Ermeni Karşıtı Ayaklanmalar,” in Oktay Özel and Fikret Adanır (eds.), 1915: Siyaset, Tehcir, Soykırım, Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2015a, p. 140-163.
Gölbaşi Edip, “Hamidiye Alayları: Bir Değerlendirme,” in Oktay Özel and Fikret Adanır (eds.), 1915: Siyaset, Tehcir, Soykırım, Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2015b, p. 164-175.
Grabill Joseph L., Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East: Missionary Influence on American Policy, 1810-1927, University of Minnesota Press, 1971.
Harris J. Rendel and Harris Helen Balkwill, Letters from the Scenes of the Recent Massacres in Armenia, New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1897.
Hartmann Elke, “The Central State in the Borderlands: Ottoman Eastern Anatolia in the late Nineteenth Century,” in Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz (eds.), Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013, p. 172-190.
Hofmann Tessa and Koutcharian Gerayer, “The History of Armenian-Kurdish Relations in the Ottoman Empire,” Armenian Review, vol. 39 (4-156), 1986, p. 1-45.
Jafarian Boghos, Farewell Kharpert: The Autobiography of Boghos Jafarian, Leon Mangasarian (ed.), Madison, WI: C. Mangasarian, 1989.
Jongerden Joost, “Elite Encounters of a Violent Kind: Milli İbrahim Paşa, Ziya Gökalp and Political Struggle in Diyarbekir at the Turn of the 20th Century,” in Jelle Verheij and Joost Jongerden (eds.), Social Relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-1915, Leiden: Brill, 2012, p. 55-84.
Karaca Ali, Anadolu Islahatı ve Ahmet Şakir Paşa (1838-1899), Istanbul: Eren Yayınları, 1993.
Kévorkian Raymond H. and Paboudjian Paul B., 1915 Öncesinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Ermeniler, Istanbul: Aras Yayıncılık, 2013.
Kieser Hans-Lukas, Iskalanmış Barış: Doğu Vilayetleri’nde Misyonerlik, Etnik Kimlik ve Devlet, 1839-1938, Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005.
Kieser Hans-Lukas, “The Destruction of Ottoman Armenians: A Narrative of a General History of Violence,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, vol. 14, 2014, p. 500-515.
Kirakosyan Arman J. (ed.), The Armenian Massacres, 1894 - 1896: U.S. Media Testimony, Detroit, Mich.: Wayne State Univ. Press, 2004.
Klein Janet, The Margins of Empire: Kurdish Militias in the Ottoman Tribal Zone. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011.
Kuneralp Sinan, Son Dönem Osmanlı Erkân ve Ricali (1839-1922) - Prosopografik Rehber, Istanbul: Isis, 1999.
Le Bon Gustave, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1926 [1896].
Lepsius Johannes, Armenia and Europe: An Indictment, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1897.
Libaridian Gerard J., “What was Revolutionary about Armenian Revolutionary Parties in the Ottoman Empire?” in Ronald G. Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, & Norman M. Naimark (eds.), A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 82-112.
Makdisi Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000.
Melson Robert, “A Theoretical Inquiry into the Armenian Massacres of 1894-1896,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 24 (3), 1982, p. 481-509.
Moscovici Serge, “The Discovery of the Masses,” in Carl F. Graumann and Serge Moscovici (eds.), Changing Conceptions of Crowd Mind and Behavior, New York: Springer-Verlag, 1986, p. 5-25.
Nalbandian Louise, The Origins and Development of Socialism in Armenia: The Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, 1887-1949, MA Thesis, Stanford University, 1949.
Nalbandian Louise, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of Armenian Political Parties Through the Nineteenth Century, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963.
Narzakian Sarkis, Memoirs of Sarkis Narzakian, Ann Arbor: Gomidas Institute, 1995.
Özbek Nadir, “The Politics of Taxation and the ‘Armenian Question’ during the Late Ottoman Empire, 1876–1908,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 54 (4), 2012, p. 770-797.
