Introduction

1Smallholder settlement schemes have played a central role in economic and political development strategies in postcolonial Kenya. The schemes are state-sponsored land allocation programs that settle farmers on state land, aiming to address issues of landlessness and poverty, and to promote rural development. They are a constant in the post-colonial history of Kenya. (Boone, Lukalo and Joireman 2022). In the transition to Kenyan independence, settlement schemes were conceived to de-racialize land ownership in the former whites-only Scheduled Areas, and to offer land to many of those who had been displaced in the struggle against British colonial rule. These land transfers have been pivotal in building of political alliances since independence, and were a central feature of rural development strategies in the first two post-independence decades.

2The settlement schemes figure prominently in studies of Kenya in the 1960–1980 period. There is a vast literature on Kenya’s settlement schemes as well as rich archival sources in the Kenya National Archives and the British National Archives at Kew. Some of the main contributions in this secondary literature include Sorenson (1968), Leo (1981; 1984), Harbeson (1973), Njonjo (1978), Kanongo (1987), Kanyinga (2002; 2008), Leys (1975), Hazelwood (1975), Okoth-Ogendo (1991), Bruce and Migot-Adholla (1993), Hoorweg (2000), Oucho (2002), and Lonsdale and Berman (1992). Oucho offered a broad-brushstroke review of scheme types, numbers, and locations, focusing mostly on the period up to 1979. He and others have reported that the smallholder schemes opened up access to land to tens of thousands of Kenyan families (2002, 159).

3In the wake of the intense debates in the literature on agrarian reform and rural and agricultural development in Kenya in the 1970s and 1980s, scholarly attention to Kenya’s settlement schemes appears to have declined. In fact, the published literature on the schemes in post-1985 Kenya is so thin that many outside observers believe that the era of smallholder settlement schemes in Kenya came to a close in the early 1980s. Yet the reality is quite different. As Lukalo and Odari (2016) showed in a study sponsored by Kenya’s National Land Commission, almost half of all settlement schemes in Kenya (over 500 in total) were created after 1980. The creation of new smallholder settlement schemes and the on-going institutional restructuring of the older ones (through land titling, for example) has remained a central pillar of the Kenyan government’s efforts to redress problems of landless, land hunger, and inequality in landholding, and to meet citizens’ demands on the state for economic opportunity.

4In 2018, Kenya’s National Land Commission—at the time, a young institution that had come into being in 2013 as result of promulgation of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution—forged a partnershp with Professor Catherine Boone of the LSE to conduct an ESRC-funded project that aimed, inter alia, to create a new dataset on the Kenyan Settlement Schemes. Approximately 1,500 digitized Registry Index Maps obtained by the NLc from Survey of Kenya in 2018 were digitized (scheme perimeters only), creating a georeferenced settlement scheme map layer in GIS. The dataset covers 365 out of the 533 schemes (Lukalo et al. 2021; Boone et al. 2021; Lukalo et al. 2019). Background research for the map digitization project spurred an effort to explore the existing but often neglected literature on the Kenyan settlement schemes that is held in the University of Nairobi’s holdings of Master’s theses and doctoral dissertations.

5In January 2019, Daisy Sibun, (MSc, African Development, LSE) and Graduate Attaché at the British Institute of Eastern Africa (BIEA) of Nairobi, undertook research on the University of Nairobi (UoN) library’s holdings of theses and dissertations on the Kenyan settlement schemes. Sibun retrieved 31 theses defended at UoN written between 1968 and 2015, all studying different aspects of settlements schemes. She compiled a repertoire or inventory of these works, based upon key information about each thesis, including the name of author and his or her faculty supervisor, the UoN department and discipline within which the thesis was conducted, the year of publication, the geographical location of the study, the name of the scheme, and a summary of the thesis. This work provided abundant detail about information on many aspects of many of the settlement schemes, across all the relevant regions of Kenya. The theses and dissertations contained statistical data, results from original household surveys, maps, complication of data from the Kenya agricultural and settlement services, stories of scheme histories, and interview material, along with authors’ reflections on and contributions to the theoretical and policy literatures engaged by each study.

6We have been strongly motivated to enhance the visibility of this scholarships by organizing this corpus of information and analysis as an inventory or a semi-archival source of grey literature produced by Kenyan students at the University of Nairobi (plus a few international students who wrote theses at the University of Nairobi). This is the “30 theses” repository. The authors of the present document collaboratively compiled a documentary resource that would be accessible and searchable by another generation of researchers. This new generation could be inspired by it, and could consider doing follow-up studies based on the historical baseline information provided in the existing theses, could reflect on the theory and policy preoccupations of earlier generations of Kenyan scholars, and could build new heuristic frameworks for further research. As stored in the physical and online library of the UoN, this corpus of academic work has not being internationally visible. To publicize its existence, we have created the present document. It is an expanded inventory of the 30 theses and dissertations, along with this introductory material and a short reference list of some of the relevant secondary literature on the Kenyan schemes. By organizing these works in a semi-archival source or inventory of grey literature, we wish to facilitate the quest for data and contextual information on the Kenyan settlement schemes by researchers. For so doing, we unpacked the bibliographic sources found in the university by ordering and organising thus so to constitute a documentation of the “30 theses” that researchers can easily navigate and explore.

7The building of the inventory of the 30 theses started as a bibliographic quest and eventually became a multi-faceted project. Daisy Sibun wrote the summaries of the theses found in the UoN library, and indexed charts and tables. In May 2022, the inventory of theses was expanded with the involvement of Francesca Di Matteo, researcher at the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA) of Nairobi, and two undergraduate students from the UoN, Maryanne Mburu and Brian Kibet Kipruto, who became ESRC-funded research interns. The idea of producing a searchable document emerged from the realization that to demonstrate, on one hand, the relevance of settlement schemes in Kenyan recent political history and land policies, and on the other hand, the abundance of data in existing literature on this matter, we needed to build an archive to guide the researcher through the data. Under the supervision F. Di Matteo, B.K. Kipruto and M. Mburu compiled a repertoire of theses, expanding on the work of Sibun and adding more relevant information and analysis of each work. Just as for Sibun, for Kipruto and Mburu the assignment became a form research training, informed by several back and forth with mentors on the results of their search through the theses.

8Mburu and Kipruto added keywords to each thesis record, and designated “highlights” of each thesis and dissertation to flag where particular thematic issues come up in each thesis or dissertation. The choice of thematic issues was made collaboratively by Boone and Di Matteo: we identified topics and research questions that the literature on land policies in Africa and more particularly, in Kenya, had been dwelling on. The aim was to provide entry points that resonate with existing academic debates and research interests. As a result, the “highlights” focused on the land allocation rationale at the origin of each scheme, issues of land sales and subdivision, considerations on land titles, demographic dynamics observed over time, the implications of land transfer for agricultural production and productivity, infrastructural projects associated with establishment of the schemes, the impact of the land reform on living standards of beneficiaries, and the relationships between the schemes and the incidence of local land conflicts.

9The repertoire of the theses that is presented below is organized by the author’s last name. Each record includes the thesis summary as originally compiled by Sibun, and the keywords and the “highlights” section added by Mburu and Kipruto in 2022. Links to the web page at which the dissertation can be accessed are provided (where the thesis and dissertations are available in electronic form—most are!). The document is intended to guide scholars through this valuable archive of theses on the Kenyan settlement schemes. Before delving into the records and data extrapolated from the theses, the next section presents some important general considerations on this corpus of academic production. These are by no means exhaustive of the analysis and discussion one could draw from this archive or inventory; they are, instead, introductory remarks prefacing the inventory.

10Numerous quantitative and qualitative findings and themes are noted here to demonstrate the importance of these sources. Table 1 reports the number of theses defended by decade. It shows that interest in the settlement schemes did not fade away over time in Kenyan universities: the number of theses by decade is more or less constant. The peak in interest is indeed evident in the 1970s, but from the number of dissertations produced in the 1990s and 2000s, one sees that the topic of settlement schemes continued inspiring many young Kenyan scholars.

Period	Number of Theses	List by Author
1961–1970	1	Cosnow (1968)
1971–1980	8	Clough (1978); Chambers (1978); Hawala (1977); Leo (1977); Mburugu (1980); Muhia (1977); Ndegwa (1977); Wanjohi (1976)
1981–1990	5	Ludeki (1990); Mwangi (1987); Odhiambo-Mbai (1981); Omosa (1987); Wafula (1989)
1991–2000	7	Chune (1997); Gicheru (1993); Gikenye (1992); Masindano (1996); Mutinda (1996); Nzomo (1995); Subbo (1992)
2001–2010	6	Ambwere (2003); Gatimu (2003); Kimani (2009); Maro (2005); Ndiho (2010); Wamalwa (2008)
2011–2020	4	Abong’o (2015); Kakuko (2013); Muchoki (2012); Randall (2012)
Total	31

Source: Authors’ inventory of UoN theses and dissertations

11The geographic distribution of settlement schemes is highly uneven across the country, as shown in the map below (Map 1), from Lukalo et al. (2019). It is based on the digitization of the Survey of Kenya settlement schemes maps conducted in collaboration with the NLC, and shows the features of the shapefile created by Lukalo, Boone and Joireman (2021), which is posted at Harvard Dataverse.

12This regional dispersion is reflected in the geographical distribution of the theses inventoried in this document. Table 2 lists settlement schemes featured in the UoN theses and dissertations by province. Many of the featured schemes lie in the Rift Valley, Central, and Western Provinces (as these were defined between 1962 and 2010) that were the geographic locus of the so-called White Highlands, where the British settlers acquired land at the beginning of the 20^th century. These areas were targeted for Africanization of property and redistribution of land from the years in the run-up-to Independence in 1963 through the mid-to-late 1970s. Schemes were created in other regions of Kenya, especially the Coast and Eastern, over time.

Province	District	Scheme(s)
Nairobi	N/A	N/A
Central	Kirinyaga	Mwea Irrigation Scheme
	Nyandarua	Ol Kalou Settlement Scheme Oljoro-orok West Scheme Oljoro-orok Salient Scheme Oramutia Scheme Lesirko Scheme Nyairoko Scheme Silibwet Scheme
Eastern	Makueni	Masongaleni Settlement Scheme
North Eastern	N/A	N/A
Coast	Lamu	Lake Kenyatta Settlement Scheme
	Tana River	Hola Irrigation and Settlement Scheme Bura Irrigation Settlement Scheme
Nyanza	Kisii	Nyansiongo Settlement Scheme
	Nyando	Tamu Settlement Scheme
	Kisumu	Muhoroni Sugar Settlement Scheme
Western	Bungoma	Naitiri Settlement Scheme Mautuma Settlement Scheme Schemes in Tongaren Division
	Lugari	Lumakanda Settlement Scheme
	Kakamega	Nzoia Scheme
Rift Valley	Kericho	Keben Settlement Scheme Bandek Settlement Scheme
	Trans Nzoia	Mito Mbili Scheme
	West Pokot	Wei Scheme
	Laikipia	Thome Settlement Scheme
	Nakuru	Schemes in Njoro Location (including Gichobo Scheme and Piave Scheme) Shirika Settlement Programme

Source: Authors’ inventory of UoN theses and dissertations

13The overarching objectives behind the creation of settlement schemes by the Kenyan governments over the decades were to quell land hunger, to promote political stability, and ensure the agricultural productivity of the land. The data found in the UoN theses confirms that land allocated in the 1960s and 1970s was transferred mostly on the basis of sales that were backed by land purchase loans and land development loans. Loans were to be repaid by each scheme settler (farmer) with the income made through agricultural production and marketization of household output. Land allocation on the government schemes often (but not always) followed ethnic criteria: schemes were often created by recruiting settlers of the same ethnic background.

14Almost all of the theses and dissertations included in this repertoire focus on official government-created settlement schemes. Most of the UoN authors emphasize the distinction between high- and low-density schemes. High density schemes were mainly meant for landless Kenyans with little or no agricultural knowledge, who would take root, as it were, to become a solid and prosperous peasantry. Low density schemes were reserved for farmers with agricultural experience and wealthier individuals, and were designed to create a class of “yeoman farmers” who would help sustain high levels of agricultural production and productivity in postcolonial Kenya, and constitute a rural upper middle class committed to private property and sound agricultural policies. The Mwangi 1987 thesis is unique in that Mwangi compares a government settlement schemes to a private land buying company (LBC) scheme. The LBC schemes were often cooperatives established by Kenyans who acquired large landholdings as a group, usually with the aim of immediately subdividing it into individual, titled plots. Government loans often financed the initial acquisition of the land, often by leading citizens and political personalities, who then subdivided and resold the land privately.

15For most settlers in the early schemes, land tenure security (i.e. the legal and social basis which anchors the legitimacy of property rights holding) was tied to the repayment of the land purchase and development loans. Titles to the plots in settlement schemes were to be issued upon the completion of repayment. Instances of evictions among settlers as a result of default in loan repayments are well documented, such as the cases in Muhia (1977, 16, 31). The UoN interns were struck by the fact that some thesis authors mentioned that some settlers, especially those in some high density schemes, may not have been informed of the implications of the land allotment on the basis of loans, and might have thought that the land was given to them, perhaps as acknowledgement of contributions to the independence struggle or as compensation for earlier displacements. As things turned out, many settlers faced loan repayment problems and fell deeper into debt. Even so, the theses reveal that settlers on the government settlement schemes generally enjoyed a land tenure system that was more stable than what was prevailing on the LBCS. (See Abongo 2015; Mwangi 1987). Mwangi (1987: 72) notes that Land Buying Companies sometimes added shareholders without the consent and knowledge of existing shareholders, causing significant reductions in available plot sizes.

16Inability to service the land purchase and development loans often led to land sales and subdivision (see Muhia 1977). Many settlers sold part of their land to offset loans, often subdividing their plots into smaller holdings that were less than viable for commercial agriculture. Many theses note that many settlers’ living standards did not improve over time, but instead deteriorated owing to poor agricultural returns and large debt burdens.

18Only one thesis (Wamalwa 2008) discusses gender issues as they relate to land allocation and titling. Wamalwa shows that even though women often head or co-head households and contribute a large percentage of labour in agricultural production, customary land inheritance rules disadvantage them, even on the settlement schemes.

19The research questions tackled in these theses have been shaped not only by Kenyan policy priorities and politics, but also by the international development debates that have influenced scholarship in Africa, as they have in other parts of the world. Shifts in the theories framing research on settlement schemes over the decades that can be observed in the UoN theses, which do track some trends in the international and Global North scholarship. In the 1960s and 1970s, when Marxist theories were sparking debates on the notions of class and productivity, the UoN theses mostly explored socio-economic differentiation and inequalities emerging within the schemes. Researchers mostly dwelled on the aspects of inequality that existed within the schemes, and the insecurity of tenure that was occasioned by the land purchase loans. Scarce mechanization and inadequate upgrading of agricultural practices on the schemes were singled out as constraints on farmers’ ability to enhance productivity, and thus to keep up with loan repayment. Some policy recommendations went as far as suggesting the overhaul of the settlement schemes project, which was seen by a few authors as perpetuating colonial inequities (see Hawala 1977).

20In the 1980s and 1990s, issues of land subdivision become the centre of interest, firstly because this was when land fragmentation began to be observed and documented, and secondly because of the global focus on food security brought attention to land use patterns (see Nzomo 1995). Studies focused on land use patterns, allocation of investment funds and their utilization, as well as the general socioeconomic impact of the schemes. As noted above, the one thesis in our inventory that tackles gender issues was completed in 2008 (Wamalwa 2008), after this topical issue had become mainstream in development studies.

21In the 2000s and 2010s, when debates on the developmental role of the state and of institutions in general regained the centre-stage in global debates, questions of title deeds and agricultural loans became a main subject of many of the UoN theses. Many framed these in terms of questions about schemes’ impact on Kenya’s economic growth. Scholars shifted to studying initiatives to boost agricultural production and to hasten poverty eradication. (See for instance Kakuko 2013.) The role of international donors and Kenyan government institutions in the process is given much attention (see Kimani 2009; Gatimu 2003). This emerging scholarship advocates for popular participation of Kenya farmers in scheme management and governance, in the determination of the projects to be undertaken and the technology to be adopted. The aim is to ensure the success of projects by fostering the farmers’ a sense of ownership of the project (Randall 2012; Kimani 2009; Gatimu 2003).

22The theses converge in arguing that the Kenyan schemes, which were expected to alleviate landlessness and spur economic development, did not entirely meet the very high expectations that were set at the outset. Writers point to what was often wanting in support of farmers on the schemes in terms of infrastructure, extension services, and agricultural policies that could have done more to improve farming techniques, support for maintaining remunerative producer prices, and support for reliable marketization of farm output. Moreover, many authors highlight the structural problem or “original sin” of the early settlement schemes, which was building land redistribution programme on the basis of the willing buyer-willing seller principle, which required allotees to repay the state. This form of indebtedness constituted the first obstacle to prosperity and stability for many farmers in the schemes: many resorted to land sales to repay their debt to the state, and many second or third generation settlers on the Kenyan schemes still do not have land titles. Over time, land sales often became a means to satisfy basic needs (such as hospital and school fees). Viewed in aggregate, the thesis and dissertation inventory provides material that helps us understand both the promise and the limitations of the settlement schemes from the 1960s to the present, as well as the continuing challenges of landlessness and food insecurity in Kenya.

