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Notes
Note: Throughout this essay the artist is referred to as ‘Hagopian’, as per the Western Armenian transliteration of the artist’s surname. Modern Turkish texts refer to him as ‘Agopian’, which is how he often signed his name in French. Transliteration throughout the work is Western Armenian except when referring to Eastern Armenian sources. Orthography is Mesrobian (Classical) except when quoting Soviet and Republican material. All translations are my own unless specified otherwise.
File accessed in July 2014. National Gallery of Armenia Archives, Yerevan, File Ֆ7, Թպ5.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247-248.
Porters: derived from the Arabic hamala, meaning ‘to carry’. H. Wehr, 1974, p. 206-207. Teotig uses the Armenian compound Բեռնակիրներ: burden-carriers.
Further, no works by Hagopian are held at the National Gallery of Armenia Collection.
Despite being one of the most popular genres of historical scholarship, biography has also been one of the most controversial. There is a vast literature on biography and art history. See C. Ginzburg, 2014, p. 139-166; G. Levi, 2014, p. 61-74; and S. Loriga, 2014, p. 75-93.
See for example S. Germaner and Z. İnankur, 1989 and 2008.
See for example G. Renda 1987; A. Özsegin, 1996; A. Aghasyan et al, 2009; A. Aghasyan, 2009.
For a lucid discussion see S. Loriga, 2014, p. 75-93.
For a repudiation of the treatment of Osman Hamdi by art historians see E. Eldem 2012, p. 339-383.
See E. Eldem, 2009, p. 39.
See for example Z. Çelik, 2002, p. 19-26.
W. Shaw, 2010, p. 188 (fn 17).
See E. Turan, 1987; A. Özsegin, 1996; S. Bağci, 2010; S. Germaner, 2012.
See for example B. Öztuncay, 2003, p. 11, 179 (fn 2), 219, 220-221 for his treatment of the Abdullah Frères.
E. Eldem, 2009, p. 39.
Ibid. Unfortunately a virulent obsession with nation building persists in Turkey and the post-Soviet Transcaucasus that regularly spills into art historiography.
W. Shaw, 2010, p. 188 (fn 17).
Term coined by microhistorian Edoardo Grendi. The citation is from S. Loriga, 2014, p. 90.
I would like to thank Varvara Basmadjian for locating the original painting in a private home, and putting an end to an eighteen-month search. I also wish to express my sincere gratitude to the collector-owner of the work for his generosity, enthusiastic support and permission for the reproduction of the two Hagopian paintings discussed in the essay.
S. Loriga, 2014, p. 90, 91.
Ibid.
See C. Ginzburg, 2013, p. 87-113.
See e.g. E. Said, 1994, p. 230-408; also G.C. Spivak, 1993, p. 66-111.
C. Geertz, 1973, p. 5, 14.
T.J. Clark, 1973, p. 9-20.
‘Գարաքէօյի Կամուրջէն Անցնող Բեռնակիրները’.
‘Թուրք Բեռնակիրներ Գարաքէօյի Կամուրջին Վրայ’.
The painting is undated. After a thorough physical examination of the work, front and back, my opinion is that it was probably executed around 1905. While it may have been produced at any time between 1889 and 1910, in the absence of concrete information we cannot be certain of a precise date. The same argument applies to the second painting discussed later in the essay.
T.J. Clark, 1973, p. 12.
Id., p. 10.
Id., p. 12-13.
G. Weisberg, 1980, p. ix-xiv, 1-14.
See J. Etmekjian, 1964, p. 214-238.
Luminaries of this movement included Arpiar Arpiarian (1852-1908), Krikor Zohrab (1861-1915), Dickran Gamsaragan (1866-1941) and Hrant (Melkon Gurdjian, 1859-1915). A socially reformist Realist literature was particularly vigorous between 1884 and 1896 but retained its dominance until the advent of World War I. Realism in its Western Armenian incarnation is a complex and nuanced phenomenon. Romantic undercurrents are sometimes evident in many self-consciously Realist works. A discussion of this subject is beyond the scope of this essay.
J. Etmekjian, 1964, p. 220.
Hayrenik, no. 71, 31 October 1891; Hayrenik, no. 632, 10 November 1893.
Պանդուխտ from the Greek πάνδοχος: see H. Adjaryan, 1979, vol. IV, p. 20.
Muş.
See, for example, D. Quataert, 1983, p. 97.
Single men: Turkish.
From the Arabic (han or khan) meaning inn, dwelling place or caravanserai. J.M. Cowan, 1976, p. 224.
