This research was funded in whole or in part by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) under the project COSMO-ART, ANR-21-CE27-0011. In the interest of open-access publication, the author/rights holder applies a CC-BY open-access license to any article/manuscript accepted for publication (AAM) resulting from this submission. Also, this work is supported by the French National Research Agency in the framework of the « France 2030 » program (ANR-15-IDEX-0002) through the LabEx ITEM, research project GeoExTour.
1The collective imagination often associates mining with open-pit mines operated by large companies with expensive machinery. However, the vast majority of miners worldwide work with simple tools such as pickaxes, shovels, and chisels. These so-called “artisanal” miners extract various types of resources, including gold, diamonds, tin, lithium, rare earth elements, tantalum, cobalt, as well as precious and semi-precious stones. Working alone or organized into small groups or self-funded cooperatives, they play a crucial role in the global mining industry. In 2017, the IISD estimated their number at 40 million worldwide, six times more than the 7 million employed by industrial mines (Fritz et al., 2017). While artisanal mines are far less efficient, they still contribute 20 to 25 % of the annual global production of gold, diamonds, tin, tantalum, and cobalt (Schwartz et al., 2021). As such, they are often considered “indispensable” and “the most important non-agricultural activity in the developing world” (World Bank, 2019).
2Namibia is one of Africa's leading mining countries. Its mining industry is by far the main contributor to the country's GDP, exports, and public revenues. Alongside the 44 industrial deposits currently exploited, artisanal mining thrives due to a particularly favorable geology. This geology, dating back 2 billion years, has been shaped by a succession of volcanic phenomena, subduction, glaciations, and erosion. Volcanic complexes, formed by the creation (500 Ma) and disintegration of Gondwana (130 Ma) have been made visible by erosion, leading to the development of numerous artisanal extraction sites in the Erongo and Kunene regions, mainly around the Erongo, Spitzkoppe, and Brandberg mountains.
3Yet, despite the significant mining potential, very few studies have focused on artisanal mining in Namibia. Government reports and scientific literature have nevertheless documented the development of the activity institutionally and quantitatively (see for example Nyambe and Amunkete, 2009; Ross, 2011; Odendaal and Hebinck, 2019) from the first study of small-scale mining in Namibia (2000) to the most recent impact studies funded by the Ministry of Mines and Energy (2021). These works often lack long-term field investment; they consensually repeat the major figures and priority issues of the sector, thus seemingly satisfying ministerial views. However, government oversight of this activity remains poor. Since independence in 1990, the Namibian government has attempted to legalize and control the artisanal mining activities, with 5,000 small-scale miners recorded in 2023. Nevertheless, most miners continue to live in difficult conditions, selling their production at low-cost informal markets, often as souvenirs for tourists (Ellmies et al., 2005). Extraction and sale are frequently driven by urgency and immediacy. Longstanding issues, such as lack of appropriate tools and machinery, harsh working conditions, and recurrent conflicts with landowners over exploitation rights, have persisted for decades. Given their challenging living conditions, the primary concerns of small-scale miners revolve around survival rather than legalization. Consequently, many informal and sometimes illegal practices persist by default, particularly when extraction occurs on large private properties owned by Namibians of German origin. In addition to legal and material issues, security concerns arise, with miners sometimes being expelled by private militias.
4What do these miners do when entering legality does not solve their problems? One strategy they adopt to address the multiple material, financial, legal, and security challenges of their activity is to form associations. They then navigate between these associations based on their current context and individual trajectories. To better understand the different forms of association and the miners' choices concerning specific issues, this study aims to analyze the modalities of mining work in Tubusis and Xoboxobos (illustration 1), two artisanal mining hotspots in Namibia (Mowa, 2021). These two sites cover various geological compositions – from basalts and other volcanic rocks to granites/granodiorites and sandstone rocks – and concentrate extraction on different land tenure regimes – from private properties to communal lands. Based on observations and semi-structured interviews conducted in 2023 and 2024, particularly with small-scale miners in Tubusis and Xoboxobos, landowners in the Erongo massif, and officials from the Ministry of Mines and Energy (MME), this study presents the challenges and involvement of the Namibian government in the formalization of artisanal mining since the 1990s (1), analyzes the socio-spatial configurations of mining work in Tubusis and Xoboxobos (2), and proposes an ethnographically informed typology of miners' organizational models (3). Primarily focused on qualitative data and a participant observation approach, this study offers a grounded analysis (Charmaz, 2006) on the influence of context on the organizational choices of miners.