Theses and Dissertations

#1. Abong’o, 2015: Lake Kenyatta Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Abong’o, P.G. 2015. “Influence of Settlement Scheme Programmes on the Socio-economic Livelihoods of Lake Kenyatta I Settlement Scheme Settlers, Lamu County, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Project Management and Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Abong’o, Philip G.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. Christopher Gakuu
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​92844)
• Scheme: Lake Kenyatta I
• District: Lamu
• Summary of research: Seeks to establish the influence of land title deeds as collateral, land access rights for agriculture influences settler’s household income in Lake Kenyatta I Settlement Scheme and infrastructure development on settler’s socio-economic livelihoods. Concludes that land use rights for agriculture have the highest effect on socio-economic livelihood, followed by infrastructure development while use of land titles as collateral had the lowest effect on the socio-economic livelihood of Lake Kenyatta settlement scheme beneficiaries. Title deeds are used as collateral, however, to secure loans from lending institutions. The money is invested in farming and therefore the farmers earn high income from their farms.
• Keywords: title deeds, loans, infrastructure, collateral, settlement schemes, land use, productivity

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Gender of the respondents (p. 27).
• Period of residence within the settlement (p. 27).
• Average total acreage of land (p. 28).
• Leadership roles or responsibilities (p. 29).
• Land title deeds (p. 30).
• Methods by which the settlers acquired their land (p. 30).
• Effect of title deeds on settlers’ livelihoods (p. 31).
• Process of issuing land title deeds (p. 32).
• Land title deeds as collateral (p. 32).
• Influence of infrastructure development on settlers’ socio-economic livelihoods (p. 33).
• Commonest form of infrastructure development (p. 34).
• The state of infrastructure (p. 35).
• Adequacy of infrastructure in the settlement (p. 36).
• The influence of infrastructure on a settler’s socio-economic livelihood (p. 40).
• Socio-economic activities (p. 42).
• Other socio-economic activities (p. 42).
• Socio-economic practice(s) the settlers were involved in (p. 43).
• Influence of independent variables (p. 44).
• Influence of the living standards of beneficiaries on socio-economic livelihoods (p. 45).
• Influence of the cadre of leadership on the settlers’ socio-economic livelihoods (p. 46).
• Quality of education being offered (p. 47).
• Level of security (p. 48).
• Influence of moderating factors on socio-economic livelihood w/in the scheme (p. 48).
• Details of settlement schemes in Lamu County as of 1995 (p. 70).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): The settlement scheme (one of the country’s oldest) was established to settle the jobless and landless people of Coast and other areas of Kenya (p. 4).
• ii. land sales and subdivisions: Some indigenous communities within the settlement scheme have sold their land to “upcountry” people eventually rendering themselves landless (p. 14, 49).
• iii. land titles and land titling on the schemes: Government issued title deeds to settlers to ensure security of tenure and secure land rights for agriculture and for collateral (p. 4, 49).
• iv. population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: In migration by upcountry people to whom indigenous communities sell settlement land (p. 14). Outmigration by those indigenous communities after selling their land and relocating to villages (p. 52).
• v. development loans to settlers: Use of title deeds as collateral for accessing credit facilities from financial institutions (p. 49).
• vi. main sources of settlers’ income: Cotton farming (p. 4), cash crop farming, food crop farming, animal farming, fish farming, trade and business, tree planting (p. 41, 42).
• vii. land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Beneficiaries of settlement scheme engage in food and cash crop farming practices; however, the farm proceeds do not help most meet cost of living due to high cost of farm inputs and low cost of finished produce (p. 15).
• viii. schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Kenyan and German governments invested in social infrastructure such as CBOs, environmental conservancy groups, social halls as well as schools, farmers training institutions, health facilities, piped water and access roads (p. 4, 16, 53).
• ix. rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Sale of settlement land causes a decline in living standards as many are rendered landless (p. 14); the low costs of finished produce and high costs of farm inputs mean that standards of living remain low (p. 15). Infrastructure development cited for causing rise in living standards (p. 53).
• x. occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Land conflicts caused by sale of settlement land which causes interclan and interethnic conflicts, leading to loss of life, property and displacement (p. 14).

# 2. Ambwere, 2003: Lumakanda Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Ambwere, S. 2003. “Policy Implications of Land Subdivision in Settlement Areas: A Case Study of Lumakanda Settlement Scheme.” MA Thesis (Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Ambwere, Solomon
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Zachary Maleche/Prof. Peter Ngau
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​28734)
• Scheme: Lumakanda
• District: Lugari
• Summary of research: Most farmers left vulnerable to manipulation resulting in sale of land. Most farms also found to be unable to expand operations, increasing problems of viability particularly in terms of absorbing risks. Inequity in land distribution, which encouraged land subdivision, played a large role in causing these problems. These problems call for an outside intervention in the form of land reform which could lead to equity and efficiency in management and production. This can be in the form of land consolidation through formation of either common family homesteads or having shares and non-erection of physical boundaries, thus freeing more land for agriculture. This will promote use of mechanisation and enhance the economies of scale thus increased production.
• Keywords: subdivision, parcel sizes, loan conditions, land allocation

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Dairy income and loan repayment deductions for March 1967 (from Bandex Co-operative Society Records). Appendix 1.
• Primary school enrolment by plot number, school and standard for the school year Jan-Dec 1967. Appendix 2.
• Plot-holder census of approx. 16% of plots. Appendix 3.
• Value of permanent improvements which are being utilised. Appendix 4.
• Statement of loan repayments by plot as of 4th Oct, 1967. Appendix 5.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Scheme sought to settle landless Kenyans for social and political rather than economic motives (p. 6). African farmers (p. 62). Criteria for acquisition of settlement plot included: must have been married, must be of good health, must have had no land or have less than one acre, must plant maize, must not subdivide land (p. 64). Allocation of plots was through random picking through a “debe” (p. 64).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Land subdivision has caused dramatic reduction in land sizes (p. 59). Poor living standards cited as main cause of land sales and subdivisions i.e., to pay school fees, to offset loans, purchase farm implements (p. 88, 89).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Figure showing percentage of landowners with title deeds (p. 90).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: Immigration mainly resulting from movement coming from adjoining districts in the Western Province (p. 62).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Farmers were given up to Kshs 2,000 as a loan which came with conditions on the kind of farming to undertake (p. 65). Settlers were given fertilisers, seeds, building materials, farm equipment which were included in the loan agreement (p. 65).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: maize, beans, sunflower, sisal, coffee cultivation (p. 5, 65, 74).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: No information.
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Lack of basic facilities (p. 71). Good distribution of school networks (p. 77). Good road network but many impassable bridges (p. 78).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Decline due to land division to uneconomic sizes and land sales rendering settlers landless. Lack of coordination and inadequate land use policies cause unchecked subdivisions (p. 91).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Conflicts over land rights between squatters and rightful landowners are growing. Further, conflicts over land use exist between agriculture and forestry as well as agriculture and mining. This can be attributed to growing demand and conflict macro-economic development objectives (p. 90).

#3 Chambers, 1978: Mwea Irrigation Scheme/ Ol Kalou Scheme/ Perkerra Irrigation Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Chambers, R.J.H. (1967). “The Organisation of Settlement Schemes: A Comparative Study of some Settlement Schemes in Anglophone Africa, with Special Reference to the Mwea Irrigation Settlement, Kenya.” PhD Thesis (Economics). Manchester: University of Manchester.
• Author: Chambers, Robert J.H.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): N/A
• Scheme: Mwea Irrigation Scheme/ Ol Kalau Scheme/ Perkerra Irrigation Scheme
• District: Kirinyaga District
• Summary of research: Official control of settlement schemes has discouraged the development of local organisations.
• Keywords: N/A

Maps or figures

• Position of the Mwea in Kenya (p. 75).
• Early colonisation of the Mwea (p. 79).
• Position of camps and early staff housing (p. 143).
• Mwea Irrigation Settlement in 1965 (Back folder).

Data Tables

• Orders of magnitude of capital costs of some settlement schemes in anglophone Africa (p. 2).
• Mwea/ Tebere Irrigation Schemes: total recorded expenditure against reported achievements in prepared land, 1954–1960 (p. 129).
• Paddy handling performance, 1960–1964 (p. 247).
• The expansion and production of the Mwea Irrigation Settlement 1958–1966, (rice system only) (p. 282).
• New activities and the resulting changes in the nature of a settlement scheme (p. 307).
• Mwea Irrigation Settlement: Junior staff continuity (p. 326).
• Mwea Irrigation Settlement: Junior staff establishments (p. 328).
• Mwea Irrigation Settlement: Junior staff attitudes towards becoming a tenant or remaining a settlement employee (p. 331).
• Disciplinary action, Mwea Irrigation Settlement, 1961–1965 (p. 393).
• Characteristics of settlement scheme types (p. 437).
• Classes of settlement schemes (p. 437).
• Types of settlement and non-settlement schemes (p. 443).
• Kenya Irrigation Schemes: Consolidated capital, expenditure and revenue figures for the 11 years to 30 June 1966 (p. 472).

# 4. Chune, 1997: Naitiri Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Chune, S.S. 1997. “The Changing Land Use Pattern in a Million-acre Settlement Schemes and its Implications on Household Income Generation from Agriculture: A Case Study of Naitiri Scheme in Bungoma District.” MA Thesis (Urban and Regional Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Chune, S.S.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. I.M. Karanja
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​96845)
• Scheme: Naitiri
• District: Bungoma District
• Summary of research: Unabated subdivision of land requires policies that encourage farmers to intensify land-use. Most important condition for intensification is supply of piped water. There is also a need for credit and sound marketing policy that reduces marketing margins and price instability. A pricing policy that ensures a minimum return to the producer is necessary. Advocates a broad-based and comprehensive rural development strategy.
• Keywords: land subdivision, parcel size, land use, settlement scheme, million-acre scheme

Maps or figures

• District in national context (p. 56).
• District administrative boundaries (p. 57).
• Ecological zones (p. 60).
• Rainfall distribution in the district (p. 61).
• Naitiri settlement scheme (initial subdivision) (p. 69).
• Plot 308 after subdivision (p. 70).

Data Tables

• Table documenting a typical land budget for a household with an average farm size of 25 acres (p. 5).
• Table documenting projected income at the year of maturity (p. 5).
• Table documenting total expenditure per year (p. 6).
• Table documenting the population for Naitiri from 1969–1989 (p. 8).
• Acreage and number of holdings in settlement schemes by province in 1965 (p. 31).
• Growth of settlement schemes and number of holdings between 1963 and 1968 (p. 31).
• Sources of funds for settlement schemes (p. 33).
• Mode of loan repayment (p. 34).
• Cattle population in Tongaren Division from 1991–1996 (p. 63).
• Quantity and value of milk in 1995 (p. 64).
• Yield and area of three main cash-crops from 1991–1996 (p. 65).
• The relationship between the size of land and amount received from sale of crops (p. 71).
• The relationship between land size and money spent on farming (p. 73).
• Relationship between income earned from maize and money spent for farming (p. 74).
• Relationship between land size and income from dairy farming (p. 84).
• Relationship between money spent on farming and household size (p. 87).
• Relationship between land size rented and the size of land owned (p. 89).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Allocation of land on the settlement scheme was based on a political goal transfer of land ownership from the European farmers to Africans but it also had an economic goal to help African generate income and also produce enough food for subsistence (p. 3).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Population pressure has led to excessive land subdivision due to the cultural practice of land inheritance (p. 6). Land subdivision occurred due to inheritance and land selling practices in the scheme (p. 67).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes. No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: There have been significant population changes in the settlement scheme which has been occasioned by the high population growth (p. 6).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Each allottee farmer paid an average fee of Kshs 1,220 and thereafter each farmer received a development loan of Kshs 3,990 to be repaid in a period of thirty years (p. 3).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: The settlement scheme had economic potential for farming activities and was therefore earmarked for maize, beans and sunflower cultivation and dairy products (p. 3). Crop husbandry (p. 67), livestock production (p. 67).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: No information.
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): No information.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: the falling levels of incomes has seen some farmers dispose of pieces of their land so as to meet domestic requirements such as to pay school fees, dowry and offset the loan arrears (p. 6). The structural adjustment programmes adopted in Kenya also exacerbated the economic problems for farmers on the scheme (p. 7).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: No information.

#5 Clough, 1978: Keben Settlement Scheme/ Ndalet Settlement Scheme/ Mautuma Settlement Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Clough, R.H. 1968. “An Appraisal of African Settlement Schemes in the Kenya Highlands.” PhD Thesis (Economics). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.
• Author: Clough, Richard Hayes
• Main thesis supervisor(s): N/A.
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​107519).
• Scheme: Keben Settlement Scheme/ Ndalet Settlement Scheme/Mautuma Settlement Scheme
• District: Nandi and Lugari District
• Summary of research: Appraises a number of farms from these three settlement schemes, presenting data that evaluates small-scale farms in these schemes against large-scale farms.
• Keywords: N/A

Maps or figures

• Map showing the extent and distribution of African settlement schemes in the White Highlands in 1965 (p. 42).
• Map showing settlement schemes in the Uasin Gishu and Trans Nzoia areas in 1965 (p. 76).

Data Tables

• Land purchased in former White Highlands for African or government use, total up to 30 June 1965 (p. 40).
• The Million Acre Settlement Scheme progress up to 30 June 1965 and projected figures for the whole scheme (p. 45).
• Large-scale farm number one: Actual use of resources in 1965/66 and suggested changes under alternative assumptions (p. 83).
• Large-scale farm number two: Actual use of resources in 1965/66 and suggested changes under alternative assumptions (p. 93).
• Large-scale farm number one: Actual use of resources in 1965/66 and suggested changes under alternative assumptions (p. 102).
• Food production for sale or subsistence: Large-scale farms in 1965/66 and small-scale farms in 1963/64 (p. 149).
• Value added: Large-scale farms in 1965/66 and small-scale farms in 1963/64 (p. 165).
• The effect of African settlement on net national product (p. 171).
• Employment: Large-scale farms in 1965/66 and small-scale farms in 1963/64 (p. 176).
• The effect of African settlement on Kenya’s balance of payments.
• The effect of African settlement on Kenya’s balance of payments: Some changes under alternative assumptions (p. 197).
• Kenya: Land categories by district (p. 224).
• Kenya: Gross farm revenue from small farm areas, 1957–1965 (p. 228).

# 6. Cosnow, 1968: Bandek Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Cosnow, J.E. 1968. “Social and Economic Elements of Bandek Land Settlement Scheme.” MA Thesis (Sociology). Kampala: University of East Africa.
• Author: Cosnow, Jeffrey E.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. Raymond Apthorpe.
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​27378)
• Scheme: Bandek
• District: Kericho
• Summary of research: This thesis seeks to explore the social and economic changes that have occurred since the settlement of the settlers in the scheme from the reserves. It checks the adoption of modernism like education and agricultural practices like artificial insemination. The study finds that agricultural production on the scheme is strikingly greater than it is on the neighbouring freehold lands, but the per acre production is considerably below that achieved by the Europeans that formerly occupied the land. The study argues that this is because the plot-holders are committed to producing for the cash economy to a greater degree than people in neighbouring freehold land, but are not completely committed to the concept of farming as a commercial enterprise.
• Keywords: plot-holders, land allotment, peasant fatalism, cooperative societies, dispute settlement, traditional attitudes, land settlement

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Loan repayment amount owed, milk sales and number of children in school for each of the members of the Executive Committee and each of the Village Leaders for the year 1967 (p. 132).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): All plot holders on the scheme must be Kipsigis but other than that requirement, there are no restrictions on the place of origin of plot holders (p. 2). Land was allocated through an interview process (p. 30).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: The study finds that many of those who live in the plots are not the ones who were allocated the plots given that some people sold their plot allocation documents even before settlement. (p. 192). Another instance where sale of land is shown is in p. 233 where a mason says they bought land from another settler.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: ownership was secured through allotment. Those that were adjudged successful during the interviews were sent a letter of allotment which detailed the name of the scheme, plot number which the person had been assigned (p. 30).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: It is observed in the study that prior to moving into the land, most of the plot holders lived outside Kipsigis Country (p. 2). It therefore appears that most of the plot holders migrated into the scheme.
• v. Development loans to settlers: development loans were offered to settlers (p. 3).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: maize farming, cattle rearing (p. 3), passion fruit horticulture (p. 111). There were varied sources of income. In “A” plots, they were expected to obtain income from maize, cattle and passion fruit. In “B” plots, they were expected to get income from maize and cattle, in the “C” plots, they were expected to get income from cattle alone (p. 3).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Artificial Insemination services have been provided to the farmers but they have not been receptive to the same since they question its efficiency. (p. 45). Farmers were also warned about keeping “illicit stock” and bulls which points to an approach to ensure they keep cattle that were of improved breeds (p. 71). There are cooperative dips but some people maintain their own dipping equipment. (p. 89).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): The persons in the settlement scheme do not view education as a form of investment (p. 22). Schools are of mud and wattle construction and are in worse repair than most homes (p. 24). The scheme school is a brink building that was the house of a European (p. 24). Decline in the scheme school has been witnessed as no efforts have been made to stop the rapid deterioration of the building in which the Scheme school is housed (p. 24, 25).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: No information.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: A dispute between two settlers is mentioned in p. 23 though the cause is not mentioned. A case of assault is mentioned in p. 252. To solve this case, the Kokwet was assembled and a chief called to oversee the matter. A decision was reached by consensus of the Kokwet and the person who had assaulted the other was fined triple the cost of the hospital bill. There have also been boundary disputes in the scheme (p. 265).

