On Soft Architectures

 Abstract: This text explores relationships between political action and enunciation of rights over the use of spaces. The empirical context is directed towards practices of collective action in Malacca’s Portugue se Settlement (West Malaysia). Based on ethnographic research, we argue for the idea of soft architectures of collective action as socially weaved ways of popular contestation that are imbricated in daily modes of practicing

It discusses relations between space, collective action and resistance to change.
The main focus is placed in analysing collective action practices developed by residents in reaction to changes in the seashore near their dwellings, and how these changes have opened up contested spaces. The line of my argument is this: in a residential area where land is being reclaimed at a fast pace, residents are using their soft architectures to contest this process. These assume various forms. I will address them below. Contested spaces, following Setha Low and Denise Lawrence, are "geographic locations where conflicts in the form of opposition, confrontation, subversion, and/or resistance engage actors whose social positions are defined by differential control of resources and access to power" (Low and Lawrence-Zúñiga Eurasians' (ibidem: 56-57). According to Vicky Lee, the "term 'Eurasian' has generally been understood to refer to someone of mixed European and Asiatic parentage and/or ancestry" (Lee, 2004: 2). As Lee points out, in the past "Eurasians had often been perceived as the living embodiment of colonial encounters. They belonged to a marginalized and isolated colonial category that straddled racial, ethnic, and sometimes national boundaries ' (ibidem: 8). This point is particularly true for the case of the Malacca Portuguese Eurasians described in this paper. Being a Eurasian, in contemporary Malaysia, means being part of a complex process of identity making.
There are several formal and informal groups involved in this process of identity making. The Regedor's Panel is the formal structure that rules the compound, and to whom the leadership is recognized by the political structure of the country/city. But there are other institutions and groups also visible locally and influencing the identity building process. Three examples that deserve mention are the Malacca Portuguese Eurasian Association, the Funeral Association and the Residents' Action Committee.
The main aspect of all these groups is their rootedness in the social life of Malacca's Portuguese Settlement.
In 2007, the official celebrations of the anniversary of Independence from British rule were spread throughout the country and Portuguese Settlement was no exception.
This village took part in the official celebration but, at the same time, and subverting the official programme, a group of around 100 residents decided to have an alternative celebration. Besides celebrating Merdeka, this was also a time to claim for better life conditions in their neighbourhood. This was done by means of a collective statement, in soft ways, towards the ruling elite. Locally, the Regedor Panel is the institution that represents the ruling powers. Historian Gerard Fernandis reminds us that the "Regedor is a Portuguese word which means the administrator. In this context, it means the headman of the Portuguese Settlement" (Fernandis, 2004: 291). This author notes that the "position was set up when the Portuguese Settlement began in the 1930's and the Regedor acted as a liaison man as well as an agent for the government" (ibidem).
Regardless of carrying a colonial categorization still in use, the reality of the social space where the Regedor moves himself is embedded within the main social issues under discussion locally. The transition of the institution of the Regedor from colonial to postcolonial times is evocative of Edward Said's work on the connections between culture, territory and politics. Quoting Edward Said: "The slow and often bitterly disputed recovery of geographical territory which is at the heart of decolonization is precededas empire had been -by the charting of cultural territory" (Said, 1994: 209). This is a process that Said refers to as reinscription (ibidem: 210). As a consequence, "it must to a certain degree work to recover forms already established or at least influenced or infiltrated by the culture of empire", creating what the author has named as "overlapping territories" (ibidem: 210). In Malacca's Portuguese Settlement, the institution of the Regedor seems to inhabit one of these overlapping territories. And indeed, some of the soft architectures of action under analysis are directed towards a perception of lack of political action by the leader. Most of the older residents I interviewed recall that the Regedor used to be chosen with the participation of the people, and was highly regarded as a figure of authority. In contrast, in contemporary times, the last Regedor (1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014) has been appointed by the Government.

EMPTY SPACE: SQUARES AND POLITICS
In this section I explore the notion of emptiness in relation to the empirical context under analysis. Emptiness is best seen as an "evocative category, a stimulus for rethinking conceptions of space" (McDonogh, 1993: 3). Here I adopt Garry McDonogh's meaning of 'empty space', as "seen in both its limitation and its cultural definition as a place, even if defined by a cultural construction of non-use" (ibidem: 4).
This author also refers to 'Speculative emptiness' as "intrinsically linked to the destruction of buildings and places as well as to the apparent 'fallowing' of vacant lots" (ibidem: 7). Another alternative approach to exploring emptiness comes from Peter Brook's (2008Brook's ( [1968) classical work on scenic spaces and multi-layered meanings of emptiness in theatre. All these meanings are useful in framing the present context. Planned under colonial rule as a low-income residential area for the minority group of Portuguese-Eurasians (Pires, 2010;Sarkissian, 2000), the place has also become a Gazetted Heritage Site in post-Colonial Malaysia. Due to the agency of multiple actors, this spatial and symbolic appropriation for tourism has been followed by a land reclamation process along the seashore, in line with urban growth policies in the region. Using a constructivist approach, some of social and rhetorical aspects of this spatial transformation are discussed here, focusing on the role public space plays, within process of imagining local as well as national cultures. This brings to light questions of agency and power, related to processes of labelling and appropriating space. I follow Sherry Ortners' (2006) approach to conceptualizing agency: "(1) the question whether or not agency inherently involves 'intentions'; (2) the simultaneous universality and cultural constructedness of agency; and (3) the relationship between agency and 'power'" (Ortner, 2006: 134). This relationship, when applied to the study of tourism processes, may shed light into how and why certain places are pointed out as attractions, whether or not "we have official guides and travelogues to assist us in this pointing" (MacCannel, 1999: 192).