Illustration 1 – Tubusis and Xoboxobos, two artisanal mining hotspots at the heart of a specific geology and land tenure system
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
5In Namibia, despite its growing economic significance and increasing number of workers, artisanal mining has been relatively understudied. Yet, several thousand individuals now rely exclusively on this precarious economy (Speiser, 2000), supplying global markets with minerals at low costs (Schwartz et al., 2021). Like elsewhere, Namibian artisanal mining fundamentally depends on the political, social, cultural, and geological contexts of the territory (Ross, 2011). Thus, this lack of research cannot be compensated by the diversity of studies on artisanal mining in other countries, where extensive work focuses (i) on environmental impacts and the use of chemicals in extraction processes (Tarras-Wahlberg et al., 2000; Soe et al., 2021), (ii) on moral issues such as child labor (Gatsinzi and Hilson, 2022 O’Driscoll, 2017), or (iii) on violence associated with armed groups (Brugger and Zongo, 2023; Uràn, 2018).
6Distinct in its forms, Namibian artisanal mining exhibits unique characteristics. One notable feature is the focus on semi-precious stones, with nearly all mining activities organized around their extraction (Nyambe and Amunkete, 2009). Consequently, extraction methods and sales networks are also distinctive, reflecting the singular configurations typically found in semi-precious stone mining (Chowdury and Lahiri-Dutt, 2016; Cartier, 2019).
7Namibia’s mining history, while relatively unknown, is quite ancient. The circulation of copper and its alloys in Southern Africa dates back to the 11th century (Mugabe, 2022). By the time the first German settlers (missionaries and traders) arrived around 1850, they documented the existence of a regional mining economy preceding them. Bushmen traded with Ovambos, selling them salt and copper from the Tsumeb area (Northeast), which they extracted from near-surface deposits (Gordon, 1992). In 1893, following a series of expropriations, this same deposit fell under the control of the South West Africa Company (Söhnge, 1967), followed by the tin deposit at Uis, discovered in 1911 and industrialized in 1922 (Olivier, 2006). Concurrently, several diamond mines were opened in the Namib Desert starting from 1908 (Schneider, 2020), along with around ten small tin mines on the southwest periphery of the Erongo Massif, between 1916 and 1928 (Haughton et al., 1939; Frommurze et al., 1942). The decline in mineral prices, particularly tin from the 1980s onward, led to the temporary or permanent closure of most industrial mines. During this period of economic recession, compounded by precarious social conditions due to the War of Independence, a plurality of non-white individuals (re)turned to artisanal mining. This revitalized the activity, valued for its stability amidst a deleterious national socio-economic situation. Thus, with independence in 1990, the nascent Namibian Republic faced the challenge of managing these two competing mining activities (artisanal and industrial). It inherited a colonial period that had turned the country into a vast extraction ground for international markets (Freeman, 1991). Integrating artisanal mining thus became a significant postcolonial issue, as it involved organizing the management of an activity that supported thousands of individuals' livelihoods. Simultaneously, this activity frequently occurred beyond the boundaries of farms with immense dimensions inherited from colonialism. One of the young government's multiple challenges was to formulate new laws to:
1. Address the issue of illegality in an increasingly accepted activity,
2. Better control a relatively opaque sector,
and 3. Revise the legal organization of these historically linked but increasingly disjointed activities due to technological changes. In 1992, the enactment of the Minerals Act theoretically addressed this challenge by providing a unified legislation of all mining activities, which remains in effect today.