# 7. Gatimu, 2003: Mwea Irrigation Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Gatimu, S. 2003. “Are We Mortgaging our Lives? The Politics of Trusteeship and Development of Mwea Irrigation Scheme.” MA Thesis (Development Studies). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Gatimu, M. Sebastian
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. Karuti Kanyinga
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​20170)
• Scheme: Mwea Irrigation Scheme
• District: Kirinyaga
• Summary of research: The study explores the trustee relationship that exists between the settler farmers in Mwea irrigation scheme and the National Irrigation Board. It finds it compelling to do so since the trustee relationship of this kind may be misused leading to the relationship serving the interests of the agency rather than a win-win situation between the two. According to the study, The National Irrigation Board was not serving the interests of the Mwea farmers and did not accord them the right to participate in the management of the scheme. This undemocratic running of the scheme resulted in the failure to meet the expectations of the farmers. By not fulfilling the beneficiaries’ expectations, the trustee’s development activities turned out not to be sustainable. The study therefore infers that popular participation is key to sustainable development. Moreover, the entrenchment of state control over the activities of individuals in Mwea Scheme through the National Irrigation Board infringed on people’s entitlements. There was therefore a need for popular participation in development projects by the local community so that they too can shape the development initiative by the trustee in order to fit their line of expectations and aspirations.
• Keywords: trusteeship, local development, participation, development, local actors, development agencies, bio power politics theory, state control

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Previous homes (p. 27).
• Co-operation models between farmers and the NIB (p. 31).
• The institutions of affiliation (p. 48).
• Costs of rice production (p. 51).
• Preferred agencies of development (p. 65).
• Summary of the preferred agencies of development (p. 66).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): The settlement scheme was established to provide Mau Mau fighters with land (p. 6, 25). The Scheme started as a punishment ground for those in detention. In effect, there was no freedom of choice for them to either belong or not belong to the scheme (p. 26). Upon release, the fighters discovered that land had already been demarcated in their absence rendering them landless. The scheme was thus transformed from prisons and labour camps into settled communities (p. 27).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: The farmers remained tenants who worked at the mercy of the National Irrigation Board, which could evict them out of the Scheme if they underperformed (p. 24). The farmers were considered licensees of the National Irrigation Board (p. 31). Land rights were regulated by the Irrigation Board (p. 31). One had to remain a tenant without secure land rights, they were simply licensees (p. 32). Failure to utilise would lead to dispossession by the Board (p. 32). After independence, the tenure became more secure, farmers no longer afraid of licence termination and could even lease out their land to others (p. 52).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: There is a proliferation of farmers outside the designated rice farming areas commonly known as the jua kali farmers and the out growers with approximately 4000 hectares (p. 8). After the rebellion, several informal rice fields (jua kali and out growers) emerged. The jua kali and out growers have absorbed the rapidly increasing population by offering an alternative place to farm (p. 52).
• v. Development loans to settlers: The Board would cater for the costs of production of rice and the same would be deducted from the rice delivered to the board (p. 51). Points to challenge in securing adequate loans from the corporative (i.e., farmers are given Kshs 1,000 in loan in exchange for a bag of rice that costs Kshs 2,500–3,000 at market rate. With lack of alternative for loans, the farmers have no option other than mortgage their rice (p. 55). Farmers retain bags of rice as a safety net for school fees, hospital bills, family expenses (p. 55).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: rice production (p. 3). The farmers also lease out their field to earn income (shows that income from rice production is not enough p. 55).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: The main investment has been in rice production where the board has provided tractors and rotavators (p. 43–4). The National Irrigation Board would provide tractors and services; however, farmers formed the Mwea Rice Growers Multipurpose Cooperative Society to bypass the National Irrigation Board in purchase of tractors and offer services to colleagues (p. 44).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): No information.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: The period during which the National Irrigation Board managed the settlement scheme was characterised by poor leadership, corruption and lack of good governance (p. 41). The Board was blamed for propagating poverty (p. 42). The Board also used administrative police to monitor their activities on the field and even in their homes (p. 42). It was only after the farmers rebelled against the National Irrigation Board that things began to look up for them (i.e., in unity of purpose, the farmers formed a cooperative society (p. 43). After independence, the tenure became more secure, farmers no longer afraid of licence termination and could even lease out their land to others (p. 52). Most respondents found to have benefited from NIB withdrawal and liberalisation of prices (p. 51–2). However, with liberalisation, maintenance of irrigation structure and of roads was lacking (p. 53) and poor water distribution and water control (p. 53). In 2003, the scheme was on the edge of collapse (p. 54).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: The farmers have no say over the running of the Scheme, leading to tension between them and the National Irrigation Board (p. 24). In 1998, there was a farmers’ rebellion against the board when the manager announced that farmers who had not met the set target of rice production would not benefit from the National Irrigation Board Services. In December 12 1998, there were confrontations with the police leading to wounding of four farmers and the running over by a police car of a young boy (p. 44). There have been water conflicts in the scheme (p. 53). In 1999, there was a farmers’ uprising/violent wrangles with the police as a result of farmers’ grievances against the National Irrigation Board (NIB) (p. 11, 21). After confrontations, the government under pressure withdrew its services from the scheme (p. 35) and the farmers’ cooperative took over the management (p. 46). Though it did last and more societies came in alongside NIB (p. 47–49). There were protests and strikes also in the ‘70s and ‘80s, silenced by threats of taking their fields (p. 34).

# 8. Gicheru, 1993: Lake Kenyatta Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Gicheru, C.M.N. 1993. “Geophysical and Hydrogeological Investigations for Groundwater in the Lake Kenyatta Settlement Scheme, Lamu District, Coast Province, Kenya.” M.Sc. Thesis (Geology), Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Gicheruh, Chrysanthus M.N.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. J.O. Barongo; Prof. S.J. Gaciri.
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​21239)
• Scheme: Lake Kenyatta Scheme
• District: Lamu
• Summary of research: Presents results of geophysical and hydrogeological investigations for groundwater in the Lake Kenyatta settlement scheme, Lamu District, Coast Province, Kenya
• Keywords: groundwater investigations, salinity, geology, hydrogeology, survey, field data, settlement scheme, saltwater intrusion

Maps or figures

• Map of Kenya showing the location of the study area (p. 6).
• Map of the coast showing the exact location of the Lake Kenyatta settlement scheme (p. 7).

Data Tables

• N/A.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?) No information.
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions. No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes. No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”. No information.
• v. Development loans to settlers. No information.
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income. No information.
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock. No information.
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline). No information.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes. No information.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes. No information.

# 9. Gikenye, 1992: Nyairoko Scheme (1963), Oraimutia (1965), Lesirko (1965), Silibwet (1965), Oljoro-orok West (1967) and Oljoroorok Salient (1974 and 1981).

Information

• Full citation: Gikenye, M.W. 1992. “Land Settlement Schemes in Nyandarua District of Kenya, with Particular Reference to Ol-Joro Orok Division, 1960–1991.” MA Thesis (History). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Gikenye, Martha W.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. Godfrey Muriuki; Dr. David Sperling
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​19217).
• Scheme: Nyairoko Scheme (1963), Oraimutia (1965), Lesirko (1965), Silibwet (1965), Oljoro-orok West (1967) and Oljoroorok Salient (1974 and 1981).
• District: Nyandarua.
• Summary of research: The thesis looks at when, why and how settlers settled in schemes in Oljoro-orok Division and the problems they faced and how they overcame them. It also studies the progress made by farmers in their field of agriculture and the facilitative role of cooperative societies in enhancing the success of the settlers in their quest for better standards of living. The thesis also examines the social and economic impact of the settlement schemes and how settlers contributed to these changes. It also seeks to find the explanations that can be offered for the social differentiation among the settlers after a number of years given that when the land was allocated, the settlers were at more or less the same social status.
• Keywords: cooperative societies, social differentiation, land holding, settlers, development loans, self-help groups, community development

Maps or figures

• Map of Ol-joro Orok Division showing different settlement schemes (p. 174)

Data Tables

• N/A.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Meant to settle landless and unemployed Africans on the eve of independence (p. 1). Settled displaced Kikuyu labourers outside Kikuyu land as well as landless Kikuyus in reserves (p. 32). Schemes categorised into low density and high density (p. 42), with low density meant to accommodate few families on a maximum of 20 acres (p. 42) and high-density keeping plot size to a minimum of 7 acres to settle many families (p. 43). The choice of settler was dependent on the location of the scheme, with schemes in Nyandarua district mainly settling Kikuyus as recommended by the Regional Boundaries Committee (p. 43). Eligible settlers in the Oljoro-orok schemes had to be of Kikuyu origin with few scattered numbers of other ethnic groups (p. 43). For low density schemes, interviews were conducted and the competence of prospective settlers was judged by their farming experience (p. 44). Further, there was a need to prove that the prospective settler was landless (p. 44). For high density schemes, former resident labourers who had worked for at least 4 consecutive years on white settlers’ farms were eligible for holdings (p. 44). Apart from labourers, high density schemes settled a good number of former freedom fighters (p. 46).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Important factor in subdivision of plots (when settling the Africans) was to have a semblance of equality among the settlers (p. 46). In 1963, a special program for transfer of Ol Kalau Salient to Africans was enforced which led to the division of the land into 19 units each under a farm manager (on behalf of a cooperative society (p. 54).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: In 1981/2, settlement was aimed at alleviating poverty, thus in 1981 settlers were not only selected from local landless people but also other parts of the country bridging various ethnic groups into Oljoro-orok Salient Scheme (p. 55).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Government advanced the settlers development loans to start them off in the form of building materials (p. 49). Settlement Fund Trustees advanced settlers’ loans for farm purchases and development (p. 65). The development loan, averaging Kshs 2,000, was to purchase movable assets like livestock and to introduce small permanent improvements like building a cow-shed and paddock. As part of the same development loan, the settlers received short-term credit to be used as working capital. The short-term credit was supposed to be repaid within a period of 18 months (p. 65) Cooperative Societies also took loans for seeds and fertiliser from the Agricultural Finance Corporation (p. 88). Settlers of Oljororok Scheme were given land purchase loans for repayment after 30 years, a non-productive development loans for purchase of farm implements thus starting off with heavy loan burdens (p. 146). Those of Oljororok Salient Scheme received only land purchase loans (p. 147).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Main enterprise was pyrethrum, wheat, potato farming, horticulture, sheep rearing and dairy farming (p. 66, 67, 71, 74. 79). Milk (p. 76). Business enterprises such as retail shops, butcheries, public transport vehicles, posho mills and saw mills also provide alternate sources of income to the settlers (p. 76), maize, potatoes, vegetables, beans and wheat, and other horticultural crops are also grown (p. 14). Animal husbandry is also a critical source of income (p. 14).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Settlers acquired new knowledge in crop and animal production; new production methods introduced including labour intensive cultivation, improved seed and fertiliser varieties (p. 65). Despite some improvements, settlers in the poorly drained areas of Oljoro-orok Salient Scheme continued to get a poor maize harvest and had to supplement their harvest by buying food (p. 148).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): With help of government education officers, the African settlers put buildings to be used as schools and then the government employed teachers and gave school equipment (p. 115). The settlers in Ol Kalou Salient Scheme received piped water from the Kariko and Kangui-Ol joro-orok water projects (p. 57). There have also been water supply projects in Oljoro-orok West Settlement Scheme through the Ngano Self-help water project and the Igwamiti Self-help Water in Silibwet settlement schemes respectively (p. 127). Settlers were keen on building schools, health centres and water projects. Through the spirit of self-help, settlers put up schools (p. 116), all schools built after 1963 were concentrated in high density schemes (p. 116). To tap economic resources in rich ranching and dairying areas, the railway line was built (p. 117). Settlement Fund Trustees took responsibility for preparing access roads to plots (p. 117); however, weakness of cooperative societies in the mid-1970s negatively affected road maintenance because settlers would not be coordinated (p. 118). In 1974, the government initiated a major rural road building programme under which rural access roads in the scheme were developed (p. 119). To improve medical facilities in Oljoro-0rok, rural health centres were constructed on a self-help basis (p. 122); however, there was not enough supply of equipment (p. 123). The Settlement Fund Trustees did not provide water in the settlement schemes; and none of the cooperative societies managed to install water supply systems until late 1970s (p. 124). One cooperative society managed to renovate the borehole and install a water pump (p. 124). Decline in cooperative societies in the 1980s also affected water supply and most settlers resorted to water storage tanks and boreholes (p. 126). Some self-help water projects were begun (p. 127); to surmount the problem of lack of water pumps, settlers built concrete storage water tanks (p. 128). Self-help groups were a frequent occurrence within the schemes and helped to raise the general levels of living (p. 128).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Formation of agricultural cooperatives helped raise the standards of living for farmers by enabling them to pool their resources (p. 83). Further, the cooperatives took the role of marketing, maintaining water supply systems, maintaining cattle dips and artificial insemination services etc. (p. 85). However, after the mid-1970s, the efficiency of the cooperatives began to deteriorate and this had an effect on the individual farmers (p. 87–9). Self-help groups were a frequent occurrence within the schemes and helped to raise the general levels of living (p. 128). The settlers enjoy higher living standards given the improvement and their initiatives in building of schools, health centres, digging of boreholes (p. 162).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Human-wildlife conflict cited by settlers near Lake Ol Bolossat (i.e., hippopotamus attacks on food crops, p. 57).

# 10. Hawala, 1977: Tamu Low Density Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Hawala, N.J.B. 1977. “The Social, Legal and Economic Implications of the Establishment of Settlement Schemes in Kenya with Specific Reference to Tamu Low Density Settlement Scheme.” LL.B. Dissertation. Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Hawala, Naphtally J.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. Willy Mutunga
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​53725)
• Scheme: Tamu Low Density scheme
• District: Nyando
• Summary of research: The dissertation sets out to examine the contribution of settlement schemes to the solution of colonial inequities especially regards to land allocation and distribution. The thesis argues that the schemes since independence have not altered much the colonial legacy of inequity. It traces this inequity as rooted in one of the motivations of the establishment of settlement schemes being the creation of a condition whereby the African middle class would gain control over the dominant means of production in capitalist agriculture. This middle class that would have been created would oppose any radical transformation of the society as they would have been effectively integrated into the political economic establishment. The end result would be the continued functioning of the colonial political structure albeit with a changed structure. The solution to this problem, the thesis argues, lies in the context of the Marxist infrastructure superstructure.
• Keywords: cane farming, land tenure, settlement agency, low density schemes, high density schemes, loans, allotment, colonial inequalities

Maps or figures

• Overall production figures for the years 1973–1976 (p. 18).
• Muhoroni co-operative societies’ turnover (p. 23).

Data Tables

• N/A.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Schemes generally embarked on to address the problem of landlessness (p. 7, 8). Land transfers used as a temporary means of dealing with internal conflicts and insurgency (p. 8); to redistribute agricultural resources and address unemployment (p. 11). There were three types of schemes; namely the high density, low density and cooperative farms. Criteria for the high-density scheme was that the settlers should be landless and unemployed but with some agricultural knowledge (p. 12). Low density schemes were reserved for traders, civil servants and persons who had managed to save some capital (p. 12, 17). Yeomen schemes were for experienced farmers with substantial capital (p. 12). Prospective settlers were recommended by their District Agricultural Officers (p. 18). Allocation was guaranteed so long as deposit was tendered and some settlers had more than one plot (p. 18).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Settlers could dispose of land through sale so long as District Land Control Board consent was procured and the purchaser undertook to bear all the financial obligations of the vendor at the time of sale (p. 22).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Originally settlers were issued with temporary occupational licence pending grant of letters of allotment; on issue of allotment letter, Settlement Fund Trustees granted farmers with a conditional freehold title pending completion of land purchase price and interest thereon (p. 21, 22). The settlers however, did not have full control over their land as the settlement agency still had supervisory powers (p. 22). Access to the land was tied to being a member of the settlers’ family (p. 22); transmission of land through succession was thus common (p. 22).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: No information.
• v. Development loans to settlers: Basic idea of resettlement was to inject loans so settlers could develop holdings fully and be in a position to repay development loans and two thirds of the purchase price (p. 13). Tamu Cooperative Society would issue small loans to farmers (p. 21).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Sugarcane farming (p. 19, 22).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Settlers formed Tamu Cooperative Society which undertook to employ labour for weeding and harvesting of cane; had powers to enter any plots where weeding was not taking places and do requisite work for a fee; field preparations and planting was done by the settlement agency (p. 21).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): The roads were poor and almost impassable in the rainy season making it hard to deliver cane to factories (p. 20). There was provision of heavy farm machinery on contract for the sugarcane farms (p. 20). Tamu scheme had one primary school but no secondary school due to sectoral policies; presence of dispensary and water reticulation system; piping incorporated to ensure individual water tanks on the plots and 90% of farmers had water in their homes (p. 24).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Most houses are permanent or semi-permanent and over 90 percent have water. However, the working poor only provide labour to the settlers and work as cane cutters or as farm labourers (p. 25). Majority of the population has insufficient land to secure reasonable levels of income (p. 25, 26). Cane cutters are employed on a temporary basis (p. 26). The people with no or poor education form the working poor in the scheme hence the continuation of inherited inequalities (p. 25).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: No information.