Polatel Mehmet, “The Complete Ruin of a District: The Sasun Massacre of 1894,” in Y. Tolga Cora, Dzovinar Derderian and Ali Sipahi (eds.), The Ottoman East in the Nineteenth Century: Societies, Identities and Politics, London: I.B. Tauris, 2015, p. 179-198.
Reid James J., “War, Atrocity and Massacres, 1853-1896,” Armenian Review, vol. 41 (1-161), 1988, p. 1-28.
Rudé George E., The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730-1848, New York: Wiley, 1964.
Russo Maurizio, “The Formation of the Kurdish Hamidiye Regiments as Reflected in Italian Diplomatic Documents,” Armenian Review, vol. 47 (1-2), 2001, p. 55-77.
Salt Jeremy, Imperialism, Evangelism, and the Ottoman Armenians, 1878-1896, Portland, Or.: F. Cass, 1993.
Sipahi Ali, “Suburbanization and Urban Duality in Harput Area,” in Y. Tolga Cora, Dzovinar Derderian and Ali Sipahi (eds.), The Ottoman East in the Nineteenth Century: Societies, Identities and Politics, London: I.B. Tauris, 2015, p. 247-267.
Sunguroğlu İshak, Harput Yollarında, vol. 1, Istanbul: Elazığ Kültür ve Tanıtma Vakfı Yayını, 1958.
Sunguroğlu İshak, Harput Yollarında, vol. 2, Istanbul: Elazığ Kültür ve Tanıtma Vakfı Yayını, 1959.
Suny Ronald G., “Writing Genocide: The Fate of the Ottoman Armenians,” in Ronald G. Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, & Norman M. Naimark (eds.), A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011a, p. 15-41.
Suny Ronald G., “Thinking about Feelings: Affective Dispositions and Emotional Ties in Imperial Russia and the Ottoman Empire,” in Mark D. Steinberg and Valeria Sobol (eds.), Interpreting Emotions in Russian and Eastern Europe, Northern Illinois University Press, 2011b, p. 102-27.
Suny Ronald G., “They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else”: A History of the Armenian Genocide, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2015.
Tambiah Stanley J., Leveling Crowds: Ethnonationalist Conflicts and Collective Violence in South Asia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.
Thompson Edward P., “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past & Present, vol. 50, 1971, p. 76-136.
Turkey, no. 2. Correspondence relative to the Armenian question, and reports from Her Majesty's consular officers in Asiatic Turkey [C.7927], London: Harrison & Sons, 1896.
Üngör Uğur Ümit and Polatel Mehmet, Confiscation and Destruction: The Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property, London: Continuum, 2011.
Van Bruinessen Martin, Ağa, Şeyh, Devlet, Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015.
Verheij Jelle, “Diyarbekir and the Armenian Crisis of 1895,” in Jelle Verheij and Joost Jongerden (eds.), Social Relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-1915, Leiden: Brill, 2012a, p. 85-146.
Verheij Jelle, “[Annex B] Diyarbekir and the Armenian Crisis of 1895 - The Fate of the Countryside,” in Jelle Verheij and Joost Jongerden (eds.), Social Relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-1915, Leiden: Brill, 2012b, p. 333-344.
Walker Christopher J., Armenia: The Survival of a Nation, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.
Yarman Arsen (ed.), Palu - Harput 1878: Çarsancak, Çemişgezek, Çapakçur, Erzincan, Hizan ve Civar Bölgeler, vol. 2, Istanbul: Derlem Yayınları, 2010.