8The Minerals (Prospecting and Mining) Act (33 of 1992) distinguishes between artisanal and industrial mining by providing two types of regulations within a shared legislative framework. For artisanal mining, the Minerals Act stipulates that a Non-Exclusive Prospecting Licence (NEPL) can be granted to any adult Namibian resident for a relatively modest fee (the price fluctuates periodically – currently N$250 or €13) and is valid for one year. This license, renewable at will, allows an individual to prospect – but not mine – anywhere in the country, irrespective of mineral types or land tenure regimes. It enables one to “go anywhere search for any commodity” (MME geoscientist, 2023 interview). NEPLs can be obtained in Windhoek at the Ministry of Mines and Energy (MME) or at designated regional offices to minimize transportation costs. Upon identifying a suitable site, transitioning from prospecting to exploitation requires applying for a Mining Claim. This title, also relatively inexpensive (currently N$250 or €13), undergoes an evaluation process that results in either approval or rejection. Acquiring a Mining Claim permits legal extraction and sale of minerals found within a rectangular area of 18 hectares (300 x 600 meters). The Small-Scale Mining Division (SSMD), a specialized branch of the MME established in 2010, assists miners in formalizing these applications. As a prerequisite for obtaining a Mining Claim, the MME mandates submitting an Environmental Clearance Certificate (ECC), a questionnaire confirming the site's suitability for mining activities. The ECC is then forwarded from the MME to the Ministry of Environment, Forestry and Tourism (MEFT). Depending on the site, the MEFT may require an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) conducted by a private consultant. Since 2021, obtaining an ECC must also precede a Heritage Impact Assessment (HIA), performed by an archaeologist accredited by the National Heritage Council (NHC). Given the financial burden of these procedures on miners, various strategies have been implemented to assist them. For instance, in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the government conducted impact studies in 2021 across strategically significant mining areas, thereby relieving miners of the associated costs. Consequently, obtaining a mining title now involves a triple validation process – MME, MEFT, NHC – contributing to extended approval timelines, sometimes spanning up to a year. The final decision on granting a Mining Claim rests with representatives from the relevant ministries, who convene for meetings every Friday. Once acquired, a Mining Claim is valid for three years and can be renewed for an additional two years. Individuals can hold a maximum of ten mining titles concurrently.
9Legislation and subsequent incentives have significantly transformed mining practices in Namibia, aiming for widespread regularization of artisanal mining. For instance, in the early 2000s, the MME proposed regional financing to establish cooperative organizations among artisanal miners. Concurrently, the EU delegation in Namibia provided substantial financial support to develop business management courses tailored for mining activities (Nyambe and Amunkete, 2009). Today, through its SSMD, the MME encourages miners to consolidate their claims, seeking enhanced control and visibility of artisanal mining operations while streamlining legal processes through centralized efforts. Moreover, the government often allocates portions of land too large for individual miners to exploit alone, thereby fostering associations among miners. This rationale justifies governmental incentives for collaboration, with many miners now sharing their mining areas by forming partnerships.
10Despite a general trend towards increased legalization for miners operating on communal lands, those working on private lands seldom achieve full legal compliance. Most hold a Non-Exclusive Prospecting License (NEPL), applicable regardless of land tenure, but obtaining a mining concession on private land requires consent from the landowner. Consequently, a few years after the law's implementation, 80 % of Namibia's 2,000 artisanal miners continued to operate illegally (Krappmann, 2006). However, according to the MME, the situation has since improved. By 2023, approximately 5,000 Namibians derived their livelihoods from artisanal mining, with nearly all 'registered' (i.e., holding a NEPL). While these figures are challenging to verify, they indicate a growing trend toward sector formalization. Legal, administrative, and technical obstacles involving various institutions and governmental measures complicate the process of obtaining mining permits, which is neither straightforward nor guaranteed. In 2022, only 115 out of 1,141 mining concession applications submitted to the MME were approved, reflecting a mere 10 % approval rate.