# 11. Kakuko, 2013: Wei-Wei Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Kakuko, J.K. 2013. “Impact of Irrigation Scheme on Food Security: A Case of Wei-Wei Irrigation Scheme in Central Pokot District, West Pokot County, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Project Planning & Management). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Kakuko, Kapkai J
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Mr. Julius Koringura
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​55945)
• Scheme: Wei-Wei
• District: Central Pokot
• Summary of research: The thesis explores the impact of the WeiWei Irrigation Scheme on food security, business and settlement patterns in Central Pokot. The study finds that the production of food—the primary crop being cereal—has increased to an average of 30–50 bags a year. Respondents of the study indicated that the scheme has opened business avenues whereby businesses like hard-ware shops, car wash, posh-mills and M-Pesa outlets. The respondents also indicated that due to irrigation that has ensured food/abundance/security, there has been opening of schools (primary, secondary) and tertiary colleges. People are now getting formal education that will assist them to work on the irrigation scheme. The study also found that the scheme has also enhanced settlement in the district with structures or buildings being put up in modern and fashions and reduction in movement of people in search of grass for the animals. The study suggests that the settlers of Wei Wei need to enhance their utilization of rainwater in irrigation through effective rainwater. This will ensure that the crops grown in the scheme move from the maize production to include fruits and horticulture.
• Keywords: irrigation, food security, poverty eradication, formal education, standards of living, relief food, dependency, institutional coordination

Maps or figures

• N/A

Data Tables

• Target Population and Sample Size Determination (p. 38).
• Gender (p. 43).
• Marital Status (p. 44).
• Age Brackets (p. 45).
• Educational Level (p. 46).
• Food crops of the Scheme (p. 47).
• Sources of livelihood before the Scheme (p. 48).
• Sources of livelihood after the Scheme (p. 49).
• Current means of Livelihood (p. 50).
• Food availability from the Scheme (p. 51).
• Expenditure on Food (p. 52).
• Irrigation and Settlement (p. 53).
• Irrigation and Trade (p. 53).
• Reasons for initiation of Wei-Wei irrigation scheme (p. 54).
• General perception of the irrigation scheme (p. 55).
• Rating of the project in regard to food security (p. 56).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?). No information.
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions. No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes. No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: The scheme has enhanced settlement of people whereby structures are modern and there is no movement of people in search of feeds for animals (p. 53, 59).
• v. Development loans to settlers: No information.
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Cereals and livestock farming (p. 49–57). Wage, earnings from services rendered in production/farming activities (p. 50). The crops grown in the scheme include maize, sorghum, cassava, groundnuts and vegetables (p. 35). The farmers also grow cowpeas (p. 47). Livestock keeping is also a critical source of income to the farmers (p. 49, 59). The scheme has opened business avenues whereby businesses like hard-ware shops, car wash, posh-mills and M-Pesa outlets (p. 60).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Positive improvements in food production evidenced by the rise of quantities of food produced in a year by farmers to between 30–50 bags (p. 49, 60).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): There has been opening of primary and secondary schools as well as tertiary colleges and people are now getting formal education that will assist them to work on the scheme (p. 54).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Increase in cereal production and less dependence on government relief was an indication that the project had positively impacted lives and improved food security (p. 49). Abundance of food and reduced spending on food purchases has been recorded (p. 51). The scheme has encouraged new business avenues (p. 53). There have been improved living standards due to evidence through the construction of better houses and the attainment of food security through attainment of abundance of food (p. 54).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; Livestock farming resulted in cattle rustling (p. 48). Due to drought, there has been hunger which has resulted in death which has also caused the cases of cattle rustling to be on the rise (p. 4). Given that the project concerns the practice of irrigation in an area that practises pastoralism, and scarcity of water is a real issue, there will be need balance the water needs of the community that benefits from the irrigation project and those that will not benefit (p. 31).

# 12. Kimani, 2009: Magarini Settlement Project and the GASP (German Assisted Settlement Programme)

Information

• Full citation: Kimani, K. 2009. “The Role of Foreign Aid in Poverty Eradication: A Case Study of the Donor Assisted Settlement Programmes in Lamu and Malindi Districts of Kenya.” MA Thesis (International Studies). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Kimani, Kiiru
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. Adams Oloo
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​5276)
• Scheme: Magarini Settlement Project and the GASP (German Assisted Settlement Programme)
• District: Malindi and Lamu
• Summary of research: This thesis looks at the developmental impact of settlement schemes designed and supported by international donors. It also attempts to explain why, in most cases, donor projects on poverty eradication appear to succeed at the very onset before the community relapses back into poverty once the project is concluded. It argues that it is only through participatory planning, monitoring and evaluation, where decisions are made at joint donor, government and community consultative workshops that meaningful development has been realised. Therefore, any development planning must take into consideration the people’s history and culture in its execution and should not attempt to replace the time developed skills of a community in a short time. Therefore, community involvement in the adoption of the machines and technology that are introduced by the donors will go a long way in making them proud of the same and they will be keen on adopting them even after the donors have left.
• Keywords (up to 8): foreign aid, poverty eradication, donor projects, participatory planning, development, community involvement, sustainable development

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Estimated area under cultivation of various crops by 1977 (p. 57).
• Projected and achieved crop areas (p. 65).
• Livestock distribution and population in Malindi district, 1994 (p. 66).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): The Magarini Settlement Scheme was intended to settle families, alleviate poverty and increase agricultural production (p. 49–50). Magarini—aimed to settle families already based in the region, alleviate poverty and increase agricultural production (p. 48–9). Meant to address existing problems of water, landlessness, transport and famine (p. 63–4).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Settlers on the schemes got freehold titles as a matter of policy (p. 39). In the Magarini Settlement Scheme, freehold titles would be granted to the settlers once they paid the land development charge within thirty years with a two years grace period (p. 51).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: The GASP (Lake Kenyatta 1 and 2 where the latter grew as a result of the increase in population and settlement of new groups beyond the existing boundary of the initial Lake Kenyatta settlement scheme (p. 56).
• v. Development loans to settlers: The Magarini Scheme plots have a land development charge to be repaid in 30 years with a two-year grace period (p. 51). No one educated the settlers on the idea of the land development loan and they considered the houses being constructed as free (p. 54).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Magarini—maize, simsim, green grams, cotton, sorghum, beans (p. 65). GASP-cotton farming, maize, sorghum, green grams, simsim and mangoes (p. 55, 57). livestock farming (p. 70). The main crops in the schemes are maize, simsim, cotton and cassava (p. 85). There is also agroforestry and farmers sell trees like casuarina and eucalyptus to hotels (p. 86).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: By 1977, settlers on GASP had cultivated a substantial area of land i.e., maize, sorghum, green grams, cotton, simsim and mangoes (p. 57). The General Investigation Station was established within Magarini to teach settlers on best farming practice, crop management, planning, use of insecticides, intercropping and livestock keeping (p. 69, 70). Also encouraged adoption of new farming techniques to increase production (p. 70). Donor support has not impacted on livestock production in the settlement areas (p. 66). However, the farmers had been provided with four cows each of Sahiwal breed which was a better hybrid compared to the zebu cattle they used to keep. They were also provided with ten Galla goats (p. 70). The farmers were also taught animal husbandry practices as well as dipping facilities were provided (p. 71).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Magarini Scheme plan involved development of all major roads and access roads for accessibility by settlers (p. 51). GASP—increase in settlers also raised school enrolment (however there were problems of substandard buildings, inadequate classrooms and furniture (p. 57). GASP-accessibility/opening of land was done through gravel roads, field roads or cut lines (p. 60). Erection of gallon elevated tanks to enhance water source development (p. 61). Through GASP, schools were renovated, desks provided and laboratory equipment donated to 38 primary schools and 1 secondary school. Three health centres and a land registry were also constructed resulting in the reduction of distance that persons would cover in search of these services (p. 87).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: The standards of living were improved through various infrastructural developments including Water reticulation (p. 71, 82); construction of road networks (p. 74); educational facilities (p. 75, 86); dispensaries and health campaigns (p. 75, 87); staff houses for agricultural officers (p. 76) agricultural extension services (p. 84), conservation activities (p. 85). The donor funded projects such as the Mpeketoni electricity project as well as the construction of schools, dispensaries and roads have significantly contributed to poverty reduction (p. 94). In Lamu, safe drinking water has been provided with the support of donors as well as an improvement in health services (p. 92). Security has also improved in Lamu due to a reduction in incidences of banditry attacks (p. 90).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Before inception of Magarini project, local residents were compensated so they could move out to give way for new allocations. They were not educated on why they were being compensated and thus they continued to claim their land even when allocated to other settlers (p. 53).

# 13. Leo, 1977: Million Acre Settlement Schemes

Information

• Full Citation: Leo, C. (1977). “The Political Economy of Land in Kenya: The Case of the Million-acre Settlement Scheme.” PhD Thesis (Political Economy). Toronto: University of Toronto.2
• Author: Leo, Christopher
• Thesis supervisor: N/A.
• Scheme: N/A.
• District: N/A.
• Summary of thesis: Offers a class analysis, dealing with the political implications of the million-acre settlement scheme as a case for dependency. It suggests what the costs of dependency have been and, by implication, what benefits might be gained by breaking free from dependency structures. Offers an account of the political roots of underdevelopment.
• Keywords: N/A.

Maps and Figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Source of principal agricultural exports, 1959 (p. 90).
• Funding of settlement after introduction of the first high density programme, Nov, 1961 (p. 129).
• Funding of the million-acre scheme (p. 138).
• Comparison of million-acre scheme with settlement plans of November 1961 (p. 140).
• Sample budgets for a high-density scheme (p. 147).
• Comparison of high-density and low-density population patterns (p. 224).
• Proportion of plot holders engaged in non-agricultural pursuits (p. 229).
• Proportion of farming units lacking owners’ full-time supervision (p. 230).
• Growth of farm profits on settlement schemes, 1964–65 to 1967–68 (p. 237).

# 14. Ludeki, 1990: Nine Schemes in Tongaren Division

Information

• Full citation: Ludeki, C.J. 1990. “Socio-political Influences on Bureaucratic Resource Allocation and Utilisation for Rural Development: A Case Study of Tongaren Settlement Division of Western Kenya.” MA Thesis (Government), Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Ludeki, Chweya J.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Walter Ouma Oyugi (Ph.D.)
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​19665)
• Scheme: Nine Schemes in Tongaren Division
• District: Bungoma
• Summary of research: With an objective of finding a lasting solution to the problem of unfavourable rural development in Kenya, the study interrogates why settlement schemes have failed to promote rural development despite a large amount of resources compared to non-settlement areas. The resources that have been extended to the settlement schemes include land, dairy animals, credit facilities and marketing organizations. It argues that Tongaren Scheme has failed to capture an advantage because of: deliberate restriction of resource flow to the area by local bureaucratic officials; ineffectiveness of the local political leadership and representation in decision-making over resource-allocation; inadequacy of maize production as a source of employment and rural incomes; failure of the new settlers to utilise resources fully; and ineffectiveness of local administrative institutions.
• Keywords: bureaucracy, decentralisation, rural development, rural poverty, rural development planning, local development, community development, district development planning

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Table documenting the socio-economic background of plot-owners in 1980 (i.e., 33% subsistence farmers; 15% are businessmen) (p. 60).
• Table showing ownership of land prior to acquisition of scheme plots (p. 62).
• Table showing labourers wage rate (p. 66).
• Table showing agricultural workers period of stay in settlement (p. 115).
• Table showing level of education of agricultural workers (p. 135).
• Table documenting age of workers (p. 145).
• Table documenting marital status of workers (p. 146).
• Table documenting family size of workers (p. 135).
• Table documenting nature of accommodation of workers (p. 136).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Meant for relocation of hitherto landless Africans (p. 1); Created to ease overcrowding in Luhya reserves (p. 67). Criteria for would-be-settlers was mainly landlessness and unemployment; former squatters were given priority but there were some few civil servants, teachers and business men (p. 67). Different acreage i.e., category A—15-acre plots, category B—19 acres plots, category C—27-acre plots, category D—37-acre plots, category Z—100-acre plots (p. 1). Settlers required to make certain amounts of down payments to occupy plots (p. 1). There were some conditions during allocation e.g., use of freehold land only for agricultural purposes, no subdivision, charging, transfer without Central Land Board (CLB) consent, requirement on acreage to put under cultivation and settlers who did not comply stood to be evicted (p. 3). The primary consideration for the allocation of land was landlessness and unemployment although a few businessmen, teachers and businessmen were allocated land (p. 67). Persons of the Luhya Community were the dominant group that was allocated the land in order to tame overcrowding in the nearby Luhya reserves (p. 67). However, there were also members of the Teso, Sabaot and Luo Communities who were allocated land (p. 67).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Some of the conditions of allotment included the requirement settlers could not subdivide, charge of transfer land without CLB consent (p. 3). In 1979, ban on subdivision and same of plots was lifted on condition that part of proceeds of sale were used to pay off outstanding loans (p. 6). During the time of writing this thesis, 52% of the settlers had subdivided or sold off their plots (p. 7). One of the factors that is identified as impacting the commercialization of agriculture in the scheme is the initial absence of power of a settler to subdivide land to his sons (p. 195).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Settlers were issued letters of allotment (p. 2). Security of tenure not guaranteed as land appeared to remain property of the government… those who did not comply with conditions of allocation stood to be evicted (p. 3). In 1969, three settlers were evicted from the settlement scheme due to failure to service the loans on time (p. 7). In cases where a settler divides land to his sons, the title still vests the entire land to the settler and therefore the sons cannot get hold of the titles to use to access credit (p. 222).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: The migration of the Maragoli community into the scheme resulted in them crossing the Nzoia River and is a cause of conflict in the settlement area (p. 70).
• v. Development loans to settlers: money for land purchase was allocated to individual settlers in the form of loans by Settlement Fund Trustees (p. 1). Category C and D offered a development loan of Kshs 3,200; A and B at Kshs 2,000 and Z at Kshs 4,000 (p. 2). Loans were provided to the allottees of the land in the scheme. There was a land purchase loan which was supposed to be repaid within ten years with half year instalments and a land development loan that was supposed to be repaid within a similar period (p. 2, 3). A loan was available to farmers with at least five acres of land through the AFC seasonal crop credit scheme that was introduced in 1980 (p. 12).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: maize and beans production (p. 5, 29), dairy production (p. 6). Due to poor performance settlers sold or subdivided land to raise additional income (p. 7). Maize farming was designed to be the main source of income for the farmers (p. 30).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Cooperative societies were established to assist settlers in cultivation and marketing of produce. also provided farm inputs e.g. fertilisers, seeds, herbicides and pesticides (p. 3). Each cooperative society owned a tractor available for hire at subsidised rates (p. 4). Despite efforts at increasing productivity, many of the settler farmers have shifted from use of tractors to use of ox-ploughs as well as failure to use recommended varieties and quantities of chemical fertilisers (p. 5). Farmers have not taken up the advice given by extension officers and the process of transmitting information to farmers is generally poor resulting in poor agricultural production (p. 214). The low productivity has resulted in the diminishing of the place of agriculture as a reliable source of employment and income in the area (p. 214).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Agricultural extension services, rural access roads construction, health centres, establishment of two primary schools per scheme and one “Harambee” (crowd-funding) secondary school at Naitiri (p. 4). Construction of 10 bridges by the National Youth Service between 1973–5 (p. 7). Poor performance on settlement however also affected other aspects of rural development including the state of road systems, no settlement road was upgraded since their construction till the time of writing the thesis (p. 7). Telephone facilities were only available in a few parts while most areas remained unelectrified (p. 7). The few health facilities remained equipment deficient (p. 8). The health services sector (Serviced by a Health sector in Ndalu and dispensaries in Tongaren, Kirima and Naitiri) in the scheme is in shambles with drugs getting exhausted within the first two weeks of every month (p. 9).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Only one half of the targeted level of farm output as well as income was realised (p. 5). There was poor performance in agriculture due to inefficiency of bureaucratic agencies involved promoting agricultural development (p. 5). Farmers reverted back to traditional farming practices claiming that their income is too low to afford recommended techniques (p. 5). Poor performance in dairy production caused by deteriorating quality of veterinary services (p. 6). Farmers replaced grade animals with those more vulnerable to diseases (p. 6). Low agricultural output and incomes also reflected in default in repayment of Settler Fund Trustees loans. Compared to their counterparts in the non-settlement areas, the living standards in the scheme is poorer given that there are ongoing electrification project and tarmacking of roads in areas like Kimilili (p. 12).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Existence of religious conflicts relating to sharing of church buildings (p. 69). Societal conflicts based on ethnicity largely over land i.e., 60% of settlers belong to Bukusu sub-ethnic group and Tachoni sub ethnic group carries 20% (p. 70). The Bukusu and Tachoni also jointly are against other ethnic groups occupying the settlement schemes (p. 70). There also exist electoral based conflict with ethnic origins being the basis (p. 71).

# 15. Maro, 2005: Hola Settlement Scheme

Information

• Thesis Full Citation: Maro, N.H. 2005. “Kenya’s Irrigation Potential: A Case Study of the Hola Irrigation II and Settlement Scheme in Tana River District.” MA Thesis (Economics). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.3
• Author: Maro, Nicholas H.
• Thesis supervisor: N/A.
• Scheme: Hola
• District: N/A.
• Summary of thesis: Investigates the collapse of the Hola Irrigation and Settlement Scheme of Tana River district, and the chances of its revival. Finds that the scheme is still economically viable and the sensitivity analyses carried out proves that the scheme is sustainable in the long-run. The development of the agricultural sector will only be realized from the rehabilitation of existing irrigation schemes, intensified production and increased productivity by the increased use of Arid and Semi-Arid lands (ASALs).
• Keywords: N/A.