Haut de page
Note de fin
1 G. Le Bon, 1926 [1896]; S. Moscovici, 1986.
2 G. Rudé, 1964; E.P. Thompson, 1971. See also R. Darnton, 1984.
3 R.S. de la Roche, 1996, p. 99.
4 N.Z. Davis, 1973; V. Das, 1985, 1987. For more recent work, see S.J. Tambiah, 1996; L. Dubois, 2004.
5 Apart from the studies on the Armenian Genocide, see U. Makdisi, 2000; E. Aykut, 2011.
6 For a literature review, see J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 97-100. R.H. Kévorkian, 2013, p. 53-57, accepts the argument that the massacres were centrally administered.
7 The pioneering work that deconstructed the provocation thesis was R. Melson, 1982. For recent contributions, see G.J. Libaridian, 2011; R.G. Suny, 2011a; M.L. Anderson, 2015; and, E. Gölbaşı, this issue.
8 J. Verheij, 2012a.
9 For a summary of the arguments of various scholars, see E. Gölbaşı, 2015a and R.G. Suny, 2015.
10 M. van Bruinessen, 2015, p. 199-302; M. Eppel, 2008; T. Hofmann and G. Koutcharian, 1986.
11 J. Klein, 2011; M. Russo, 2001; S. Duguid, 1973.
12 S. Astourian, 2011, p. 62.
13 For the most comprehensive literature reviews on the Armenian land problem, see S. Astourian, 2011, and U.Ü. Üngör and M. Polatel, 2011. For the relationship between the government’s tax policies and the Armenian question, see N. Özbek, 2012. For land grabbing and its importance in the Sassoun Massacre, see M. Polatel, 2015. For the crucial role of the Muslim landowner class in the massacres in Diyarbekir, see J. Verheij, 2012a.
14 J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 90-91. See S. Astourian, 2011, for the Adana case.
15 R.G. Suny, 2011a and 2011b. See R. Melson, 1982, p. 503-509, for an early work that makes mention of the resentment among the Muslims.
16 J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 91.
17 H-L. Kieser, 2014.
18 E. Hartmann, 2013, p. 184.
19 U.Ü. Üngör and M. Polatel, 2011, p. 22.
20 Mamuretülaziz, no. 21, 4 March 1884.
21 A. Sipahi, 2015.
22 J. Verheij, 2012a; E. Gölbaşı, this issue.
23 S. Deringil, 2009; R.G. Suny, 2015, p. 121-122; B. Jafarian, 1989, p. 45-46; J. Salt, 1993, p. 96-99; C.J. Walker, 1990, p. 161; J.L. Grabill, 1971, p. 42-44; J.D. Harris and H.B. Harris, 1897, p. 141-162; Turkey, no. 2, 1896, p. 123-147, 189-191, 206, 215, 241, 325.
24 İ. Sunguroğlu, 1958, p. 158-159.
25 H-L. Kieser, 2005, p. 284-291.
26 Letter from O.P. Allen to J.L. Barton, Van, April 30, 1895, the archives of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission [abbreviated ABCFM], Reel 695. Nothing could better express the archival experience of the historian of violence than “tragic sameness.”
27 Letter from C.E. Bush to J.L. Barton, Bizmishen, April 30, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 696. Underlines exist in the original letter.
28 R.G. Suny, 2015, p. 116.
29 For a critique of the representation of Kurds in Armenian writing in the 1860s, see D. Derderian, 2015. Reid pointed out a similar stereotypical understanding of Kurds in the 1890s’ publications: J.J. Reid, 1988, p. 14-15. For a critique of homogenization of “Armenians” or “Kurds” as if there was no class and status differences within the communities, see Y.T. Cora, 2015; T. Hofmann and G. Koutcharian, 1986, p. 22.
30 Herman N. Barnum (Auburn, NY, 1826 - Harput, 1910), who served in Harput for fifty years and died there, was the only Harput missionary who was fluent in Turkish. He was the representative of the missionary community in the eyes of the government, a well-respected one. He always participated in the local notables’ official and unofficial meetings. Few Americans became integrated into Ottoman society to the degree Barnum did.