11At both the extraction and sales levels, legislation is a key factor influencing miners' association strategies. Geology is also fundamental, as it determines whether miners need to invest in mechanized tools (drills, generators, etc.), or if manual tools (shovel, pickaxe, chisel, etc.) are sufficient. Furthermore, land tenure significantly affects mining operations, often leading to conflicts over exploitation rights with landowners. However, empirical studies conducted during the 2023 and 2024 fieldworks reveal that legislation, geology, and land tenure alone do not fully explain the observed patterns of association among artisanal miners. Therefore, this study aims to enhance our understanding of organizational choices among Namibian artisanal miners by examining how these choices are influenced by interconnected factors, including local territorial configurations and power dynamics among diverse stakeholders. By analysing local mining organizations in Tubusis and Xoboxobos, two prominent artisanal mining sites in Namibia, we seek to shed light on the contextual variations that influence miners' association modalities and, consequently, the power relations shaping their daily lives.
12Nestled at the foot of the Erongo Massif, Tubusis (illustration 2) is located less than 200 kilometers northwest of Windhoek, the capital, and less than an hour's drive north of Usakos (illustration 3), along a well-maintained road frequented by tourists. Despite a population of no more than 1,500 individuals, the village boasts significant public amenities such as a clinic, a police station, an agricultural training center, and a nationally significant primary school with 400 students, including 250 boarders, which gives Tubusis a relative centrality. Not all residents derive their livelihood from mining; some work in nearby businesses and public services, or private lodges owned by large Erongo landowners. The ethnic diversity is limited, predominantly consisting of Damaras, with smaller numbers of Ovambos and Himbas, occasionally leading to the exclusion of other ethnic groups. To settle in Tubusis, individuals must complete a consent form signed by future neighbors, followed by an application form submitted to the traditional authority. Although this process is non-monetary, approval may be facilitated by “in-kind” donations. These social barriers to local integration may explain the relatively low number of individuals from other regions settling in Tubusis.
Illustration 2 – At the foot of the Erongo massif, Tubusis is made up of corrugated iron shacks and concrete houses
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
13The history of Tubusis is not solely mining-focused; the toponym appears on early German colonial maps. Mining activity seems to have commenced in the late 1990s, spurred by the discovery of significant quantities of black tourmaline in 1999, igniting a small-scale mining “rush” in the Erongo. The rush from 1999 to 2001 saw substantial finds of beryl (1999), aquamarine (2000), and then uranium and gold (2003). In March 2001, the discovery of jeremejevite will bring hundreds of small-scale miners to dug permanently in several farms (Wilson et al., 2002).
Illustration 3 – Mining activities and mobilities around Tubusis, between privately owned farms and communal lands
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
- 1 Conservancies are areas that benefit from a form of autonomous management by local people, with the (...)
14Today, mining activities occur on two types of land: community lands managed by the traditional authority Oe=Gân, integrated since 2004 into the #Gaingu Conservancy1, and privately owned farms exceeding 10,000 hectares, held by Namibian of German descent. Extraction is particularly demanding due to the geological context of the massif: The sites around Tubusis often consist of hollowed-out granite cavities. These natural cavities, known as “pockets,” can sometimes be large enough for miners to stand in and may reach impressive depths of up to thirty meters. Accessing a “pocket” is extremely challenging, and miners often wait months or even years to discover one. Consequently, small semi-permanent camps from makeshift tents, are scattered across community lands or private properties, leading to occasional tensions. The tools required to extract crystals are adapted to the hardness and depth of the geological formations. Without “makitas,” essential jackhammers named after the Japanese brand (although mostly cheap Chinese equivalents) (illustration 4), penetrating hard rock layers would be nearly impossible. The diversity of crystals extracted from these pockets is noteworthy: quartz (clear, smoky, amethyst), tourmalines, beryls, topazes, fluorite… (Schneider, 2005). This diversity has earned Tubusis particular mineralogical renown among crystal collectors worldwide (Cairncross & Bahmann, 2006).
Illustration 4 – A Tubusis miner with a “Makita”, essential to reach “pockets”
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
15Miners' mobility is largely dictated by these local extraction conditions. One form of mobility involves movements necessary for mining work – access to the sites, procuring water, food, fuel, machinery, and handling stone sales –. Another form of mobility occurs during breaks from mining activity, when miners visit their families. However, this depends on individual financial capacities. Consequently, some miners from northern regions have not returned home for several years, indicative of restricted mobility access. Thus, most mobility patterns among Tubusis residents fit into a quadrangular scheme, involving semi-permanent camps, the village, nearby towns, and potentially their places of origin (illustration 5).