Chris
Rojek's proposition concerning the role that myth and fantasy play in the social construction of tourist sites (Rojek, 1997) is another conceptual tool for analysing the social construction of places for tourism; according to his view, as a social category, "'the extraordinary place' spontaneously invites speculation, reverie, mindvoyaging and a variety of other acts of imagination" (ibidem: 51). Asian countries appear as a particularly fertile context to question some of the politics of tourism underlying these processes, also due to "Asia's transformation from mere host destination into a region of mobile consumers" (Winter et al., 2009: 4). Domestic travelling, as illustrated in the case of Thailand (Evrard and Leepreecha, 2009) presents one striking example of the political dimensions of tourism in relation to nation-building, and the act of gazing upon ethnic minorities as a part of "feeling Thai" (ibidem: 251). In Malaysia, a comparable process (to the one described above) seems to be taking place. Official tourism discourses emphasise the economic and political dimensions of tourism activity, noting that it "plays a very important role in energising the nation's economy to keep it dynamic" (Melaka Tourism, n.d.: 4). Governmental tourism discourses also highlight Malacca as the historical centre of the nation. Within this rhetorical landscape, the Portuguese community is a portrait: one piece among the multicultural and colourful heritage of Malaysia's past and present. Historical references highlight the original name of the place, Padri sa Chang (Priests' Land) and the two missionaries whose agency enabled its founding, in the late 1920s (ibidem: 4).
In the national context, Malaysian federal government members, celebrating the 50 th anniversary of independence in 2007, have launched a tourism campaign (Visit Malaysia, 2007) within which Malacca's Portuguese Settlement is also represented. The 'cultural extraordinariness' of the placeand its touristic relevanceis central in one particular public spacethe Portuguese Square. Additionally, the place is also indexed with references to Portuguese architecture, cultural performances and gastronomy. Images of the square in official propaganda discourses depict 'a square similar to the central square in Lisbon, Portugal' (Melaka Tourism,n.d.: 4). In the Malaysia Travel Guide, the Settlement is also represented as a place "where visitors can enjoy its lively square and eat Portuguese-inspired seafood" (Malaysia Travel Guide,n.d.: 19). The 'liveliness' of the place is pointed, in particular, towards the existence of cultural shows with musical performances. A "Detail Survey of Portuguese Settlement 1 " confirms the use of the open space as a "playing field". Aditional information on this space is visible in the map: next to the field there was a "commitee hall" and a "children's playground". These spaces, located opposite to the school, were mentioned by the residents as ordinary places for spending freetime in the seashore of the settlement. In the shoreline near the school, in mid 1970's, the government built two "shop houses", or stalls, for the consumption of Despite initial contestation about the building, the people I interviewed generally suggested that the square would gradually be appropriated by the Kristangs and become a gathering place for both tourists and locals. Its uses, though, were regulated from the start. It was a place to eat local food at the restaurants existing inside and around it, and to watch weekly performances of Portuguese folklore on the local stage by one of the several cultural troupes of musicians from the community. There is also a community museum, a souvenir shop and, in an adjacent building, a Community Hall  In the image above, a group of women play football under a waving national flag of the Malaysian Federation. They did not ask the authorities permission to hold the game. By doing this, they are claiming their belonging to the former social space of the Padang that existed in this area before the land was reclaimed. Through these leisure activities, they are re-appropriating their practice of the public space as they used to do before urban development started to change the Setlement's layout. The majority of the residents strongly identified with the space of the playground, one that existed in the seashore before land-reclamation. In contrast, the nearby new Hotel Lisbon is generally perceived as a space of alterity. Local reactions to it seem to vary from indifference to passive rejection. Social access is restricted and the building's gated entrance poses a physical as well as social boundary. Inside the gate, Lisbon Hotel stands forlorn, facing Selat Melaka, not far from another rather empty building: the Portuguese Square. The spatial emptiness seems to mirror the residents' perception that the local Regedor

APPROPRIATIONS AND CONTESTED SPACES
Panel is not doing anything regarding the rapid urban transformation in progress. Engleheart, during a meal in one of the restaurants of the Portuguese Settlement, the adviser noted that he was "concerned for the future of this place". The Portuguese Eurasians have had historical bonds with the sea near their dwellings, and the UNESCO adviser is aware of the difficulty of articulating community development with the recent urban development of tourism facilities, which has brought the shallowing of the waters where Eurasians' traditional fishing activities used to occur in the past.