31 Diyab Ağa (1852-1934) was one of the most powerful and controversial figures of Dersim. In the Republican times, he collaborated with the national government. During the deportations in 1915, it is reported that he actually helped the Armenians. For more information, see A. Yarman, 2010, p. 465. According to the 1910 report of the Armenian Patriarchate about the seized property of Armenians, Diyab Ağa, the grandson of Kahraman Ağa from Ulak tribe, seized by force the Surp Nişan Monastery with its 1000 dönüm land in Çemişgezek and secured an official deed from the government. Deghegakir Hoghayin Kravmants Hantsnajoghovoy, 1910, p. 5; Anadolunun Mahal-i Muhtelifesinde ve Arazi-i Magsube Hakkında Ermeni Patrikhanesince Teşekkül Eden Komisyon-i Mahsus Tarafından Tanzim Olunan Raporun Suret-i Tercümesi, 1327, p. 9.
32 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (Ottoman Prime Ministry Archives) [abbreviated BOA], Y.A.HUS, 329/139, 2 June 1895. The fact that two different Raufs served as the governor of Mamuretülaziz one after another causes confusions, especially because the position-shift occurred right before the massacres. Mehmed Şerif Rauf Pasha (1838-1923) served as the governor of Mamuretülaziz first in 1892 for six months, and then in 1895 for nine months until he was appointed as the governor of Erzurum in September 1895 (where he stayed uninterrupted six years). On November 1, 1895, [Mustafa] Rauf Bey, the mutasarrıf of Dedeağaç, was assigned as the new governor of Mamuretülaziz where he arrived only after the events of November 11. He served here for eight years until 1903. S. Kuneralp, 1999, p. 35, 104, 117. For the former, namely about Mehmed Şerif Rauf Pasha, Chambers wrote: “In 1895 the civil administrator, the vali, of Erzroom, was a man with a sincere desire to do his work well. The massacre was carried out by the military authorities apparently over the heads of the civil administration.” W.N. Chambers, 1928, p. 88.
33 Letter from O.P. Allen to J.L. Barton, Harpoot, July 24, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 695.
34 It is unfortunate that the classic source by Nalbandian has a mistake regarding the Rumi/Gregorian dates. Although she generally gave both dates, like 18/30 September 1895, at one point she wrote that “the demonstration took place on Monday, September 18, 1895;” however, the demonstration took place on September 18, 1311, or September 30, 1895, Monday. Recently, Der Matossian repeated the same mistake. L. Nalbandian, 1949, p. 34; 1963, p. 124; B. Der Matossian, 2014, p. 13.
35 Ali Emiri Efendi was appointed as the treasurer (defterdar) of Mamuretülaziz in July 1895. In September, he was assigned as the treasurer of Erzurum. Nevertheless, he did not leave Harput perhaps because the governor Mehmed Şerif Rauf Pasha was also appointed to Erzurum and Mamuretülaziz was left now without a governor. Only on November 1, the new governor Rauf Bey was ordered to govern the province, and the same day Ali Emiri was ordered to stay in Harput as the acting-governor until the new governor arrived. BOA, I.ML, 15/1313, 1 July 1895; BEO, 649/48666, 4 July 1895; A.MKT.MHM, 720/9, 11 September 1895; I.DH, 1327/1313, 19 October 1895; A.MKT.MHM, 657/5, 1 November 1895.
36 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 675/2, 10 October 1895.
37 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 721/4, 16 October 1895.
38 A. Karaca, 1993, p. 52-55.
39 S. Narzakian, 1995.
40 A. Emiri, 1992, p. 11-12.
41 BOA, HR.SYS, 2812/2, 24 October 1895. Missionary C. F. Gates’ later account of the event is in harmony with Ali Emiri’s account: “Some ten days ago there was much unrest in the city because of apprehension that the Turks were about to attack the Christians. The authorities showed much earnestness and ability in coping with that trouble, and tranquility was restored.” Letter from C.F. Gates to J. Smith, Harpoot, November 6, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
42 BOA, DH.EO, 290/42, 3 November 1895.
43 Letter from C.F. Gates to W.W. Peet, Harpoot, November 4, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
44 Letter from C.F. Gates to W.W. Peet, Harpoot, November 5, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
45 Letter from C.F. Gates to J. Smith, Harpoot, November 6, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
46 Letter from O.P. Allen to “dear Brothers …,” Harpoot, November 14, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 695.