Illustration 5 - At Tubusis, the setting up of the miner’s committee illustrates the government’s strategy
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
16n 2022, the Tubusis Small Scale Mining Group is established following a meeting organized by the MME artisanal mining division. It gathers 80 individuals and is managed by a four-person committee. For the MME, this encourages miners’ organisation in legally recognized groups in order to reinforce the control of an expanding activity. For the miners this allows them to formalize their situation, mutualize their resources to accomplish complexes administrative tasks and improve their representativity toward governmental bodies.
17This is all the more critical as relations with large landowners have deteriorated over the past two decades. The latter have progressively formed alliances, notably to counter mining activities, within a context of growing tourism development (Quemin, 2023). However, as they are still unable to legally oppose mining operations on their land, some resort to illegal armed evictions.
- 2 For anonymity purposes, first names have been altered.
18This situation gives rise to multiple levels of violence. Physical, with threats issued by farmers: “I thought Namibia is independent but that white guy behind there he's telling people [miners]: ‘I will shoot you if I find you in my camp [land], I will shoot you.’ It is right in front of a police officer.” (Immanuel2, interview 2024) and mobilization of game rangers to monitor entries (thereby no longer protecting animals but instead hunting miners). Symbolic, with the privatization of access to a mountain that Tubusis residents consider a common resource: “But here, we are actually not on somebody's ground, we are on the mountain. The ground is yours, the farm is yours, but the mountain is not yours” (Immanuel, interview, 2024). Economic, as miners now must detour several kilometres on foot to extraction sites, heavily laden with supplies or machinery. Marginalized from main extraction areas, the communal areas inhabitants revive painful memories of apartheid while landowners organize expensive touristic visits that overlap on the communal lands, without any benefit for the local population.
19In the heart of the Goboboseb Mountains, about ten kilometers west of Brandberg and approximately 80 kilometers from the small town of Uis (illustration 6), a few corrugated iron structures attest to the possibility of life in the heart of the Namib Desert (illustration 7). Depending on who you ask, the name Xoboxobos is derived either from the sound of the “Makita” breaking rock or signifies “the smell of money.” The housing units, numbering around 70 presently, typically accommodate about 4 individuals and sometimes take the form of family households, with young children.
Illustration 6 - The high level of mobility of Xoboxobos miners despite disconnection and remoteness
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
20The diversity among miners at Xoboxobos, where speakers of Oshi-wambo (Northern), followed by Kavango (Northeast), Ovahimba (Northwest), and Otjiherero (Northwest and Southeast) languages predominate, contrasts sharply with the near absence of Damara, yet in majority in the area. This diversity manifests in significant linguistic and cultural differences within the village, although cohabitation appears not to be a source of conflict or tension.
Illustration 7 - Xoboxobos mining camp and its shacks
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
21Isolated from institutional actors, the predominantly male camp of Xoboxobos follows a quasi-autonomous mode of operation. The notable scarcity of women is striking. Those present, described as “the strongest” (Hector, interview 2024), are directly involved in the extraction activity, often under the authority of their spouses without to machinery, thus perpetuating gendered power dynamics. Although being more than an hour by car, essential activities are concentrated in Uis, including water and food supplies, church visits, occasional interactions with local authorities, and the organization of rare workshops on safety, legislation, and environmental preservation. Trips to Uis also serve as opportunities for leisure: “[referring to some miners] These motherfuckers, they say they don’t care, waste their money. They go in town to buy alcohol, bang ladies and all” (Absalom, interview 2024). However, for government engagements, one must travel to the capital a five-hour drive away. Locally, the distance between the village and the extraction sites is walkable, and the necessity of using machinery, which would justify residing close to the extraction site, is minimal. Miners typically return to their families one week per month but may also be absent for several months, explaining why more than half of the village is often vacant due to a continuous turnover. Thus, the mobilities of Xoboxobos residents follow a triangular pattern between the village, the nearby town, and their regions of origin.