Maps and Figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Irrigated areas and production and major irrigation schemes (1994–2001) [Including Mwea, Ahero, West Kano, Bunyala, Perkhera Schemes] (p. 5).
• Annual capital disbursement schedule of Hola scheme (p. 31).
• Summary of annual operation and maintenance costs (p. 32).
• Replacement of costs and timing (p. 33).
• Areas of production (p. 36).
• Summary of crop production costs (p. 37).
• Summary of crop yields and revenue (p. 37).
• Calculation of production income in original scheme area (phase 1) (p. 38).
• Calculation of production income in original scheme area (phase 2) (p. 39).
• Calculation of economic internal rate of return for the Hola Scheme (p. 40).
• Calculation of sensitivity analysis for the scheme (p. 42).
• Crop budget and gross margin analysis of crops (p. 55).
• Summary of maize budget for scheme (p. 56).
• Summary of passionfruit budget for scheme (p. 57).
• Summary of tomatoes budget for scheme (p. 58).
• Summary of rice budget for scheme (p. 59).
• Summary of soya budget for scheme (p. 60).
• Summary of groundnut budget for scheme (p. 61).
• Summary of onion budget for scheme (p. 62).
• Summary of kale budget for scheme (p. 63).
• Functions of principal agents involved in irrigation (p. 64–5).

# 16. Masindano, 1996: Thome Settlement Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Masindano, P.W. 1996. “Security of Subsistence among Small Scale Migrant Farmers: The Case of Thome Settlement Scheme in Laikipia District, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Anthropology), Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Masindano, Peter W.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. Leunita A. Muruli
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​20245)
• Scheme: Thome Settlement Scheme
• District: Laikipia
• Summary of research: The thesis focuses on the subsistence strategies of small-scale farmers living in a semi-arid region—Laikipia District. The study examines the current social and economic activities of the settlers as they relate to their social networks. In particular, the study attempted to evaluate motives for migration, and assess the economic structure and social networks among the immigrants. Immigrants in this context mean persons who moved into Thome Settlement Scheme which is in Laikipia District from the neighbouring districts.
  The study found out that the Thome people are more self-reliant than otherwise expected and settled there for land ownership purposes. However, water was a major constraint of the study population while wild animals posed a threat to crop management. There was therefore a need to enhance access to water, health facilities, transport and agricultural technology within the scheme. It was also recommended that short duration, and drought resistant crops should be introduced in the area.
• Keywords: Immigration, small scale farmers, social networks, self-reliance, drought resistant crops

Maps or figures

• Map of Laikipia District (p. 4)

• Map of divisional boundaries and roads within Laikipia district (p. 5).

Data Tables

• Cluster population size and sample population (p. 34).
• Crop harvests (p. 72).
• Other economic activities (p. 77).
• Districts of origin of respondents (p. 90).
• Crop harvests by number of bags (p. 51).
• Ownership by size of animal/herd (p. 55).
• Livestock ownership by size of animal/herd (p. 56).
• Economic ventures as future plans (p. 67).
• Animal ownership by numbers (p. 69).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Meant to settle landless people and ease population pressure in some areas and bring social economic change (p. 1). Scheme came about as an idea of the land buying company, members made contributions and the company was responsible for looking for land and purchasing the same for members (p. 6). Persons living in the schemes are Kikuyus who bought the land through their Thome Land Buying company, the patronage of former honourable Arthur Magugu. They came from Kiambu district of Central province and, in particular, Githunguri division (p. 3, 9).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the scheme: All people who had settled on the scheme obtained their land title deeds (p. 91).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: The study was conducted on residents of the Scheme who migrated from neighbouring districts into the Scheme (p.vi). Most of the early immigrants came from neighbouring districts (p. 2, 8). Due to immigration, annual population growth rate was 7.3% between 1969 and 1979 (p. 3). Growth rate also affected the ratio of land to people (p. 3). Whereas there are immigration streams, there are also counter streams of emigration, although on a small scale (p. 9). The settlers in Thome migrated to Thome from Kiambu District (p. 3). To the migrants, Thome is the only place they can call home since they did not leave any land in Kiambu to which they can immigrate back to (p. 93). The motive behind migrations into the Thome settlement scheme is the pursuit for land (p. 89).
• v. Development loans to settlers: No information.
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Crop production and animal rearing; off farm income through business activities and petty trade (p. 2, 9). Crop production through maize, beans, potatoes (p. 9, 49), Charcoal burning, milk and horticultural hawking (p. 98).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Mechanisation was heavily employed both in rearing animals and crop production (p. 2). Plot sizes did not allow for profitable agricultural production and this was particularly due to high rates of immigration (p. 10) Most farmers are also keen on investing on dairy cattle in the future given that buying more grade cattle tops the list of future economic venture of the farmers (p. 67).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Availability and type of social facilities were dependent on one’s social status for instance, availability of tap water, type of housing (p. 59–75).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: The individuals who migrated to the scheme realised that land on the scheme was not arable and they suffered from insecurity of subsistence but this problem was solved by the transfers/remittances received for survival and social maintenance function (p. 47). Respondents received labour and food assistance (p. 47). Evidence of reliance on government relief aid (p. 84, 98). The evaluation of perceptions of the neighbours about the respondents revealed that 27 respondents (38.6%) were seen as poor while 39 respondents (55.7%) were perceived as average. The respondents’ own perception revealed that 26 of them were poor while 4 2 respondents were of average status. The majority of the respondents were therefore average while a smaller proportion were poor (p. 101).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Wild animals posed a threat to crop management (p. viii, 86) There had been a political ideology which threatened their security in the area. Rumours had gone round that with the political outcry of majimboism (ideological platform mobilised to lobby for federalism—as majimbo literally means “regions” in Swahili), all ethnic communities would be repatriated to their districts of origin. Given that persons in Thome are immigrants, this presented a front for conflict in the area (p. 92).

# 17 Mburugu, 1980: Magarini Land Settlement Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Mburugu, E. 1980. “Baseline Sociological Survey of Magarini Land Settlement Scheme: A Report to the Agricultural Consultants of McGowan Property Ltd., for the Australian Development Assistance Bureau (ADAB) and the Ministry of Settlement (G.K.).” Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Mburugu, Edward
• Thesis supervisor: N/A.
• Scheme: Magarini Settlement Scheme
• District: Kilifi District
• Summary of thesis: Thesis not available

# 18. Muchoki, 2012: Mwea Irrigation Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Muchoki, I.W. 2012. “The Effect of Involuntary Resettlement on the Quality of Life of Project Affected Persons: A Case Study of Mwea Irrigation Project, Kirinyaga County, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Rural Sociology and Community Development). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Muchoki, Irene W.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. Edward Mburugu
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​99827)
• Scheme: Mwea Irrigation Scheme
• District: Kirinyaga
• Summary of research: The thesis examines the effects of the involuntary resettlement program necessitated by the Mwea Irrigation Development Project which is a Vision 2030 flagship project. It finds that the lives of projected-affected persons implicated in the Mwea Irrigation Scheme generally improved socio-economically. The community realised a rise in income occasioned by demand for land and income from rental houses. Compensation enabled them to own better quality houses. The resettlement project also brought about socio-economic prosperity of projected-affected persons as well as the settlement catchment area. However, project-affected persons also dealt with a rise in cases of extra-marital sex, drugs and alcoholism, breakage of families and loss of lives. Future involuntary resettlement programs should adopt a bimodal approach to compensation whereby both cash and land are awarded as compensation. In instances where cash is the only mode of compensation, the same should be disbursed in phases to reduce chances of persons wasting away the compensation money.
• Keywords: Socio economic changes, Involuntary Displacement, Compensation, Standard of Living

Maps or figures

• Map of study area (p. 28).

Data Tables

• Co-existence with neighbours after re-settlement (p. 38).
• Income through employment and business opportunities (p. 39).
• Better quality of housing after resettlement (p. 40).
• Home ownership after resettlement (p. 40).
• Change in income after resettlement (p. 41).
• Changes in socio-economic factors after resettlement (p. 41).
• Effect on social life (p. 43).
• Comparison of access to road between place settled and previous dwelling (p. 44).
• Changes in condition of schools in the community (p. 44).
• Effect of resettlement on distance to schools (p. 45).
• Preservation of areas of cultural importance (p. 45).
• Effect of irrigation on water and air quality (p. 46).
• Unexpected outcomes of resettlement (p. 50).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Established as part of government policy on food security and self-sufficiency (p. 3).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Land was acquired for project and owners got resettled and compensated (p. 4).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Reference to tenant farmers (p. 3). Tenant rebellions were witnessed in 1998 (p. 3).
• iv. Population changes on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: The project caused development induced displacement and the affected persons were compensated and resettled in other areas. (P. xii), Population change on the scheme was in the form of compulsory/ involuntary resettlement i.e. project affected persons who were resettled from Thiba dam site (p. 4). Persons were displaced by the Mwea Irrigation Development Project (p. 27).
• v. Development loans to settlers: No information.
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Rice production (p. 3). However, to some (71.3%) there were increased sources of income after the resettlement process (p. 40).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: In 2003 and 2004, the National Irrigation Board took a further 3200 hectares above the initial 6,000 hectares in order to rehabilitate and improve the irrigation scheme (p. 3). The Japanese government also assisted in developing new irrigation infrastructure e.g. canals, farm roads, and drainage networks (p. 3). Farmers provided with farming equipment such as tractors and offered training on modern farming methods (p. 3).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): There were farmer rebellions in 1998 occasioned by declining government services but between 2003 and 2004 the National Irrigation Board managed to rationalise water management systems (p. 3). NIB undertakes the development. operation and maintenance of irrigation infrastructure (p. 4). The quality of life of project affected persons rose with socio-economic improvements brought about by the resettlement process e.g. through better road networks, better learning facilities, improved access to clean water and health care facilities (p. 53–4). The schools in the places where the affected persons were resettled boasts of better learning facilities and also have boarding facilities (p. 50). However, the schools are far from the settled areas making pupils walk longer distances to school (p. 50).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Showed early signs of success in early years but overtime mismanagement of the scheme led to impoverishment of the farming community (p. 3). Plagued with corruption, increased shortage of water and land disputes (p. 3). The project affected persons reported socioeconomic prosperity resulting from the resettlement process including increased liquidity, development of social infrastructure (p. 54). The new settlement sites are provided with complete infrastructure near them like health facilities, schools, cattle dip and police posts (p. 48). Housing also improved for some of the responders with some of them pointing out that they had moved from wooded houses to stone houses (p. 50).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Scheme plagued by land disputes leading to total disrepair (p. 3). Human-wildlife conflict due to crocodile attacks (p. 3). Tenant rebellions hit the scheme in 1998 (p. 3) Interviews from the persons who were compensated revealed that there was a rise in family wrangles from the compensation funds and due to extra marital affairs that arose therefrom (p. 49).

# 19. Muhia, 1977: South Kinangop, Githioro, Karati and Njabiani

Information

• Full citation: Muhia, S.G.T. 1977. “A Study of Insecurity of Tenure in the Resettled Area of Kinangop with Special Reference to Githioro, Karati and Njabini Schemes.” LL.B. Dissertation. Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Muhia, S.G.T.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Mr. E. W. Ndiritu
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​54018)
• Scheme: South Kinangop, Githioro, Karati and Njabini
• District: Kinangop
• Summary of research: The study argues that the settlers in the former white highlands face problems that are reminiscent of the problems African faced during the colonial era. After being compelled to acquire land from Europeans through loans and other credit facilities, the settlers are weighed with loans to pay and resort to illegal subdivision of plots, leasing and at times outright sales regrettably due to difficulties in repayments of both land purchase and development loans.
  The dissertation argues that settlers are so unsettled and insecure that they will soon become squatters in their ‘own’ land, if the present state of affairs continues. The study posits that security of tenure, particularly in the case of settlement schemes, goes beyond registration of a parcel of lands in a government-maintained register as a conclusive proof of land ownership. It should constitute the guarantee of substantial permanency in the settled land and consists of legal socio, political and economic security.
• Keywords: Development loans, Security of Tenure, The Agikuyu Tenure Systems, Landlessness, involuntary leasing and sub division

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Position of loan repayments (p. 34).
• Milk production—1971 and 1972 (p. 35).
• Average % paid of total amount in the studied schemes: Viz. Karati, Njabini, Githioro and South Kinangop (p. 34).
• Pyrethrum production: January-December, 1972 (p. 35).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Kinangop Resettlement Scheme (which was part of the Million Acre Resettlement Programs) resulted from hard political bargaining and aimed at settling landless and unemployed Africans (p. 12, 14). Policy of resettling was to settle the landless as close as possible to their traditional reserves and ancestral land (p. 16). Only the Kikuyus were eligible for resettlement in Kinangop (p. 16).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Land leasing, selling out and evictions were very common (p. 16, 18). The inability to pay loans led to involuntary leasing, illegal subdivision, eviction or outright sales in Kinangop South (p. 20). Allottees leased their plots to get-rich-quick ruthless tenants (p. 27). Though leasing and subdivision of land is prohibited however, the same is practised with the settlers readily producing facts and leasing statistics, such as the amount of rent and length of the leases (p. 29, 31).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Settlers were known as allottees and faced challenges with their security of tenure (p. 16, 37). Evictions were very common (p. 16, 31). At time of allotment, settlers were not told that the land was to be paid for (p. 17). Certificates of Allotment were issued which restricted leasing, subdivision and selling (p. 27, 29, 30, 31). In order to alleviate problem of poor loan repayment, government (in its 1974–1978 Development Plan) offered all settlers the option to convert from present system based on acquiring freehold title to land, to a system of leasehold were ownership would be vested on government and the settlers would be assured of security of tenure at an annual rate of 5% of the land value (p. 32). The allottees became tenants who had to pay rent (p. 33). Leasing of land made most allottees squatters in their own plots (p. 37).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: Introduction of get-rich-quick ruthless tenants through leasing processes brought in new entrants to the scheme (p. 27).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Land purchase loans as well as land development loans were acquired by plot allottees (p. 13, 21). Average development loan per plot is Kshs 1,600–2,500 (p. 17) The dissertation views the land and development loans to the settlers as granted in order to fund the remaining Europeans indirectly. The Europeans would in addition to having their property rights secure under the constitution, it would also facilitate smooth transfer of power (albeit political power only) since the pressure from the landless and unemployed was dissipated (p. 13).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Wheat, barley and pyrethrum farming (p. 21, 26, 30), dairy farming (p. 26).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: The soils of Kinangop are heavy and coarse and the environment hostile (p. 22). Due to haste to resettle allottees, most essential inputs such as livestock, fertilisers, seeds, dip facilities for cattle, fencing materials etc. were not readily available (p. 21). Hitherto wheat barley and pyrethrum farming were highly mechanised, small-scale farmers used tractors and combine harvesters (p. 21–2). Artificial insemination was introduced but failed (p. 22). Dairy industry did not play the vital role it was expected to as a major cash earner (p. 22). Cooperative societies were created with the hope of increasing productivity e.g., hiring out machinery but the same were mismanaged and did not help the plight of the allottees (p. 24–5). The cooperatives did not buy essential inputs, seeds, fertilisers enough to resell to farmers and most farmers quit the cooperatives unilaterally (p. 25).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Layout of resettlement schemes was not particularly well done e.g., access to main roads were missing (p. 21). Cattle dips were not well maintained (p. 25).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Settlers faced problems of loan repayment, land use and adjustments to the new environment (p. 16). There was an expectation that settlers would make enough returns to repay development loans, land purchase loans, as well as subsistence produce (p. 17–8). The haste of land settlements manifested in high outstanding loan repayments, selling of produce through the black markets, subdivision of plots, selling, leasing and eviction (p. 18). Government also decided to cut down on recurrent expenditure of settlement schemes which burdened allottees with loan repayment (p. 20, 25). The settlers in the resettlement schemes remain forever impoverished. They cannot benefit from vital agricultural development inputs and therefore produce very little (p. 20). Despite increase in production sales through black market, there were still increasingly poor loan repayment trends (p. 26). Budgets for high density scheme farms were too ambitious and unrealistic (p. 27).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: No information.

