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Note de fin
1 The orphanage also housed Kurdish and Turkish orphans; the reason for this may have been to be able to qualify for government funding. My thanks to Hilmar Kaiser for this point.
2 Robert Fisk, “Living proof of the Armenian Genocide”, The Independent, October 22, 2011.
3 T. Çiçek, 2014, p. 180.
4 Cemal Paşa, 2016, p. 340. “Cebel-I Lübnan’ın Ayin Tura Manastırında bin Ermeni çocuğunu alabilecek bir yetimhane açtırdım”. There is no mention of Antoura in his The Memoirs of a Turkish Statesman (1922).
5 H. Kaiser, 2015, p. 226-242.
6 F.R. Atay, 2014, p. 91-92 the word he uses is “Visrua” which is actually not a Turkish word. A German officer was to refer to him as “Vizekönig”, see T. Çiçek, 2014, p. 3.
7 BOA. DH. ŞFR 559/43, 9 July 1917, İsmail Hakkı mutasarrıf of Lebanon to Ministry of Interior. Until 1915 Mount Lebanon was an autonomous administration under the rule of a Christian Ottoman governor, the mutasarrıf. After 1915 Cemal Pasha abrogated the autonomous status of Lebanon and appointed a Muslim mutasarrıf.
8 BOA DH. ŞFR 88/163, July 1, 1918, Minister of War Enver Pasha to the Vilayet of Syria; DH. ŞFR 88/164, July 1, 1918, Minister of War Enver Pasha to the Vilayet of Beirut. It must be born in mind that the sums in question here are in paper money, which was greatly devalued during the war.
9 BOA DH. ŞFR 89/164, July 20, 1918, Ministry of Interior to Governor Damascus.
10 Lubnan. Mubahis Ilmiyya wa Ijtimaiyya [Lebanon. Scientific and Social Research], published in August 1918 and prepared with the protection of the mutasarrıf Ismail Hakki Bey. See, C. Eddé, 2014. Quoted with the permission of the author. The work was in Arabic. It was a multi-authored work and Ismail Hakkı Bey appears as the editor.
11 A. Sarafian, 2001, p. 209-217.
12 V. Tachjian, 2009, p. 60-80.
13 L. Ekmekcioglu, 2013, p. 522-553. Emphasis in quote.
14 BOA DH. ŞFR 58/34, November 16, 1915, Minister of Interior Talat to the provinces of Syria, Aleppo, and Medina.
15 BOA DH. ŞFR. 63/265, 9 June 1916, Ministry of Education to the mutasarrıf of Ankara. There are many more telegrams of this kind in the Ottoman archives that I have left out for the sake of brevity.
16 BOA DH. ŞFR 78/204, 2 August 1917, Minister of Interior Talat to all provinces.
17 I use the term “assimilation” here in the negative sense of cultural destruction as distinct from the more neutral or even positive aspect of the term. Peter Balakian has drawn attention to the distinction between forced conversion and assimilation. P. Balakian, 2013, p. 483-489. Peter Balakian’s comments on Akçam’s book. T. Akçam, 2012. I would like to thank the referees who read the earlier version of this manuscript and provided insightful comments.
18 BOA DH. ŞFR 54/150 as cited in T. Akçam, 2014, p. 200.
19 T. Akçam, 2014, p. 201. In Trabzon, the deportation order was announced on June 26: “It was authorized ‘whenever parents so desire’ to leave the children girls up to the age of fifteen and boys up to the age of ten in homes ‘baptized orphanages by the Turks’”. In Sivas, the official deportation order was promulgated on June 30th. In Harput, the town crier announced the deportation order on June 26. R. Kévorkian, 2011, p. 389, 437, 470.
20 T. Akçam, 2014, p. 201. The Directorate for the Settlement of Tribes and Refugees, İskanı Aşair ve Muhacirin Müdüriyeti (İAMM), was established in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars (1910-1913) ostensibly to settle the thousands of Muslim refugees who flooded into the empire after the losses of most of the Balkan provinces. It would later become the central agency for the logistical organization of the genocide. Şükrü Bey was appointed director from 1914 to 1916. He went on to become the Minister of the Interior as Şükrü Kaya (1927-1938) in the Kemalist Republic. On him see F. Dündar, 2010, p. 113, 137 n. 249.