D. Quataert, 1983, p. 97.
Hrant, 1931; C. Clay, 1998, p. 1-32.
Hrant, 1931, p. 21-157.
J. Etmekjian, 1964, p. 218, 221.
While a discussion of the massacres is outside the scope of this essay, I will suffice with a quote from E. Pears, 1916, p. 161-162 where he notes: ‘The word was passed that if the Armenian guardians of shops and offices, together with the hamals or porters, could be killed off their places could be taken by Turks and Kurds from the interior.’
Painting introduced to me with the title Mshetsi Hamal. Hagopian may have given it other names.
Մանուկ Աղբար, [Brother Manoog]: ‘Brother’ is a term of endearment. For Srabian see G. Kurkman, vol. II, p. 762-767.
Key to pseudonyms: handwritten note by Aram Andonian, Pseudonyms in Hayrenik inside cover binding of 1891 Volume of Hayrenik, AGBU Nubarian Library, Paris.
Arevelk, no. 45, 25 February 1884.
Hrant, 1931, p 35.
I was shown the photograph of a second version, whereabouts unknown.
E. Eldem, 2001, p. 135-142.
Ibid; also Z. Çelik, 1993.
P. Bourdieu, 2000, p. 297-303; See also M. Grenfell, 2012, p. 11-12.
Samatya. At the time of Hagopian’s birth, this Armenian populated district on the Marmara shoreline, alongside Kumkapi, also Armenian populated and the seat of the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate, were part of the 2nd District, one of the 14 districts of Constantinople. Z. Çelik, 1993, p. 34 (Map 20), 67.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247.
Ibid.
School name added by G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247.
Upmarket district on the European side of Constantinople populated by Westerners and Ottoman non-Muslims.
Often referred to in contemporary texts by the French version of his name Telemaque.
For Telemach Ekserdjian see G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 362-363.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247. Street number provided by G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 362.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
T. Erol, 1987, p. 92. S. Germaner, 2012, p. 61.
W. Shaw, 2011, p. 32, 36, 37. See also G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 16; Y. Martikyan, 1971, vol. I, p. 190-204.
W. Shaw (2011) p. 32, 36, 37.
Teotig, 1912, p. 241; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 362 (Sakayan’s name misspelled as Sakaryan).
G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. II, p. 726; Teotig, 1912, p. 241.
M. Roberts, 2011, p. 130.
W. Shaw, 2011, p. 57; S. Bağci et al, 2010, p. 305; A. Thalasso, 2008, p. 30.
Z. Çelik, 1993, p. 152.
Ibid.
Arevelk, no. 124, 31 May 1884.
Ekserdjian probably emigrated in 1883 or 1884. See Arevelk, no. 1841, 3 March 1890. The author writes that Ekserdjian had emigrated to New York just under five years before; Arevelk, no. 728, 9 June 1886, names Ekserdjian as vice chairman of the New York Armenian Association. Kurkman notes that Ekserdjian emigrated in 1883; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 363.
G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111.
His two Armenian classmates, Arshag Fetvadjian and Vichen Arslanian, were nine years younger, as were the other three students Giovanni della Tolla, Şevket and Ghalib, the latter two appearing to have entered the school at seven and eleven respectively. See T. Erol, 1987, p. 138.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247. Kurkman translates the name of the painting as The Imperial Gallery at Eminonu; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111.
Enquiring about access to the Archives of Mimar Sinan University in Istanbul (successor to the Fine Arts School) I was told that much of the archive had been destroyed in a fire in April 1948.
Arevelk, no. 1320, 27 May 1888. Fetvadjian, a native of Trebizonde (Trabzon) on the Black Sea, had been sent to Constantinople to study at the Fine Arts School in 1884 and had become one of its first, as well as the School’s youngest ever graduate. By 1888 he had already gone to the Accademia di San Luca in Rome from where he published a number of essays on art and art history in the Constantinople Armenian press, the daily Arevelk and the weekly Masis. See L. Chookaszian, 2011, p. 21.
Armenian abbreviation for Constantinople.
Makriköy.
Balat.
Hasköy.
Arevelk, no. 1320, 27 May 1888.
Fetvadjian had only two Armenian classmates at the School. The other, Vichen Arslanian (1866-1942) also a native of Constantinople, was of better means.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247.
Photograph published in a number of titles including E. Edhem, 2010, p. 455; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 46. Only the teachers are identified.
Arevelk, no. 1320, 27 May 1888.
Notables.
No relation to Simon Hagopian.