# 20. Mutinda, 1996: Masongaleni

Information

• Full citation: Mutinda, J.M. 1991. “The Agricultural Potential in Arid and Semi-arid Lands in Kenya: A Case of Masongaleni Settlement Scheme.” MA Thesis (Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Mutinda, Joseph M.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. S.O. Akatch
• Location of thesis: Online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​28562).
• Scheme: Masongaleni
• District: Makueni
• Summary of research: The thesis identifies opportunities, strategies and solutions that can help achieve sustainable development in the Masongaleni settlement scheme, which is a settlement scheme in an arid and semi-arid area. The thesis compares selected rain fed crop yields from Masongaleni Settlement Scheme with those from similar ecological areas in order to identify the potential of the scheme. On the irrigated crops, the study compares the farmers’ incomes from rainfed cash crops and the incomes that may be realised from selected irrigated crops and finds that the irrigated crops earn the farmer much higher incomes as compared to the rainfed crops.
  The study also finds that the new improved beekeeping method has untapped potential in the livestock sector and that the farmers should endeavour to maintain land carrying capacity and rear small animals and in cases where they keep cattle, they should only keep tolerant animals. The thesis recommends that a well-organised management of the proposed irrigation project is critical and further calls for the integration of rain fed, irrigated agriculture and livestock farming.
• Keywords: Diversification of sources of income, rain fed agriculture, Arid and Semi-Arid Lands, Bee Keeping, Irrigation, Sustainable development

Maps or figures

• Location of Masongaleni Settlement Scheme in Kenya (p. 42)
• Location of Masongaleni Settlement Scheme in the regional context (p. 43).
• Location of Masongaleni in the local context (p. 44).
• Relief and drainage of Masongaleni (p. 56).
• Geology of Masongaleni (p. 60)
• Soils of Masongaleni (p. 61)
• Vegetation of Masongaleni (p. 65)

Data Tables

• Sources of income for the people of Masongaleni (p. 80).
• Income patterns (p. 84).
• Income ranges (p. 85).
• Income expenditure patterns (p. 86).
• Household’s portion of income is spent on various uses (p. 87).
• Strategies to achieve sustainable income in Masongaleni (p. 88).
• Crop yields of 5 selected crops in Masongaleni (p. 101).
• Crop yields for the 5 selected crops for Makueni District (p. 102).
• Untapped rainfed crop potential in Masongaleni Scheme (p. 103).
• Constraints to rainfed agriculture in Masongaleni Scheme (p. 104).
• Other constraints to rainfed agriculture in Masongaleni (p. 104).
• Incomes realised from rainfed cash crops in Masongaleni (p. 121).
• Local and export market for irrigated agricultural crops in Masongaleni Settlement Scheme and its surrounding areas (p. 122).
• Constraints facing animal rearing in Masongaleni (p. 132).
• Solutions to animal rearing in Masongaleni (p. 133).
• Bee hive keeping (p. 143).
• Number of bee hives kept by each farmer in Masongaleni (p. 144).
• Reasons why farmers in Masongaleni did not practise bee keeping (p. 145).
• Honey yields per bee hive in Masongaleni (p. 146).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Meant to settle squatters who were evicted by the colonial government. The word “Masongaleni” derived from “Masonga” meaning dwelling place for squatters (p. 66). In 1992, through a presidential directive, squatters from slopes of Chyulu hills, Kasayani and Kalembwani were allocated land on scheme (p. 67).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: All land on the scheme is government land, demarcated and with letters of allotment issued (p. 2). Settlers have not been issued with title deeds and do not know when they will be issued with title documents (p. 72). Settlers expected to pay Kshs 600 to the Ministry of Lands and Settlement per acre (p. 72). During field survey, Land Demarcation Officer said settlers can get title deeds as soon as they clear all land dues owed to the Ministry of Lands (p. 73).
• iv. Population changes on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: There has been a rise in population in the ASAL areas in the recent past due to migration from the high potential areas that have had population pressure (p. 18). Scheme composed of the population of squatters in Makueni District but a small proportion of population also comprises people who have come from other parts of the country and have bought land on the scheme (p. 67). Most people migrated from Chyulu, Kasayani and Kalembwani (p. 67).
• v. Development loans to settlers: No information.
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Agriculture (46.3%) and charcoal burning (38.7%) (p. 80). Shopkeeping, bicycle repair and formal profession mainly teaching (p. 83). Sisal, pepper, sunflower, rose flower irrigation farming (p. 66). Maize, millet, sorghum, cassava, cowpeas, beans, castor oil, green grams and pigeon peas are sold for an income (p. 75, 101). Beekeeping practised on a smaller scale (p. 89).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: New settlers at first used inappropriate farming technologies e.g., use of local traditional maize seeds instead of Katumani maize and inappropriate tools leading to low agricultural yields (p. 72). Respondents only invest in purchase of livestock e.g., poultry, goats, sheep and cattle (p. 87). Farmers indicated that they would like to practise better crop and animal husbandry (p. 88). Farmers have tried to raise animals that are more tolerant to environmental factors such as pests, diseases and drought (p. 89). Use of traditional farming equipment such as hoes due to unaffordability of modern farm implements (p. 107). Inadequate supply of ploughs mean that farmers are unable to plant at the optimum time just as rains were starting (p. 108). The kind of livestock that should be kept in the scheme include poultry, rabbits, goats, sheep and Zebu cattle given that most of the animals that settlers tried to keep died (p. 131).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): On the scheme, most of the housing structures are of low quality, made of grass thatched roofs and mud walls (p. 91). Government provided infrastructure in the form of rural access roads (p. 93). The Ministry of Education provided teachers and school inspectorate personnel (p. 93), Ministry of Health provided health services while the Ministry of Agriculture provided agricultural extension services (p. 93). Civil society groups such as Action Aid Kenya and the Catholic Church assist in the provision of health services, agricultural inputs and provision of infrastructure (p. 93). Some of the constraints to rain fed agriculture cited by farmers included lack of transport and communication networks (p. 109).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Settlers expressed facing challenges of unreliable and irregular sources of income from agricultural produce (p. 73). Further, land allocated is small compared to the farmers’ activities they would be willing to perform on their land e.g., arable farming and livestock keeping (p. 73–4). 84% of the population interviewed has irregular income (p. 84). Virtually all the settlers’ livestock died following settlement on the scheme in 1992 (p. 89). The study suggests that the adoption of the alternative sources of income which it lists to include would improve the standard of living in the settlement (p. 103).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: No information.

# 21. Mwangi, 1987: Six Settlement Schemes in Njoro Location (with brief mention of Gichobo Scheme and Piave Scheme)

Information

• Full citation: Mwangi, T.W. 1987. “A Study of Problems Facing a Recently Settled Agricultural Community: A Case Study of Njoro Location.” MA Thesis (Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Mwangi, Timothy Waiya
• Main thesis supervisor(s): S V Obiero
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​65670)
• Scheme: Six Settlement Schemes in Njoro Location (with brief mention of Gichobo Scheme and Piave Scheme
• District: Nakuru
• Summary of research: The study focuses on the differences between state-sponsored land settlement schemes, land-buying companies and co-operative schemes in Njoro. The study finds that state-sponsored schemes were superior to the other forms of redistributing land in that they were better planned and provided with greater infrastructural facilities. It also finds that sub-division of land greatly affects facilities and impacts the timeliness and yields of farming work.
• Keywords: Land Buying Companies, Cooperative Farms, Settlement Planning, Extension Services, Communal Services

Maps or figures

• Map of Njoro location within Nakuru district (p. 54).
• Map of Njoro location, infrastructure and land use (p. 55).

Data Tables

• Distribution of settlers and farm sizes in 1920 (p. 4).
• Distribution of settlement schemes by area (p. 17).
• Chemical qualities of Njoro soils (p. 58)
• Mean monthly rainfall in lower parts of Njoro location (p. 61).
• Mean monthly rainfall in higher parts of Njoro location (p. 61).
• Respondents’ utilisation of water sources (p. 101).
• Respondents’ utilisation of various energy sources (p. 103).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): British government settled peasant families in the White highlands to ease political pressure (p. 14). Settlers in high density areas had little knowledge in farming whereas low density schemes were intended for more educated farmers with more agricultural knowledge (p. 16). The state started a scheme to settle landless people who were squatters in forest zones or former large scale settler farms (p. 65). Piave settlement scheme was started to settle Nyakinyua women in appreciation of their role in freedom fighting and signing in state functions (p. 66). Balloting system is used in determining plot one takes in company and cooperative farms (p. 73). Provincial administration was responsible for determining landless individuals to be included in settlement schemes; those in Gichobo came from all over the province while those in Piave Scheme came from within the district (p. 105). Government issued freehold titles to land immediately settlers came in hence enhancing security of tenure, while the situation in the land buying companies and cooperative societies was one full of uncertainty (p. 107).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: High Density schemes were found in areas where ecological conditions favoured subdivision into 4–6 ha (p. 16). Cooperative settlement schemes were started in areas with low potential ecological conditions to mitigate against subdivision e.g., ranch areas and areas where wheat farming and sheep rearing was emphasised (p. 16). Reduction in farm sizes made it difficult to mechanise and after subdivision, most cooperative farms sold out farm machinery (p. 20). In 1976, beneficiaries of the Ushirika scheme (communal farm in Gichobo) asked that the scheme be done away with and entire land be subdivided and titles issued (p. 67). The subdivision of land has also affected farm mechanization and farmers now have to rely on individual machines such as combine harvesters (p. 96).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Land tenure on government sponsored schemes is more stable whereas instability of land tenure on company and cooperative farms affect performance (p. 24). Lack of title deeds (company and cooperative farms) means that farmers cannot get loans easily (p. 25).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: With indigenous people settling in Njoro township area, the township could not provide services to increased population and hence non-designated centres sprang up to provide basic needs to the people (p. 21). Increase in population has caused facilities to be located in Njoro township where there is adequate space and this affects the population e.g., school going children who have to walk very far to attend school (p. 21). The company and cooperative farms did not control the number of shareholders hence increase in settlers resulting in increased subdivision and smaller land sizes (p. 72). In farming areas, dispersed settlement is common as a result of movement of people to settle on their plots (p. 73).
• v. Development loans to settlers: No information is available on how the farmers acquired funds to get into the settlement; however, the lack of title deeds is pointed out as hampering access to loans by the farmers (p. 25).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: Wheat farming (p. 26). Cereal cultivation, pyrethrum and horticultural products (p. 58). The study recommends the sub-contracting of small-scale farmers by Kenya Seed Company so that they can produce seeds for the company as a means of enhancing their income (p. 127).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Reduction in farm sizes made it difficult to mechanise and after subdivision, most cooperative farms sold out farm machinery (p. 20, 25). Lack of machinery is an acute problem and at times some farmers harvest their wheat too late (p. 26, 95). There is minimal training of the Livestock Technical Assistants and they cannot competently answer questions posed to them by farmers (p. 86). The greatest issue affecting livestock production has been identified to be availability of water (p. 101).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Level of provision of basic services is different in the three categories of settlement i.e. government sponsored settlement schemes are better served with facilities like schools, extension etc. unlike company or cooperative farms (p. 24). In subdivided farms there are problems of water shortage, overutilized cattle dips and water points etc. (p. 22); poor roads which affect access to A.I services, as well as challenges in accessing extension services (p. 23). There is poor provision of facilities close to the farms and facilities are located far away, poor roads (p. 25). Little or no land was left in some farms for the location of schools, shops etc. (25). In settlement schemes, settlers were provided with community facilities e.g. roads, schools but not farming machinery (p. 67). The area has one cottage hospital, one health centre and three dispensaries; the Catholic church also operates a mobile health clinic (p. 69). Due to lack of control of the number of shareholders in company and cooperative farms, little land was left for communal facilities (p. 72). Kiosks have started developing on people’s individual plots to provide low order goods (p. 75). Services provided in various centres vary considerably (see list on p. 77). During subdivision of unsubdivided farms on company and cooperative farms, the State started to require that a space for a shopping centre be provided as a requirement for the survey plan approval (p. 80). Some of the schools do not meet the minimum acreage requirement of six acres (p. 82). The area has 10 schools but most of them do not meet the minimum acreage (of 6 acres) required for a school other than those on settlement schemes for example the Kenana Primary School has only 2 acres. (p. 82). Area is served with agricultural extension services (p. 83). Location lacks rural water supply projects and this affects availability of water for livestock (p. 101).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: This analysis reveals that as a whole, government sponsored schemes were better managed and settlers had better facilities, access to agricultural extension services etc. whereas those in company and cooperative farms had lower standard of living occasioned by poor management of the scheme, sale of machinery during subdivision and lack of government intervention (p. 22, 23, 24, 67, 68).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: On one of the settlement schemes, there are some squatters on someone’s land who have been unsuccessful in trying to remove them (p. 106). Boundary disputes arise and are resolved by District Officers and District Commissioners who are frequently transferred thus the disputes cannot be resolved in a timely manner (p. 120). The study recommends that the land disputes should be resolved by chiefs who are closer to the people and are not transferred frequently (p. 127). The land disputes in the company and cooperative farms have made them dedicate most of their time to resolving disputes at the expense of bettering their agricultural practices and hence their production levels are lower than those of the government settlement schemes (p. viii).

# 22. Ndegwa, 1977: Various Schemes in Nakuru

Information

• Full citation: Ndegwa, E.N.D. (1977). “The Impact of Settlements on the Development of Nakuru District.” MA Thesis (Planning). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Ndegwa, E.N.D.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. A Subbakrishniah
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​28711)
• Scheme: Various in Nakuru
• District: Nakuru
• Summary of research: The thesis discusses the economic and settlement patterns impact of settlements in settlement schemes created in the areas that were formerly reserved for settlements by whites in Nakuru. The thesis studies the two distinct forms of settlements that were created, the low-density schemes and the high-density schemes. It argues that, with the assistance of extension officers, farmers in the high-density schemes have to a large extent-maintained production levels on former European farms. The same favourable developments have not been observed in the low-density schemes.
  The study also explores the environmental issues that have arisen from the developments as to include silting of rivers and deforestation. The subdivision of land to actualize settlements has presented threats to the sheep farming industry. There has also been a shrink in job opportunities that are available due to a population increase, poor farm management and low purchasing power of the community of settlers. The study recommends the formulation of clearly defined land policy, a realistic policy on population that is acceptable and a Programme to educate the people so as to make them aware of their environmental responsibilities as possible solutions to the issues it has raised.
• Keywords: Low density schemes, High Density Schemes, Environmental responsibilities, Development planning, Resource use policies, Farm rehabilitation

Maps or figures

• Map of Nakuru district with major relief features (p. 27).
• Map of main soil crops and their use in Nakuru district (p. 30).
• Map of annual rainfall in Nakuru (p. 37).
• Map of the district’s ecological regions (p. 42).
• Data Tables
• Categories and sizes of land in Nakuru District as at 31/12/1974 (p. 51).
• Agricultural land potential (p. 53).
• Classification of agricultural land in Nakuru District (p. 53).
• Categories and areas of agricultural land (p. 54).
• Net returns from various categories of land (p. 54).
• Capital expenditure on European farms, 1960–1973 (p. 70).
• Land resettlement programme in Kenya 1968 (p. 72).
• Employment in Nakuru District, 1963–1973 (p. 95).
• Employment by industry (p. 95).
• Employment in urban and rural centres, 1963–1973 (p. 97).
• Population and employment trends in five centres (p. 99).
• Employment by industry in towns, 1973 (p. 101).
• Money sent to relatives outside Nakuru District (p. 103–4).
• Knowledge of jobs amongst interviewees (p. 104).
• Projected wage employment in Nakuru between 1973–1980 (p. 113).
• Expenditure on agriculture between 1974 and 1978 (p. 121).
• Farm profits on settlement schemes with differences between high and low-density schemes in Nakuru. Appendix III.
• Labour force on settlement schemes, with differences between high and low-density schemes. Appendix III.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Kenyan government sought to buy some European farms to settle people from crowded districts (p. 68). Settlement in high density schemes meant to satisfy demands for land and contribute to political stability (p. 72). Requirement for low density schemes was that the land to be subdivided and settled by African should have been previously under developed (p. 76). Settlement schemes under Department of Settlement Programmes meant for subsistence, loan repayment and income.
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Cooperative farms were originally meant to overcome constraints of shortage of capital for purchase of large farms but have contributed to the tendency towards subdivision (p. 81). Company farms were also plagued by the issue of subdivision which caused farms to become economically unviable (p. 83) Land subdivision has affected production of wool sheep whose populations have gone down with farm subdivision (p. 123). Land subdivision has also affected the production of barley and wheat (p. 123).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”. There has also been constant migration into Nakuru District since independence (p. 47). Increase in human and livestock population was recorded which had an effect on fresh water consumption, clearing of major catchment areas for habitation and overgrazing (p. 84–5). As farmers settle outstanding loans and become well off, more permanent forms of settlements are expected to replace temporary settlements in the district (p. 97).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Loans were given in high rainfall areas to purchase roofing and storage tanks (p. 77). Settlers are encouraged to form cooperatives so that they can benefit from cooperative bank credit facilities (p. 116). Agricultural Finance Corporation also provides loans to small scale farmers (p. 121).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: tea pyrethrum, barley, maize, sisal coffee, pulses, wheat and cattle farming (p. 53).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: There was a general drop in standards of farming and agricultural practices led to destruction of catchment areas, deterioration of genetic varieties such as the wool sheep population (p. 85). The opening of the former large-scale farms for resettlement has resulted in greater productivity in some circumstances (p. 86).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Resettlement programmes provided basic infrastructure and services such as water and access roads for each holding before farms were settled (p. 77). Some of the schools in the schemes are located outside the areas where they were designated for in the planning of the schemes (p. 90–1). Schools and Health Centres do not receive allocations from the District Development Committees (p. 91).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: There has been a general drop in the standard of farming in the district due to the agricultural practices in the district that contribute to silting of dams, blocking of borehole outlets and a general destruction of catchment areas. (p. 84). Employment opportunities slowed down by a number of factors including rapid population increase (p. 84), poor farm management (p. 85), low purchasing power etc. Increase in human and livestock population was recorded which had an effect on fresh water consumption, clearing of major catchment areas for habitation and overgrazing (p. 84–5). The practice of subdivision has also led to forest destruction leading to environmental problems (p. 87). Imbalance between population and job opportunities is the root cause of unemployment (p. 95).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: There have been disputes between the land buying company directors and the farm managers making it impossible for managers to make decisions on how to manage the farm (p. 81).