21 D. Middleton and D. Edwards, 2012; J.W. Pennebaker et al., 1997; P. Connerton, 2008, p. 59-71; R. Ostle et al., 1998.
22 M. Halbwachs, 2011, p. 139-155.
23 P. Lejeune, 1975.
24 K. von Greyerz, 2010, p. 273-282.
25 B. Rimé and V. Christophe, 1997.
26 W. Hirst et al., 2012, p. 141-159.
27 M. Bedrossian, nd (family archive of Jacques Bedrossian). Bedrossian’s memoirs were translated from Armenian into French by his cousin Wartivar Ohannessian. My thanks to Dr. Tachjian for sharing this source with me. There is also a more extended translation of the Bedrossian memoir by Anna Ohanessian-Charpin, Wartivar Ohannessian’s daughter. The memoirs span two notebooks, the second of which covers his time in Antoura and was translated word for word by Anna Ohannessian-Charpin. Melkon Bedrossian was probably around seventy-three years old when he wrote his memoirs (my thanks to Anna Ohanessian-Charpin for allowing me to cite her translation and for answering my questions; e-mail communication dated May 30, 2017). It is possible that Bedrossian is mistaken in the date here; it is more likely that he converted in 1909 following the Adana massacres (my thanks to the anonymous reviewer of EAC for this point).
28 M. Bedrossian, p. 2-3, 23.
29 V. Svazlian, 2011, p. 426-428. Harutyun Alboyajian’s Testimony. Testimony no. 247. Testimonies translated from Armenian. It is worth noting that this source is a testimonial rather than a memoir.
30 K. Panian, 2015, p. xviii. In his introduction to Panian’s memoirs Keith David Watenpaugh mentions two extant biographical accounts of orphan life in Antoura. We now have to add the Melkon Bedrossian memoirs to this list. Panian’s memoirs are originally published in Armenian (G. Banean, 1992).
31 This information is provided by Keith Watenpaugh’s afterword to Panian’s memoirs.
32 P. Injarabian, 2015; N. Maksudyan, 2014.
33 M. Bedrossian, nd., p. 16.
34 Ibid., p. 17.
35 Ibid., p. 18-19.
36 V. Svazlian, 2011, p. 426.
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 K. Panian, 2015, p. 79.
40 Ibid., p. 80-81.
41 L. Fawaz, 2014, p. 88-92.
42 M. Bedrossian, nd., p. 20.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 K. Panian, 2015, p. 120-131.
46 M. Bedrossian, nd., p. 24.
47 K. Panian, 2015, p. 85. Küçük means “little” in Turkish. Evidently these senior boys were being named after the leading figures of the CUP regime.
48 M. Bedrossian, nd., p. 23.
49 V. Svazlian, 2011, p. 427.
50 K. Panian, 2015, p. 86-87.
51 W. Hirst et al., 2012, p. 142.
52 V. Svazlian, 2011, p. 427.
53 M. Bedrossian, nd., p. 22.
54 H. Morley, 1967, p. 22-23. My thanks to Hilmar Kaiser for this reference. It is also interesting that young Harutyun comes up in the source about Bertha Morley: “Haroutune [sic] Alboyajian [won] the prize in conduct. Haroutune was also mentioned in the teachers’ meetings for his neatness, and for his use of his spare time: he designed and made belts which were useful and attractive”. Ibid., p. 24.
55 R. Kévorkian, 2011, p. 470-471, “The Poisonings at the Red Crescent’s Trebizond Hospital and the Drownings at Sea”.
56 American University of Beirut Library Archives. Bayard Dodge Collection. (Amerikan külliyesi Reis-i muhteremi Doktor Bliss Caniblerine, Antoura Hatırası olmak üzere takdim kılındı) Dated March 21, 1918. On the green felt cover in English, “Turkish Orphanage Antoura World War period 1916-1918”. The album is unpublished. I would like to thank Dr. Kaoukab Chebaro and Samar Mikati-Kaissi for their help and particularly for allowing me to use one of the photographs from the album featured in this article.
57 Antoura album; unsigned memo probably written by Bayard Dodge.
58 H.E. Adıvar, 1926, p. 400, “Carpentry class in Antoura”; p. 416, “Montessori class in Antoura”; p. 432, “a group of girls at Antoura”; p. 448, with the legend “The Armenian children were good musicians” featuring the orphans lined up for inspection with a band in the background; p. 464, “Shoemaking class at Antoura”. One of the photographs clearly shows a man in the garb of a religious functionary wearing a turban. My thanks to Levon Nordiguian for the itemized list of the photographs he was kind enough to share with me.
59 For two recent biographies of Halide Edib see, İ. Çalışlar, 2010, and H. Adak, 2016.
60 T. Çiçek, 2014, p. 184-185.
61 Aghavnie Yeghenian, “The Turkish Jeanne d’Arc. An Armenian Picture of Remarkable Halide Edib Hanoum”, The New York Times, September 17, 1922.
62 E.F. Thompson, 2013, p. 104.
63 “Stepan Dardooni, Seminarian, Deportee, and Legionnaire” in Paren Kazanjian, The Cilician Armenian Ordeal (Boston: HYE Intentions, 1989), cited in H. Kaiser, 2002, p. 99.