Fetvadjian uses the verb շինել, to construct.
Arevelk, no. 1320, 27 May 1888.
Teotig, 1912, p. 248.
Teotig, 1922, p. 210.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Hayrenik, no. 779, 9 April 1894.
Ibid. For a reproduction of a religious painting by Hagopian Thaddeus and Bartholomew, at St Krikor, in Samatia, see Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 123.
There are two brief reports on the Fine Arts School published in 1884 Arevelk, Nos. 124, 31 May 1884, and 132, 9 June 1884. The first was reprinted from the French language daily Le Moniteur Oriental on the occasion of the School’s first anniversary. No students or prize-winners are mentioned.
Arevelk, no. 363, 18 March 1885.
The newspaper appears to have done away with any report on the Fine Arts School in 1886. Based on research of the entire year [unable to access two editions – Nos. 629, 707].
Galip.
Şevket may be different from Şevket Dag.
Arslanian.
Giovanni Della Tolla.
Arevelk, no. 1112, 19 September 1887.
The reference is certainly to the Sokollu Mehmet Paşa Camii in Istanbul. Teotig confirms the mosque’s location in Kadirga (‘Գատըրկայի կողմերը Սօֆուլու Սեյիտ Մեհմէտ Փաշայի երեք ու կէս դար հնութիւն ունեցող Մէտրէսէն’); Teotig, 1912, p. 247.
Arevelk, no. 1112, 19 September 1887.
Ibid.
Arevelk, no. 1117, 25 September 1887.
Arevelk, no. 1464, 18 November 1888.
Ibid.
Fetvadjian had left for Rome in August 1887. See L. Chookaszian, 2011, p. 21.
Giovanni.
Hagopian.
Arevelk, no. 1464, 18 November 1888.
R. Soulahian Kouyoumdjian, 2010, p. 11.
Teotig, 1922, p. 210.
Y. Martikyan, 1975, p. 100; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111.
Hayrenik, no. 71, 31 October 1891; Hayrenik, no. 632, 10 November 1893.
Kumkapı.
See L. Nalbandian, 1967, p. 118-120.
Hayrenik, no. 71, 31 October 1891.
Ibid.
Arevelk, no. 1320, 27 May 1888.
S. Bağci et al, 2010, p. 281-283.
This may however have been a relocation of the studio from Pangalti to Pera: B. Oztuncay, 2003, p. 282; E. Cizgen, 1987, p. 124 (Cizgen writes that Phébus opened in 1890); G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. II, p. 791.
E. Ozendes, 1995, p. 210-213, p. 284-285.
‘Սեպուհ’.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
The reference is to the Pythia (Πυθιας), priestess of Apollo at Delphi who sat on a sacred three-legged stool, a tripod, placed upon a subterraneous cavity within the temple from which sulphureous vapours arose. Plutarch writes that these vapours were exhaled by the priestess through an aperture in the tripod, and at this divine inspiration, she spoke with fits and convulsions the oracles of the god. J. Lempiere, 1825, p. 638-639.
Hayrenik, no. 632, 10 November 1893.
Ibid.
An Ottoman corruption of ‘alla franca’, a style, where western forms were copied for the use of residential space, furnishings, customs and dress. F.M. Göçek, 1996, p. 41. M.Ş. Hanioğlu, 2010, p. 100.
This is an enormous area for discussion beyond the scope of this essay. For an overview of the impact on the arts see F.M. Göçek 1996, p. 37-42.
Another possible confirmation of Hagopian’s engagement with France and French culture appears in the publication of a confirmation of safe receipt of a work sent by an ‘S. Agopian de Constantinople’ in Le Monde Illustré. We have no way in ascertaining what this work was – there is a reference to ‘magic squares’. We have no way of confirming that ‘S. Agopian’ is the artist under discussion. P-L B Sabel, “Accusés de réception des envois de la quinzaine”, Le Monde Illustré, no. 1101, 4 May 1878.
Arevelk, no. 1709, 25 September 1889.
R-F Sully Prudhomme, 2006, p. 63. It is unclear whether Hagopian would have read the poem in its original French or in Armenian translation. It is also unknown whether or how Hagopian executed the painting inspired by the poem, the content of which is so different from any of the artist’s known works.
Teotig, 1912, p. 248.
Piouzantion, no. 3579, 3 July 1908.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247. Teotig uses the word ‘իշխանազուն’, term for princes or ‘those borne of princes’. No information is provided as to their identity but the reference would almost certainly be to the offspring of the Muslim Ottoman aristocracy. The permissive environment permitting the teaching of girls and women is a nod to the mores of the ‘alafranga’ age, referred to earlier.