47 Gates most probably meant Beyzade by “Bey Oglon”. Beyzade Hacı Ali Rıza Efendi was one of the most prominent figures for the Muslim community of Harput. İ. Sunguroğlu, 1959, p. 110-115.
48 Letter from C.F. Gates to Moore, Harpoot, November 7, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 694.
49 Gates wrote: “When soldiers began to fire upon the Koords, it is said, the latter called out to them: –Why do you fire on us? You summoned us.’” Letter from C.F. Gates to W.W. Peet, Harpoot, November 5, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
50 BOA, DH.EO, 290/40, 5 November 1895. This account of Ali Emiri is in concordance with Gates’ above referred accounts of the events on Monday and Tuesday.
51 Letter from C.F. Gates to W.W. Peet, Harpoot, November 5, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
52 Letter from C.F. Gates to J. Smith, Harpoot, November 6, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
53 “Namag Malatiaye,” Hayk, v. 6, no. 5/114, 1 May 1896, p. 73-74. The author gave the date of the initial event as October 20, Friday, but he most probably referred to Rumi calendar since its Gregorian equivalent, Nov. 1, is in perfect harmony with other sources and is really a Friday.
54 “Malatiayi Tebky,” Hnchag, v. 9, no. 3, 15 February 1896, p. 22-23. Similarly, the author of this letter from Malatya, named Aniga, wrote that the attacks started on October 22-23, 1895, a Monday morning; however, he most probably meant its Gregorian equivalent, November 3-4, which is in perfect harmony with other sources, November 4 being a Monday.
55 BOA, DH.EO, 290/48, 5 November 1895.
56 Letter from C.F. Gates to W.W. Peet, Harpoot, November 5, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 700.
57 “Malatiayi Tebky.” In his letter on Thursday, Gates also confirms that the armed conflict lasted the entire week in the Armenian neighborhoods. Letter from C.F. Gates to Moore, Harpoot, November 7, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 694.
58 “Arapgir – I,” Troshag, no. 6, 20 February 1896, p. 47; “Arapgir – II,” Troshag, no. 7, 1 March 1896, p. 54-55. The same letter was also published here: “Namag Arapgiren – Arapgiri Averumn,” Hayk, v. 6, no. 3/112, 1 March 1896, p. 36-39. Again, the author gave the date as October 25, Wednesday, which should be November 6, a Wednesday, in Gregorian calendar.
59 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/16, 7 November 1895; A.MKT.MHM, 657/17, 7 November 1895.
60 “Godoradzner – Agn,” Troshag, no. 21, 15 December 1895, p. 6; “Godoradzner – Aghyni yev Shrchagayk,” Troshag, no. 8, 10 March 1896, p. 62-63.
61 “Namagk Hayapnag Kavarneren – Agnen,” Hayk, v. 6, no. 1/110, 15 January 1896, p. 9.
62 “Namag Arapgeru Shepig Kiughen,” Hayk, v. 6, no. 4/113, 1 April 1896, p. 52-53.
63 “Agn Kaghaki Godoradzy,” Troshag, no. 26, 15 November 1896, p. 194-95. Hayk’s November and December 1896 issues were almost exclusively devoted to the Eğin Massacre: Hayk, v. 6, no. 11/1120, 1 November 1896; Hayk, v. 6, no. 12/121, 1 December 1896, p. 178-184.