ON OPEN QUESTIONS
How are these soft architectures of political action made visible in the social space? In moments of collective action such as the one described above. Why are they soft?
They show conflict but not violence; space is re-appropriated collectively in symbolic ways.
How should we read the emptiness of the Portuguese Square? In contrast to the centrality that is given to it in official tourist narratives, this is a rather abandoned social space. At the entrance, colourful signs indicate a museum, some restaurants and a souvenir shop. However, the emptiness of the place is only diminished at meal times or when the souvenir shop's loud music fills in the space as a strategy for stimulating tourist consumption practices. A general perception of emptiness is corroborated by the people who work in the place.
David Greenwood's (1989) classic study on the commoditization of culture might be a useful comparison here in terms of the dense process of appropriation of this place by multiple agents. The Spanish Alarde in the Basque Country (Greenwood, 1989) has shown how the commoditization of culture has destroyed the cultural significance of the event and the place. A similar process seems to be in progress in Malacca's Portuguese Settlement, where the touristification of the space has been eroding the residents' physical, social and symbolic access to the seashore.
Based on ethnographic analysis, I have been using the term 'soft architectures' to describe subtle textures in practices of collective action: not sharp, nor outspoken, violent or rigid, but expressing the condition of collective quest for action. From the empirical context under analysis, this has been made visible through an observation of leisure practices, in public acts of people dealing with institutionalized powers that have taken over the public space around their residential spaces. Though the practices of leisure, residents are appropriating space and using soft architectures of political action. By doing this, and regardless of how ephemeral this process may be, residents are pronouncing a double statement: they are claiming land-use rights though the practice of spaces; and they are relating to ruling powers (through speeches or press releases).
This text suggests the idea that one can learn about soft architectures of collective action through an ethnographic understanding of how people act. I argue for an inclusive alternative and broad reading of spaces. One that includes the subtleness of soft forms of collective action, as well as many others which do not always gain space in the theoretical landscapes of contemporary social sciences. By doing this, I aim to inscribe these practices in the landscape of soft architectures of political action, in order to voice out their opinions regarding space, place and power games.
Though the practice of soft architectures of political action, Malacca Portuguese Eurasians as a group imagine Padri sa Chang as the stage upon which social memory is constructed, where locality is 'produced', and as a site for touristic performance in local, national as well as trans-national contexts. It also seems to be a symbolic arena for negotiating place and identity, a space for coping with the media and politics, and an intense economic contact zone during festive events. The symbolic appropriation of the village by the Malaysian government forefronts Kristangs' religious identity, and how their spatial practices are appropriated into national rhetoric by Malaysia's State.
The exoticism present in some of the narratives about the place brings to the discussion the transformation of a Christian ghetto into a touristic place. Following this process of appropriation, I have shown that there are alternative meanings of emptiness, in relation to an Institutionthe Regedorand also a place -a Square.
This square has been pointed out by the Government as an attraction for tourism; the people I interviewed during fieldworktourists, residents, political leaders and other agents -perceive it as "empty" and 'read' the square's emptiness in different and sometimes conflicting ways. Also, the place of the Settlement in official tourism discourse highlights relations between power and tourism, regarding processes of ideological and economic investment in the construction of sites. From its colonial production to its post-colonial appropriations, this seems be the case in Malacca's Portuguese Settlement.
Based on this empirical research, I argue that the political action is not made of individual acts, but rather of the collective combination of actions. In August 2007, during the Celebration of Independence Day, the collective action of residents reclaimed justice and access to the seacoast space. Soft Architectures of justice could be applied to the contestation space of the Settlement's padang. In Melaka, half a century earlier, it was in another padang that independence from colonial rule was proclaimed by Malay leaders. The collective action that took place in the Portuguese Settlement decades later re-activates this symbolic agora as a space of justice and of public voice.
The movement of contestation to the authority of the Panel of the Regedor shows how the Settlement is a political arena where serious games (Ortner, 2006) occur. In the political sense, one infers from observations that emptiness means ambiguity and conflict. It also means silence. One finds links between a perception of emptiness of political action and the absence of communication from the local leaders appointed by the government (the Regedor's Panel). At the time of writing (2015), though, a new Regedor Panel has been constituted. Last but not least the land-reclamation process goes on running in full speed in the Portuguese Settlement.