#23. Ndiho, 2010: Chepyuk Settlement

Information

• Full citation: Ndiho, L.W. 2010. “National Land Reforms in Kenya and the Feminization of Poverty: A Case Study of Chepyuk Phase 111 Settlement, Mt Elgon District.” MA Thesis (Gender & Development). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Ndiho, Lucy Wambui
• Thesis supervisor: Full Paper Not Available at the moment
• Scheme: Chepyuk Phase 111
• District: Mt Elgon District
• Summary of thesis: The thesis investigates the influence of gender on land distribution patterns in the study area and its effect on socio economic development. It argues that land distribution and management in the settlement Programme may be contributing to feminization of poverty, leading to the perpetuation of national ‘under-development’ instead.
  In a bid to turn around this feminization of poverty the study recommends the sensitization of policy makers, legislators and the local administration on the importance of gender mainstreaming in national development issues, particularly the land sector. The study also proposes that the education of all stakeholders that is the settlement scheme beneficiaries, civil society, and eradication of retrogressive cultural practice will go a long way in contributing towards poverty reduction.
• Keywords: feminization of poverty, gender mainstreaming, poverty reduction

# 24. Nzomo, 1995: 52 Settlement Schemes in Nyandarua

Information

• Full citation: Nzomo, M. 1995. “Land Settlement Programme and Population Redistribution in Kenya: The Case of Nyandarua District.” Postgraduate Diploma Thesis (Population Studies). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Nzomo, Mulatya
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Prof. John Oucho; Anne Khasakhala
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​20197)
• Scheme: 52 Settlement Schemes in Nyandarua
• District: Nyandarua
• Summary of research: The thesis evaluates the overall success of land settlement programmes in Nyandarua district as a population policy measure aimed at correcting the spatial maldistribution of population in the rural areas. There is a strong positive correlation between the increment in the number of settlement scheme plots and the population density over the years since 1962. Nyandarua district depicts an even spatial population distribution per the current administrative divisions as indicated by the index of population concentration of 2.95% for the district’s 1995 estimated population size. This index however is bound to increase, hence increasing the degree of unevenness unless subdivision of the existing settlement scheme plots in the high potential areas is discouraged.
• Keywords: Spatial population distribution, spatial population maldistribution, population policy, Land Subdivision, population density,

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Number of settlement scheme plots for selected years in Nyandarua district from 1994 (p. 26).
• Number of settlement scheme plots and the size of the population/physiological density for Nyandarua district in selected years from 1962–1994 (p. 28).
• Total number of settlement scheme plots, population/physiological density and the commencement of settlement programmes by administrative divisions in Nyandarua district in 1995 (p. 29).
• The distribution of settlement schemes by seats for the current administrative division in Nyandarua district (p. 31).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): Generally, the policy of land settlement programmes is that 80% of allottees should be from the province where the scheme is located and 20% from all parts of the Republic (p. 1). Programme was meant to provide land to African by settling them back in the Kenya highlands (p. 35).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: The settlement programme has exhausted all available land and future population increase will therefore be influenced by other factors such as continued subdivision of initial plots for sale to people from other districts (p. 29, 32). Sale of land to persons from other districts is identified as one of the ways whereby population density may increase in Nyandarua District (p. 29). This ought to be discouraged since it causes unevenness in spatial distribution of population in the district (p. 32). To this end, the study recommends the formulation of a land policy to discourage the subdivision of land for sale in order to ensure uniform population distribution as well as enhance population distribution (p. 39).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: Population in the District has increased since 1962 and the number of settlement schemes have also increased from 5 in 1972 to 52 in 1994 due to in migration into the district settlement (p. 25, 28, 37). The study identifies migration to the district as one of the factors that causes spatial maldistribution of population (p. 9). In-migration to the district has caused the steady increase in population in the district (p. 25). The thesis also identifies the role of settlement schemes as to include informing migration and population distribution in the country (p. 8).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Abandonment of settlement plots and defaulting in loans is identified as an issue in the scheme and the study proposes that the most viable solution to the same is the uplifting of the livelihoods of the settlers through more investments, infrastructure and socio-economic development (p. 39).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: No information.
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Land in the upper highlands of the district has humid fertile soils which make them ideal for agricultural production (p. 5). The district is also one of the most productive districts in the country in terms of agricultural and livestock production (p. 14). Mixed farming is practised in the district (p. 5).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): No information.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: No information.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: No information.

# 25. Odhiambo-Mbai, 1981: Muhoroni Sugar Settlement Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Odhiambo-Mbai, C. 1981. “State and International Capital in Agro-industrial Development: The Case of Muhoroni Sugar Settlement Scheme, 1960–1980.” MA Thesis (Government). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Odhiambo-Mbai, C.
• Main thesis supervisor(s): Dr. Maria Nzomo
• Location of thesis: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​16327)
• Scheme: Muhoroni Sugar Settlement Schemes
• District: Kisumu
• Summary of research: With an aim of establishing a stabilised middle-class peasantry that reproduces itself on land and specialises in commodity production for the interest of capital, there has been established agro industrial projects in which peasants are organised to produce cash crops like tea, coffee and sugar cane, to be processed by a multinational industry established within settlement schemes for that purpose. This thesis examines the success of the establishment of this middle-class peasantry and finds that the same has been successful in some circumstances. In other cases, it has resulted in the creation of wage labourers.
  The thesis makes a case that the Settlement Charges and Land Development loans which were imposed as the conditions for the peasants’ acquisition of plots have been the inhibiting factors to the successful establishment of a stabilised ‘middle peasantry’. It therefore recommends that these conditions on the peasant land ownership relations be abolished.
• Keywords: Agro Industrial Development, International Capital, Large scale rural projects, Middle Peasantry, Wage labourers

Maps or figures

• Regional map of the sugar-belt settlement schemes. Appendix 1

Data Tables

• Share of cane supply between different types of holdings (1971–1976) (p. 34).
• Cane supply (in tonnes) from different types of holdings (1977–1980) (p. 34).
• Legal ownership as compared to actual occupation (p. 58).
• Role of occupants (p. 59).
• Socio-economic background of plot-owners (p. 60).
• Ownership of land prior to acquisition of scheme plots (p. 62).
• Labourers’ wage rates (p. 66).
• Implements owned by farmers (p. 88).
• Cane production in Muhoroni (1965–1978) (p. 104).
• Period of stay in settlement scheme by agricultural workers (p. 115).
• Level of education of agricultural workers (p. 135).
• E.A.S.I.: Annual sugar production and income expenditure (level of surplus-value extraction) (1967–1980) (p. 138).
• Age-levels of agricultural workers (p. 145).
• Marital status of agricultural workers (p. 146).
• Family size of agricultural workers (p. 146).
• Nature of accommodation of agricultural workers (p. 147).
• 1969 General Elections: Candidates/Voting (p. 172).
• 1974 General Elections: Candidates/Voting (p. 172)
• Voting constituency of agricultural workers (p. 173).
• 1979 general elections: candidates/voting (p. 175).
• Membership of KUSPW sugar union in Muhoroni Scheme. p. 130.

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale (who got land and how?): The settlement was created largely to settle Luos from Nyanza and was created under the million-acre settlement scheme and was carried out alongside the establishment of the Miwani Settlement Scheme (p. 22, 24). Land bought from White settlers was transformed into schemes for resettling landless Africans (p. 24). Condition for new settlers was to deposit Kshs 1,000 to the Land Control Board and enter into loan agreement for settlement charge and land development loans (p. 25). It was a low-density scheme and intending settlers needed to convince the Settlement Committee that he was agriculturally knowledgeable (p. 54). Only few intending settlers were actually landless and these were mainly flood victims (p. 54). Most settlers were civil servants, teachers, lecturers, politicians and rich peasants (p. 56).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: A politician is quoted as saying that the settlers were finding it hard to pay their instalments on development loans and were selling their plots to those with money and “running away” (p. 93).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Settlers were issued with letters of allotment upon settling on scheme (p. 69). Most settlers began to see their farms merely as “State Farms” to which the only binding thing they had with them was the letter of allotment they signed… once the settlement charges and land and development loans were paid off, they would acquire title deeds and thereby gain exclusive rights over their plots… but at the moment they were more or less leasing them to the State and International Capital (p. 78).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or “circular migration”: Heavy dependence on fishing and out migration of a large number to urban areas in search of wage employment relieved population pressure on the land and made it possible for a small unit of land to maintain a large number of people (p. 52).
• v. Development loans to settlers: Settling of farmers was conditioned to each farmer meeting in cash a certain amount of deposit and entering into a long-term loan agreement with the state in the acquisition of each plot, loan repayments were for thirty-year period (p. 23, 25). Land and development loan was broken down in terms of initial farm inputs i.e., fertilisers and cultivation, housing, fencing, tools, dairy cows etc. (p. 72).
• vi. Main sources of settlers’ income: sugar cane farming (p. 23, 24).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Plot owners were able to acquire farm inputs and hire farm machinery from the State Organisation, Sugar Settlement Organisation and East African Sugar Industries Company (p. 58). Most farmers who managed to get reasonable incomes from their first harvests immediately approached financing agencies to negotiate loans to purchase tractors and trailers (p. 82). For dairy cows, they were only on the scheme for a short period of time but they either died or were stolen from their owners (p. 90–1). Dairy cattle were part of the package that the settlers of the scheme were given alongside cane seeds and fertilizer (p. 84). However, in the initial stages of settling in the scheme, marketing facilities for dairy products were not available resulting in the settlers not gaining much from their dairy products (p. 91).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): poor weather roads were cited as a problem affecting the transportation of cane to the processing factories (p. 96). Roads are also unplanned resulting in a poor road network (p. 97). The roads are impassable during the rainy season resulting in problems in the transportation of maize to the factory during the rainy season (p. 99).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Conditions on peasant ownership relations to land on settlement schemes have led to stagnation of the middle peasantry rather than its stabilisation (p. 25). A minority of the settlers have an improved standard of living and are able to provide a better education for their children, purchase tractors and clothe themselves relatively well through the agro industrial method of commodity production (p. 87). The deductions on the land and development loans meant that most farmers were caught up in a deficit especially in the first years (p. 92, 94). The situation for the cane farmers is described as gloomy owing to the low incomes, multiple uses of the income as well as the large number of dependents (p. 107). Only a small minority of plot holders have managed to thrive from cane production, build better housing, invest in instruments of production, joined the lucrative transport and cultivation business and opened petty businesses as a result (p. 109).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes: Incidence of cattle rustling were common within the schemes created between the bordering people i.e., Kipsigis and Nandi (p. 91).

# 26. Omosa 1987: Bura

Information

• Full citation: Omosa, M. 1987. “The Fuel Wood Crisis in Rural Kenya: A Socioeconomic Analysis of the Causes and Effects of the Fuel Wood Scarcity in Bura Irrigation Settlement Scheme, Tana River District.” MA Thesis (Sociology). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Omosa, Mary
• Thesis supervisor: N/A
• Scheme: Bura Irrigation Settlement Scheme
• District: Tana River
• Summary of Thesis: Fuelwood scarcity in Bura is a result of demographic and personal characteristics, the socio-economic status of households, lack of energy conservation measures. Uncertainty about property rights, and the use of an incompatible approach to tree growing also furthers the problem. The scarcity has altered the availability, accessibility, acquisition and utilization of fuelwood in the Bura scheme.

# 27. Randall, 2012: Mwea Irrigation Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Randall, R. 2012. “Socio-economic Aspects of Irrigation Schemes in Kenya, the Case of Rice Production in Mwea Irrigation Scheme.” MSc Thesis (Agricultural and Applied Economics). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Randall, Rose Lily Nyambura
• Thesis supervisor: Prof. W. Oluoch-Kosura, Dr. F.I. Mugiwane
• Location: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​7352)
• Scheme: Mwea
• District: Kirinyaga
• Summary of thesis: The thesis studies socio-economic aspects of National Irrigation Schemes (NIB) over time. Baseline data for the study was first recorded in 2000 from 118 farmers and in 2010 the same set of farmers provided data on the same variables. Documents the rice production system, the relative profitability of irrigated rice and other crops, tested the efficiency of the rice marketing system and finally the performance of NIB was assessed and compared to integrated management. The study reveals that the scheme performed better under the management of the NIB compared to during the famers management and that the planned areas of the scheme resulted in higher profits compared to the unplanned areas. The study recommended an integrated management model where NIB works hand in hand with farmers in managing the schemes as well as the availing of extension service along the rice value chain. To the study, it was best that the market forces of demand and supply determine the input and output prices.
• Keywords: Integrated Management, Planned area, Unplanned area, Rice Value chain, Irrigation Scheme

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Tables

• Table 1: Age, family labour and family size of households in 2000 (p. 45).
• Table 2: Gender and Education of respondents in 2010 (p. 46).
• Table 3: Land holding in the year 2010 per household in acres (p. 49).
• Table 4: Cultivated area and crop yield per acre, year 2000 (p. 52).
• Table 5: Number of livestock owned by sample households’ year 2000 (p. 57).
• Table 6: Gross Margins for rice in Mwea Irrigation Scheme for planned & unplanned areas, year 2000 and 2010 (p. 60).
• Table 7: Gross Margins for Rice, Tomatoes and French beans year 2000/2010 (p. 61).
• Table 8: Farming experience and household income for Mwea Irrigation Scheme farm year 2010 (p. 63).
• Table 9: Marketing costs and profit for MIS rice producers (p. 65).
• Table 10: Marketing costs and margins for rice wholesaler’s year 2010 (p. 66).
• Table 11: Mean Marketing Margins and Mean Marketing Costs (p. 67).
• Table 12: Paddy cultivation practices in Mwea Irrigation Scheme 2000/2010 (p. 73).
• Table 13: Paddy deliveries to Mwea Rice Growers Multi-purpose society versus expected production in Mwea Irrigation Scheme & non-National Irrigation Board rice farmers year 1998 to 2003 (p. 82).
• Table 14: Regression results for panel data from Mwea Irrigation Scheme in 2010 (p. 84).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land Allocation Rationale: (Not available).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Land subdivision may present issues in the future due to tradition of sharing of land. (p. 50). Most of the families in the scheme were living with their extended families and had divided the land unofficially. The farmers are also willing to subdivide the land officially once they are issued with titles. (p. 50).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: All NIB farmers don’t have Title deeds but would like to have the same (p. 50). The farmers view title deeds as offering security of tenure as opposed to the current scenario where they feel landless and at the mercy of the national irrigation Board.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or circular migration: No information.
• v. Development loans to settlers: Access to loans given as reason for joining farmers societies (p. 69). The farmers who were yet to get title deeds indicated that they would use the same to acquire loans once they were issued with title deeds. (p. 50). The farmers have issues accessing loans due to amongst others lack of collateral and lack of information (p. 71). In 2010, the National Irrigation Board stopped offering credit and did not offer alternatives to farmers (p. 71). The farmers have obtained credit from the Microfinance Institutions and Banks, The Mwea Rice Growers Cooperative Society and Agricultural Finance Corporation. (p. 71).
• vi. Main sources of income: The main source of income to the settlers was rice growing (p. 51). The farmers also have alternative sources of income which include dairy farming, rental income, poultry keeping and small businesses. (p. 47) Horticultural crops are also grown in the informal, unplanned zones of the scheme and these crops includes tomatoes which are sometimes intercropped with French beans (p. 55).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: The farmers keep cattle, sheep and donkeys in the schemes (p. 57).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Poor maintenance of roads and canals at the time when the famers managed the scheme (p. 79). A link canal to connect the Thiba and Nyamindi rivers which serves the scheme. (p. 6).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Not Available.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; There exist conflict between the National Irrigation Board and the farmers with the issues being centred around land tenure, poor prices of rice, overpriced housing and irrigation water use restriction (p. 74–5). The thesis proposes that these issues may be resolved by effective communication between the board and the farmers. (p. 85–6).

# 28 Subbo 1992: Nyansiongo Settlement Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Subbo, W. 1992. “Socio-economic Implications of Resettlement: The Case of Nyansiongo Settlement Scheme, Kisii District, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Anthropology). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Subbo, Wilfred Keraka
• Thesis supervisor: Dr. J.A.R. Wembah-Rashid, Dr. W.K. Omoka
• Location: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​36109)
• Scheme: Nyansiongo
• District: Kisii
• Summary of thesis: The Nyansiongo scheme was started soon after independence in 1963 with an aim of resettling members of the Abagusii community in the former white highlands and with the provision of settlement loans, it was hoped that farmers would leave sustenance farming and practise high value agricultural practices that would result in the country attain food security as well as earn the country foreign exchange through the export of cash crops, in this case, tea. This study focused on the social and economic changes that the resettled farmers underwent upon moving into the settlement. It found that economically, the farmers have by and large transformed their farming methods from traditional subsistence oriented to market orientated ones. Socially, the farmers have become more individualistic and self-reliant and neglected the use of social networks in performing farming activities. The standards of living have also greatly improved and earn stable incomes from both farming and non-farming activities. In the way of the social and economic transformation that is underway, the study recommends further interactions between the Nyansiongo farmers and the Agricultural extension officers. The settlement schemes, to the study, ought to be provided with essential services and that the government ought to improve the general infrastructure of the area.
• Keywords: Social Changes, Cultural Changes, Economic Changes, Individualism, Dialogical Modernization

Maps or figures

• Map of Kisii showing location of Nyansiongo scheme (p. 48).