64 Letter from C.F. Gates to Moore, Harpoot, November 7, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 694.
65 Krikor Yağcıyan was among the notables of the city. According to the official gazette, he was the tax-farmer of Alpavut village and he had managed to raise the amount of tax from 60,558 para in 1882 to 77,743 para in 1883, namely 28 percent (celebrated as the 7th best score). Mamuretülaziz, no. 19, 20 February 1884. In another record, he was among the signees of a public refutation against an article published in an Istanbul paper criticizing the mayor, Reşid Efendi, and the secretary of provincial council, Süleyman Efendi. In this open letter signed by more than one hundred Muslim and Christian notables of the city, Yağcıyan Ohan from the Esteemed (muteberandan), Yağcıyan Krikor from the Esteemed, and Yağcıyan Krikor exist among the signatures. Mamuretülaziz, no. 51, 5 October 1884; no. 52, 12 October 1884. In 1906, another member of the same family, Medzig Yağcıyan, was one of the seven members of the Armenian political council (meclis-i siyasi) of Harput. 1902 Intartsag Oratsuyts - S. Prgcyan Hivantanotsi, 2012, p. 411.
66 BOA, DH.EO, 290/27, 7 November 1895.
67 Letter from C.F. Gates to Moore, Harpoot, November 7, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 694.
68 For a detailed account of the events in Diyarbekir on November 1, Friday, see J. Verheij, 2012a.
69 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 638/34, 8 November 1895.
70 Letter from C.F. Gates to Moore, Harpoot, November 8, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 694.
71 “Kharpert,” Troshag, no. 1, 1 January 1896, p. 6-7.
72 Letter by Annie T. Allen to J. Smith, Harpoot, February 4, 1896, ABCFM, Reel 695.
73 Ibid.
74 “Official Control of the Destruction of Mission Buildings at Harpoot,” [December 1895], ABCFM, Reel 694. In a later letter by Barnum, those who had promised protection by saying “unless we were cut in pieces…” were Mustafa Naim Pasha, Brigadier General-Commander of the Army division in the district, and Shukri Bey, the Colonel who was in charge of the defense of the city. Letter from H.N. Barnum to Smith, Harpoot, January 23, 1896, ABCFM, Reel 696.
75 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/16, 10 November 1895.
76 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/18, 10 November 1895.
77 In the following days, the commander-in-chief of the imperial army kept dealing with the question of reserves, asking detailed information from the provinces, especially implicating Harput government for being slow on call-up. BOA, DH.EO, 290/99, 13 November 1895.
78 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/18, 10 November 1895.
79 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/19, 11 November 1895.
80 “Kharpert Kavari Hayots Aghersakirn ar Sr. Badriark Hayrn,” Hayk, v. 5, no. 20/107, 15 November 1895, p. 285-86. The petition was dated 21 September 1895; if we assume that it was dated according to Rumi calendar, its correct date should be 2 October 1895.
81 Letter from O.P. Allen to “dear Brothers …,” Harpoot, November 14, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 695.
82 He later wrote about the so-called defense of the city by the soldiers: “… all a sham, a well understood arrangement on both sides, to give an appearance of defending the city.” He also reported that many “pseudo-Koords” from the city and close-by towns joined the assailants. Letter from O.P. Allen to H.O. Dwight, Harpoot, November 26, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 695.
83 Letter from O.P. Allen to “dear Brothers …,” Harpoot, November 14, 1895, ABCFM, Reel 695. Lepsius, too, put the responsibility of the massacres on Mustafa Pasha. J. Lepsius, 1897, p. 53.
84 BOA, DH.MKT, 2071/60, 11 November 1895.
85 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/16, 14-16 November 1895; A.MKT.MHM, 657/20, 12 November 1895.
86 Further research on sources in the Armenian language may shed light on these details.
87 BOA, Y.PRK.UM, 33/83, 12 November 1895.
88 “Kharpert,” Troshag, no. 1, 1 January 1896, p. 6-7.