64 American University of Beirut Archive. Howard Bliss Collection 1902-1922, Box 18, File 3. About American Relief Work in Syria. From Bayard Dodge (Beirut) to Mr. C.H. Dodge, 99 John Str. NYC.
65 K. Panian, 2015, p. 93, 95.
66 H.E. Adıvar, 1926, p. 428, 429.
67 H.E. Adıvar, 1968, p. 196, 281. These memoirs were the translation of her Memoirs of Halide Edib. Yet there are important discrepancies between the two texts. In another passage in the same book she declares: “In Syria Cemal Pasha had behaved towards the exiled Armenians in a manner becoming an Ottoman statesman”. Ibid., p. 174.
68 BOA DH. ŞFR 576-47, Halide Edib to the mutasarrıf of Lebanon, Ismail Hakkı Bey. Forwarded to Cemal Pasha. 20 Kanun-u Sani 334 (20 January 1918); H. Kaiser, 2015, p. 236. My thanks to Hilmar Kaiser for bringing this document to my attention. I have consulted and quoted the original.
69 BOA DH. ŞFR 591/35, August 4, 1918, from the mutasarrıf of Lebanon Ismail Hakkı to Abdülhalik [Renda]. Adnan Bey sent several cables in 1918: DH. ŞFR 84/156, March 28, 1918, Adnan Bey to mutasarrıf of Lebanon Ismail Hakkı Bey; DH. ŞFR 85/86, March 21,1918, Adnan Bey to Medical Director (Sıhhiye Müdürü) Subhi Bey in Adana asking to be notified “when the Teacher Training personel of Beirut arrive in Adana”; DH. ŞFR 83/77, January 23, 1918, Adnan Bey to mutasarrıf of Lebanon praying him to forward the telegram to Halide Edip, by which he asked her to “please notify as to the time of your return by way of the Mutasarrıf Efendi”.
70 H. Kaiser, 2002, p. 69-71.
71 Ibid., p. 98 n. 143.
72 Antoura Album, plate 8, “Montessori Class” showing student seated at desks in an orderly fashion. The same photograph appears in Halide Edib’s Memoirs. The “Montessori Method” was founded by the Italian pedagogue Dr. Maria Montessori at the end of the 19th century.
73 J.L. Barton, 1998, p. 164-165.
74 M. Bardakçı, 2014, p. 23. Letter from Halide Edib to Cavid Bey, 1 March 1917. Cavid Bey was one of the leading Ittihadists and Minister of Finance.
75 M. Bardakçı, 2014, p. 132.
76 H. Adak, 2016.
77 Ibid., p. 36.
78 Ibid., p. 40.
79 Ibid., p. 56.
80 Ibid., p. 58-59.
81 H.E. Adıvar, 1926, p. 379. The book in question was André Mandelstam’s, Le sort de l’Empire ottoman (Paris, 1917). Mandelstam had been the last Dragoman of the Imperial Russian Embassy in Istanbul before the war and the Russian Revolution. He referred to the Ottoman Empire as “l’État vampire”. A. Mandelstam, 1917, p. 577.
82 H.E. Adıvar, 1926, p. 469.
83 AUB Library Archives. Howard Bliss Collection 1902-1920. Box 18, File 3. Report from Bayard Dodge (Beirut) to C.H. Dodge (N.Y.C) concerning the relief work in Syria during the period of war.
84 The Treaty of Sèvres, article 142 (“Protection of Minorities”) was to declare: “Whereas in view of the terrorist regime that had existed in Turkey since 1914, conversion to Islam could not take place under normal conditions, no conversions since that date are recognized and all persons who were non-Moslems before November 1, 1914 will be considered remaining such, unless after regaining their liberty, they voluntarily perform the necessary formalities for embracing the Islamic faith [...]”.
85 N.N. Nercessian, 2016, p. xiv.
86 L. Ekmekcioglu, 2013.
87 L. Ekmekçioglu, 2016, p. 34; L. Yotnakhparian, 2012, p. 109-113. Yotnanakhparian recounts the story of the forcible recovery of an orphan girl who insisted she was Muslim.
88 H.E. Adıvar, 1928, p. 17.
89 Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi Ankara (Prime Ministry Republican Archives) 272 14 75 21 10 Ministry of the Interior no. 39709. My thanks to Sait Çetinoğlu for this reference.
90 P. Injarabian, 2015, p. 132. Although it has to be born in mind that Papken Injarabian, with his Kurdish name of Azo and ostensibly a Muslim, even as he was “owned” by eight successive Kurdish “masters” was always referred to by them as a giavour, or infidel.
91 C. Mick, 2014, p. 133-171.
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