Data Tables

• Table 1: Population density and intercensal changes between 1969–1979 in Kisii district (p. 54).
• Table 2: Pre-Nyansiongo grandparents by Nyansiongo grandparents (p. 61–3).
• Table 3: Use of fertiliser (p. 68).
• Table 4: Pre-Nyansiongo planting tools by Nyansiongo planting tools (p. 69).
• Table 5: Pre-Nyansiongo mode of sewing by Nyansiongo mode of sewing (p. 70).
• Table 6: Pre-Nyansiongo harvesting tools by Nyansiongo harvesting tools (p. 71).
• Table 7: Pre-Nyansiongo type of cattle rearing by Nyansiongo cattle-rearing (p. 72).
• Table 8: Pre-Nyansiongo type of house by Nyansiongo type of house (p. 74).
• Table 9: Pre-Nyansiongo radio-ownership by Nyansiongo radio ownership (p. 76).
• Table 10: Pre-Nyansiongo television-ownership by Nyansiongo television-ownership (p. 77).
• Table 11: Pre-Nyansiongo expenditure on clothes by Nyansiongo expenditure of clothes (p. 79).
• Table 12: Pre-Nyansiongo income investment by Nyansiongo income investment (p. 80).
• Table 13: re-Nyansiongo expenditure on kinsmen by Nyansiongo expenditure on kinsmen (p. 82).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land Allocation Rationale: Selected Members of Abagusii Community from within Kisii District. The settlers were also from the same socio-economic background (p. 5).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or circular migration: No information.
• v. Development loans to settlers:—The cultural foundations of loans in the Kisii culture and how this made the settlers welcome the government policy on development loans (p. 13) The settlers have also benefited from the government loan system (p. 93).
• vi. Main sources of income: The farmers grow maize for commercial purposes as well as tea which is their main cash crop (p. 35).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Livestock keeping as one of the economic activities of the Abagusii at p. 2, Use of Paddocks has been employed in livestock keeping (p. 35). The farmers have also adopted artificial insemination as a way of maintaining and improving their breeds (p. 66). The farmers also practice animal husbandry practices such as dehorning and dipping their animals weekly. (p. 34).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): The roads have been tarmacked in the scheme but rains have swept off some of the tarmac resulting in the roads becoming muddy (p. 49) There are five primary schools and four secondary schools (p. 50). The settlement has only one major dispensary located near Nyansiongo Boys Secondary School but the same is supported by the presence of private health clinics (p. 50). This dispensary is run by the Catholic Church and has a few beds for emergency cases only. (p. 95).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Some of the famers enjoy high living standards with some farmers owning permanent houses that are connected with electricity and piped water. (p. 95).
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; No conflicts between the settlers as they fence their land and the land is properly demarcated thus averting boundary disputes (p. 66).

# 29. Wafula, 1989: Nzoia Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Wafula, K. 1989. “Differences in Resource Utilization in Rural Kenya: A Case Study of a Heterogeneous Settlement Scheme, with Particular Reference to Dairy Farming Innovation in the Nzoia Scheme, Kakamega, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Sociology). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Wafula, Kisaka
• Thesis supervisor: Dr. W. Omoka
• Location: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​23715)
• Scheme: Nzoia
• District: Kakamega
• Summary of Thesis: The thesis examines the individual socio-economic and other governmental extension factors that make for differences in the levels of sustaining innovation in the Nzoia Scheme. Income disparities were quite critical in explaining the success or failure in dairy farming development, and agriculture in general, in the scheme. Differential access to, use and availability of governmental and extension services, piped water supplies, dipping facilities, roads and other communication services had influence on production levels differentiation. It is also the contention of the thesis that the Nzoia Scheme has succeeded in its aim of providing land to the landless but all other aims that marked the creation of schemes such as income generation are far from being achieved and therefore there is need for farmers to increase their production capacities. This will only be possible if the government improves the extension, communication and marketing services within the region. The study recommends the adoption of change agents that are appropriate to the locals through the isolation of problems at the individual farm level and addressing them at that level. This can be done through organising group meetings to educate farmers especially on early symptoms of veterinary diseases. The availing of cheaper sources of credit to farmers is also recommended with a view that the credit ought to be granted on the basis of the ability of the farmer to repay and not on the creditworthiness and viability of the investments of the farmer.
• Keywords: Rural planned settlement schemes, resource utilization, dairy farming, Viable sources of income, Extension Services

Maps or Figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Table 1: Occupations of respondents (p. 60)
• Table 2: Volume of labour used in other farm activities (p. 67)
• Table 3: The relationship between occupation and types of dairy farming occupation (p. 70).
• Table 4: The relationship between occupation and types of dairy farming occupation (p. 70).
• Table 5: Contemplative reasons for willingness to invest more in milk productions (p. 72).
• Table 6: Inhibitive circumstances against more investment in milk production with lower milk prices (p. 73).
• Table 7: The farmers age distribution (p. 74).
• Table 8: Levels of (respondent) educational standards by sex (p. 75).
• Table 9: Agricultural newspaper readership by farmers (p. 80).
• Table 10: The types of media of agricultural information used by farmers (p. 81).
• Table 11: Distances covered by farmers to Artificial Insemination (A.I.) Service centres (p. 86).
• Table 12: The farmers’ rating of A.I. service in the Nzoia scheme (p. 87).
• Table 13: The farmers’ alternatives to A.I. service in the Nzoia scheme (p. 87).
• Table 14: The association between the nature of the extension service discussions and the use or not of A.I. services in the scheme (contingency table) (p. 89).
• Table 15: The association between the nature of dairy animals’ conditions and the extension service advice (p. 90).
• Table 16: Levels of dairy farming management ratings of farmers (p. 91).
• Table 17: A comparison of milk levels for individual farmers since joining the scheme (p. 92).
• Table 18: Explanations for lower levels of milk in the scheme presently (p. 93).
• Table 19: Major problems encountered by farmers since joining the scheme (p. 95).
• Table 20: The types of records kept by farmers in the scheme (p. 97).
• Table 21: Amount of milk in KG supplied for sale in the Nzoia scheme during the dry seasons (p. 104).
• Table 22: Amounts of milk supplied for sale during the wet seasons in the scheme by farmers (p. 105).
• Table 23: Reasons for the low-levels of milk produced in the scheme (p. 107).
• Table 24: The Zebu and grade cattle population for Lugari Division (p. 109).
• Table 25: The association between ethnicity and type of animal’s farmers kept on their farms (p. 112).
• Table 26: The persons the extension field officers were reported to talk to on individual farms in the scheme (p. 114).
• Table 27: The association between the levels of management capacities in dairy farming and the desire to invest more in the same (p. 117).
• Table 28: The relationship between marital status and types of dairy farming investments made by farmers (p. 121).
• Table 29: Individual farmers ratings of their performance in relation to the aims of settlement by the government (p. 132).
• Table 30: The farmers ratings of general performance of other farmers in the scheme (p. 132).
• Table 31: The relationship between income amounts of a farmer and possible investments in milk production during dry seasons (p. 136).
• Table 32: The relationship between income amounts of a farmer and possible investment in milk production during the wet seasons (p. 137).
• Table 33: The influence of age, yearly income, monthly income, financial assistance from children, and additional income to farmers whose dairy cattle breed quality was considered “degenerated” (p. 143).
• Table 34: The influence of age, yearly income, and financial assistance from children and additional income (independent variables) to those farmers whose dairy cattle breed quality was reported as “maintained” (p. 143).
• Table 35: The relationship between the reported sources of extension service information (independent variables) and the amount of milk produced in the dry season on individual farms (p. 144).
• Table 36: The relationship between the reported sources of extension service information (independent variables) and the amount of milk produced in the wet seasons (dependent variable) on the individual farmers (p. 146).
• Table 37: The relationship between “degenerated” animal breed quality (dependent variable) and sources of extension service information and other farmers’ individual attributes (individual variables).
• Table 38: The relationship between maintained breed quality (dependent variable) and the extension and other farmers individual attributes (p. 150).
• Table 39: The relationship between dairy farming as a major activity (independent variables) and the amount of milk offered for sale in the wet seasons (dependent) (p. 153).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land Allocation Rationale: The scheme is a multi-ethnic scheme with persons from the Luhya, Kikuyu, Luo, Kamba and Teso communities (p. 38).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: No Information.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: No information.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or circular migration: No Information.
• v. Development loans to settlers: The settlers finance the credit they have obtained through milk sales (p. 64). The provision of credit and the education of famers on credit facilities is identified as one of the methods through which the application of innovation can be actualized in dairy farming within the schemes. (p. 164).
• vi. Main sources of income: Dairy sector has potential to generate income all year round (p. 3), Stables sources of income in the scheme is in production of maize and milk (p. 46).
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: There was low rates of the use of loans acquired by famers in dairy farming development (p. 63) Investment in research as having higher social returns, Factors that influence investment in dairy farming at p. 26, additional income as a source of funds to invest in dairy production at p. 61 & p. 70, Sex & ethnicity on tendency to invest in dairy farming (p. 115).
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): The study calls for the establishment of a Post Office in Nzoia since the one in Mois Bridge is seven kilometres away in order to improve communication in the area (p. 171).
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Not Available.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; 94 &134, land disputes mentioned as a general .

# 30. Wamalwa 2008: Gituamba Scheme, Mito Mbili and Sarura Farm Scheme

Information

• Full citation: Wamalwa, B. 2008. “Women’s Land Tenure and Property Rights: A Case Study of Settle Schemes in Trans-Nzoia District, Kenya.” MA Thesis (Rural Sociology and Community Development). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Wamalwa, Beatrice
• Thesis supervisor: Prof. P. Chitere
• Location: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​19916)
• Schemes: Gituamba scheme; Mito Mbili scheme; and Sarura Farm scheme
• District: Trans-Nzoia
• Summary of Thesis: The thesis seeks to investigate the land tenure and property rights of women in the settlement schemes in Trans Nzoia. The study found that in a sample size of 63 women, only three percent of women had land titles with forty-one percent of women relying on marriage to rely on marriage to access land. The number of households holding titles to land was also a bit low at thirteen percent. Only one per cent of women had ever accessed agricultural credit. This affects agricultural productivity since with the inaccessibility of agricultural credit, the statistics show that only ten percent of women can afford improved inputs thus lower yields.
  The study recommends establishment of settlement procedures that contain provisions on fair allocation of settlement land devoid of gender bias. Awareness of women’s land and property rights should be provided to the public and institutions in charge of dispensation of justice, particularly customary leaders. There is an urgent need to repeal existing formal laws on succession and matrimonial property to conform to the principles of gender equality. Kenya’s “moveable property law” should be reformed to enable diversification of non-land forms of collateral. There is also an urgent need to positively resolve issues of land title deeds in settlement schemes in Trans-Nzoia district to enhance farm investments and productivity.
• Keywords: women land titles, agricultural productivity, access to agricultural credit, gender equity in allocation of settlement land

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Tables

• Table 1: Land tenure by head of household (p. 40).
• Table 2: Type and registration of marriage in the study sample (p. 41).
• Table 3: % credit supply by gender (p. 42).
• Table 4: Women’s access to agricultural credit using land title in study sample (p. 43).
• Table 5: Property access and control profile by gender (p. 45).
• Table 6: Activity profile by gender (p. 46).
• Table 7: Purchase of inputs by gender (p. 47).
• Table 8: Use of farm inputs by type of farm enterprise (p. 47).
• Table 9: Gender of settlement land recipients by type of past resettlement procedures (p. 51).
• Table 10: Women’s use of farm machinery (p. 55).
• Table 11: Women’s use of seeds in Feb/March 2008 planting season (p. 56).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale: Ndung’u Land Report on Irregular land allocation does not point at irregularities against women at p. 5, Land was acquired through the Settlement Fund Trustees, but also Land-buying companies and government land grants (only 12% benefited) (p. 48–9).
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Not Available.
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: Absence of women in control of land ownership p. 8, only 3% of women had registered title deeds (all were single, had bought land from former settlers and with their own savings) p. 39; few marital households have title deeds (13%), no spousal titles at all. No male heads had record of wife and children as “overriding interests” on their title p. 40.
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or & circular migration: No information.
• v. Development loans to settlers: Access of credit by women p. 9 & 25, Since few women have titles, few can access credit (1% of the study sample), however Equity bank Kitale branch introduced innovative forms of collateral (small and large live animals, vehicles and other movable property) p. 42. In general men and women fear using title deeds as collateral for fear of losing their land is unable to repay the loan (p. 43) Loans acquired through Settlement Fund Trustees (male-dominated) p. 48.
• vi. Main sources of income: type of farm enterprise: large livestock (cows), small livestock (poultry); large crop (maize); tending vegetables (tomatoes, kales, cabbage) p. 47.
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: Exclusion of women on training on livestock training p. 9, Provision of extension services is skewed towards large livestock and large crops (p. 47). Because of lack of capital and inability to access farm machinery, farmers had to reduce the quality of seedbed preparation, which affected productivity: 86% of women use labour work (p. 55). Varieties of maize seeds used by the women are neither cleaned nor treated, which have low productivity outputs, compared to hybrid certified seed: increase in seed and fertiliser prices (inflation following the 2007–08 PEV) caused major disincentives to buy inputs (56). Women prefer non-land investment (maize trading, poultry, diary) p. 57.
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): Not Available.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: Not Available.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; Trans-Nzoia are significantly mixed (Luhyias, Kisiis, Luis, Turkanas and others). In Kitale and Saboti for instance, SS (Gutuamba and Mukukha) are dominated by Kikuyus: ethnic diversity has been source of tension as Sabaots/Elgon Maasai have claimed historical ownership of the land (p. 27–8).

# 31. Wanjohi, 1976: Schemes in Nakuru Generally

Information

• Full citation: Wanjohi, N.A.G. 1976. “Socio-economic Inequalities in Kenya: The Case of Rift Valley Province.” MA Thesis (Government). Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
• Author: Wanjohi, Gatheru N.A. 
• Thesis supervisor: Dr. Nicholas Nyangira, Prof, G.C.M Mutiso
• Location: UoN online repository (http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/​handle/​11295/​26974)
• Scheme: Schemes in Nakuru generally, but specific mention of Shirika Programme
• District: Nakuru
• Summary: The study seeks to bring out the effects of supplanting of the traditional African socio-economic capitalist systems by the colonialists and its replacement with European capitalism. In doing so, it considers the role of land as a factor of economic exploitation by European settler capitalism. Nakuru District is used as a case study to demonstrate the development of inequalities from the pre-colonial times to the post-independence period. The study contends that upon independence, the land was transferred from the European settlers to the new African government but with the intention of involving the new African petty-bourgeoisie in the exploitation of the rest of the Africa masses. The petty-bourgeoisie exploited Africans in return for foreign aid and grants and foreign investments. The study also examines the effects that may follow this exploitation especially in relation to the kind of the struggles that may follow the growing unemployment, inequalities and poverty which may lead to a revolution against oppression and exploitation.
• Keywords: Socio-economic inequality, petty-bourgeoisie, Cheap Labour, Free land, Capitalist oppression, post-independence, pre independence.

Maps or figures

• N/A.

Data Tables

• Programme of land resettlement (p. 306).
• Statistics of Land Purchase Programme (p. 304).
• Progress of Land Resettlement, 1963/64–1966/67 (p. 306).
• Land Resettlement: Area Planned and Plots Allocated, 1963–72 (p. 307).
• Land Resettlement: Land Purchased Under Shirika Programme, 1971–75 (p. 310).
• Population of Main Ethnic Groups, By Year and Percentage of Increase or Decrease, 1962–1969, Nakuru District (p. 318).
• Acreage of Farms, Number of Farms by Type of Ownership or Holding, Nakuru District, 1974 (p. 320).
• The Source and Amount of Loans Approved by the Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC), 1971 (p. 330).
• Age of Businessmen by Level of Education (p. 340).
• Percentage of Businessmen by Years Spent in School (p. 340).
• Size of Land Owned by Percentage of Businessmen (p. 343).
• size of Stock and size of Land by Percentage of Businessmen. Nakuru. District (p. 346).
• Source of Business Loans by Percentage of Loans Received (p. 358).

Thesis highlights

• i. Land allocation rationale: Not available.
• ii. Land sales and subdivisions: Stamp Commission’s opposed the subdivision of land and opined that land should be bought as whole farms till when the British loans had been paid in full (p. 311). The World Bank also opposed land subdivision (p. 367). The thesis argues that land subdivision occurs because it is viewed as a commercial commodity (p. 408). In order to curb land subdivision, the study advocates for the nationalisation of land. (p. 409).
• iii. Land titles and land titling on the schemes: There was a shift in land ownership from communal ownership to individualization of land tenure when the settlement schemes were put up since there was a demand for the registration of the individual plots that were allocated to the farmers (p. 62).
• iv. Population change on the scheme, including in-migration, out-migration, or circular migration: Most of the settlers were of Kikuyu ethnicity and had therefore moved in from Central Province districts of Kenya to Nakuru which is in Rift Valley (p. 47).
• v. Development loans to settlers: The thesis criticises the settlement schemes loaning system as a way in which the Kenyan government was trapped into paying loans to persons who exploited the country for half a century (p. 291). The settlers of Shirika do not benefit from loans but only a small class benefit (p. 328). In the land purchase process, settlers were expected to pay only ten percent of the costs in cash and the rest would be paid through long term loans (p. 300).
• vi. Main sources of income: not available.
• vii. Land productivity and investment in farming and livestock: not available.
• viii. Schools or other social service upgrading (or decline): not available.
• ix. Rise or decline of living standards on the schemes: not available.
• x. Occurrence of land conflicts (or other conflicts) on the schemes; There were disputes between the Kikuyu migrants in Nakuru district along with their districts of origin. The Kikuyu who were not from Nyeri District grouped themselves with an aim of ending the political and social prominence of persons from Nyeri county. (p. 348).