R. Berberian, 1899. Khatchig Tahtadjian was a well known Constantinople artist, teacher and calligrapher. See Teotig, 1912, p. 266-267; G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. II, p. 790.
B. Garabedian, 1933, p. 136.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111; Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921. Both Teotig and Kurkman erroneously report his death as 16 May 1921.
Ibid.
H. Sirouni, 1924, p. 360-72.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921. The author reports that during a moment of financial difficulty, Hagopian sold the painting to the ‘heir to the throne, Medjid Efendi’.
Teotig, 1912, p. 247.
Painted posthumously from a photograph by Abdullah Frères in 1906. See F. Pouillon, 2012, p. 199-228. A further historical depiction of Abd el-Kader by Hagopian is reproduced in I. Karatepe, 2011, p. 276-277.
Vertchin Lour, no. 2181, 20 May 1921.
Twenty-three in colour, two in black and white. G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 82, 111-124.
I. Karatepe, 2011, p. 256-283.
Teotig, 1922, p. 210.
Piouzantion, no. 3579, 3 July 1908.
So far I have been unable to find any information on either prize. There is no listing for ‘Turkey’ or the ‘Ottoman Empire’ or the name of any Ottoman artist in the Exposition’s Official Catalogue; see M.P. Handy, 1893, Parts X, XI. With the exception of one painting by Osman Hamdi (G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 58) there are no indications of participation by Ottoman artists in the Fair. See for example Z. Çelik, 1992; G. Yildiz, 2001, p. 131-167; G. Sevinç and A. Fazlioğlu, 2002, p. 22-30. Kurkman speculates that the artist Hovsep Pushman is the recipient of a medal awarded to ‘Ohannes Pouchman’ for his contribution to the Ottoman Pavilion at the Chicago World Fair. We do not however know what this contribution might have been. G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. II, p. 706.
Teotig, 1912, p. 248.
See for example S. Sinanlar Uslu, 2010, p. 9-79.
G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 111.
Piouzantion, No 3575, 28 June 1908.
Ottoman imperial cipher or calligraphic monogram, seal or signature of an Ottoman sovereign affixed to all official documents.
Piouzantion, No 3575, 28 June 1908.
Vertchin Lour, No 2177, 16 May 1921.
Y. Martikyan, 1975, p. 4.
Ibid.
Y. Martikyan, 1975, p. 100.
Y. Martikyan, 1975, p. 3.
Martikyan presents five artists – four Russian Armenians and one Ottoman Armenian – in his category of ‘Historical-genre’ (Պատմա-կենցաղային ժանր) painters active in the second half of the 19th century. See Y. Martikyan, 1975, p. 99-102.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid, fig. 28. Teotig, 1922, p. 210.
Y. Martikyan, p. 102.
Ibid, p. 101.
A. Aghasyan, 2009, p. 9, 18, 52, 238 (fn 43), 249 (fn 90).
H. Sirouni, 1924, p. 360-72.
Id., p. 249 (fn 90). Hagopian’s oeuvre was briefly mentioned in a conference paper by Nermin Sinemoğlu at the Ninth International Congress of Turkish Art in 1991 in Istanbul, where she counts ten works by the artist: N. Sinemoğlu, 1995, p. 214, 216.
Id., p. 18.
Id., p. 238 (fn 43).
Id., p. 52.
W. Shaw, 2011, p. 51, 56.
I. Karatepe, 2011, p. 256-283.
This is evident by his receipt of prestigious commissions for portraiture (not least his portrait work of the Sultan with the Apollon Studio). Other commissions including the Six Scenes of Victories of Gazi Ahmed Muhtar Paşa on the Eastern Front (1910) copied from the Illustrated London News coverage of the 1877-1878 Russo-Turkish War, and a number of not very successful landscapes of Yemen (probably copied from photographs) commissioned by Ahmed Muhtar Paşa’s family. For reproductions of four of the six war mages see G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 113-117. I. Karatepe, 2011, reproduces five of these works: see p. 278-279 for the work not reproduced in Kurkman (I have seen a sixth work in a private collection) and p. 260-261, 268-273 for the Yemen paintings.
I. Karatepe, 2011, p. 282-283.
I thank Gizem Tongo at Oxford University for bringing this work to my attention. It features in her research on Ottoman painting during World War I.
For images of the two works see G. Kurkman, 2004, vol. I, p. 82.
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