89 BOA, Y.PRK.UM, 33/83, 12 November 1895; Y.PRK.ASK, 108/47, 13 November 1895.
90 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/25, 13 November 1895. Although we do not know who they were, Ali Rıza Pasha’s suggestion that they be released one by one and made to explain the power of the state to their fellow people implies that they were people spontaneously arrested by the soldiers in the middle of the events. BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/16, 16 November 1895.
91 Later, on November 28, Ali Rıza Pasha complained again about the absence of the new governor (Rauf Bey) and, like Ali Emiri, asked to be vested with more authority, if the new governor’s arrival was to be further delayed. BOA, DH.EO, 292/59, 28 November 1895.
92 A dialogue between Ali Rıza Pasha and the center reveals another instance where the locality pushed for declaring state of exception and the center resisted. Apparently, 100 privates were “temporarily” enrolled upon grave need and allocation for payments and sustenance was demanded; however, the center opposed the idea of “temporary soldiers” and ordered again the call-up of all reserves. Ali Rıza Pasha nonetheless insisted since the Kurdish danger was still present and, at the end of the day, more soldiers needed to be able to recruit the reserves. Eventually, the center accepted to authorize the allocation. BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/39, 13 November - 15 December 1895.
93 BOA, Y.A.HUS, 339/25, 16 November 1895.
94 Brigade General (later Field Marshall) Abdullah Paşa (Kölemen) (1846-1937) was the head of one of two high-level commissions delegated by Sultan Abdülhamid to the eastern provinces to restore order. He arrived in Diyarbekir on December 17, 1895, and stayed there until April 1896. The foreign consuls in Diyarbekir had a positive relationship with Abdullah Paşa. The French Vice-Consul, Gustave Meyrier, reported on his valuable efforts against the Governor Enis Paşa, who was implicated as one of chief instigators of the massacres. As Verheij showed, the consular reports from Diyarbekir did not create a negative picture of the central state; they rather regarded the envoys like Abdullah Paşa as honorable statesmen. J. Verheij, 2012b, p. 109, 130-133. After the Diyarbekir mission, Abdullah Paşa was appointed to Musul as a temporary acting-governor. After 1908, he was going to be the commander-in-chief of the Fourth Army in the eastern provinces, and then, of the West Anatolian Army. In 1918, for little more than one month only, he served as the Minister of War.
95 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/46, 6 December 1895.
96 BOA, A.MKT.MHM, 657/46, 9 December 1895.
97 In the 1890s, Müşir Mehmed Zeki Pasha was the commander-in-chief of the Fourth Army (Eastern Army) and the top commander and one of the founding fathers of the Hamidiye Light Cavalry. His rapid ascension to the highest military rank made a foreign observer comment on him as “by far the most powerful in influence throughout this part of the Turkish Empire.” Quoted in J. Klein, 2011, p. 76.
98 BOA, Y.PRK.ASK, 109/61, 17 January 1896.
99 E. Gölbaşı, 2015b; J. Verheij, 2012b.
100 J. Klein, 2011, p. 51, 185.
101 BOA, Y.PRK.ASK, 109/69, 25 January 1896.
102 E. Gölbaşı, 2015b.
103 J. Jongerden, 2012, p. 81-82.
104 J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 133-138.
105 J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 105.
106 J. Verheij, 2012a, p. 108-9.
107 E. Gölbaşı, this issue.
108 In Harput, the plunder went so aggressive that the invaders could not carry everything they looted and had to sell things cheaply before they left. “Kharpert,” Troshag, no. 1, 1 January 1896, p. 6-7. Göçek argues that the 1894-1896 massacres were primarily acts of physical harm. It is certainly true for Istanbul and for many other towns in the east that violence was directed against Armenian lives. Yet, I reach the conclusion that in the event in Harput material harm was the primary form of violence. F.M. Göçek, 2014, p. 15-16.
Haut de page