22The initial settlement at Xoboxobos appears to date back to 1990, coinciding with Namibia's independence, although the region was already known to some Germans for its concentration of amethyst (Cairncross and Bahmann, 2006). By 1992, the earliest confirmed mining activity involved only a few individuals, with the site already resembling a mining village. However, significant development of the village occurred only in the early 2000s, accompanied by NGOs with workshops conducted by the Rossing Foundation on safety, business, and organization, leading to the establishment of a representative committee (illustration 8). Comprising seven members, predominantly Oshiwambo speakers, the committee plays a crucial role in regulating conflicts and arrivals, daily life, and mining activities. For example, they manage the supply of drinking water – purchased from Uis through a collective contribution of N$100 per individual per year and sold at a low cost of N$30 for 20 liters (illustration 9). They have also invested in stone-cutting machinery for use by miners. Additionally, they serve as an administrative intermediary with the ministry for mining title applications, bypassing potential administrative difficulties and associated indirect costs. From its inception, the representative committee of Xoboxobos appears to have held central importance, as evidenced by the absence of other forms of community life regulation entities. No other representative entities have emerged since, despite Xoboxobos' increased attractiveness after 2020, due to job losses and precarization resulting from successive lockdowns. The population, which numbered less than a hundred individuals in 2018, has doubled or even tripled since then. Integration of new arrivals occurs through sponsorship, often facilitated by family members or friends already present. This “affinity-based integration” is reflected in the spatial organization of the camp, where newcomers initially settle with their kin before potentially establishing independent residences nearby. This seems to explain the camp's expansion into two-facing wings, mirroring its growth rate (Figure 3). This growth appears poised to increase exponentially, as artisanal mining becomes an increasingly attractive solution to address the critical challenge: “There is no more jobs in town” (Johannes, interview 2024).
Illustration 8 - The Xoboxobos miners’ committee, an initiative born out of workshops organised by the Rossing Foundation
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
Illustration 9 - The water purchased by the committee is stored in two large containers, with a miner in charge of distribution an hour per day.
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
Illustration 10 - Xoboxobos, a camp developing itself in two-facing
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
23Mining activity at Xoboxobos occurs entirely on communal lands, managed by the traditional authority Dâure Daman, integrated into the Tsiseb Conservancy since 2008. It is characterized by geologically lenient conditions. Comparing to the Erongo, extractive conditions are easier: the “pockets” are a few centimetres in size and located near the surface in friable rocks (illustration 11). A baramine, hammer, chisel, and folded metal rod are enough to reach several pockets in a single day, although jackhammers are sometimes employed to expedite the process. Crystals found at Xoboxobos are primarily quartz varieties such as clear quartz, smoky quartz, and amethyst. Their market value is lower compared to Tubusis crystals but it is compensated by the quantities extracted and the regularity of “pocket” discoveries.
Illustration 11 - Pocket containing several varieties of quartz - already a large size for Xoboxobos
Author: Marie Forget, 2024.
24The organization of miners in Namibia exhibits a diversity of models, reflecting the influence of specific contexts and organizational strategies. This diversity is not a result of determinism or isolated choices, but rather responses developed in relation to specific contexts (or within contexts). While analysts often attempt to untangle the intricacies of context for better understanding, we argue that the interconnectedness of contextual factors remains a crucial component of analysis. For instance, considering the lack of machinery as an influential factor without accounting for geological factors is nonsensical. Hoping to analyze each contextual factor independently of others is akin to “believing one can remove a fish from water to better observe how it swims” (Beaud and Weber, 1997). Therefore, it is preferable to study these factors together as they relate to local organizational responses, rather than attempting to unravel them and expect to find the essence of context within each one. This interconnectedness–and thus the variable nature of context–helps us understand to what extent identified models are not mutually exclusive, as miners always have the option to adapt their models based on changing contexts. Within the same individual, these modes of association can coexist at one moment, evolve, and be influenced by their trajectory.
“I was working with the group together but now I'm alone because we broke it. Those who have the real machine, the owners of the machinery [...] They take more money than the other and then you have nothing” (Thomas, solo miner in another region after leaving the group he was mining within Erongo, interview 2024).
25At Xoboxobos, the model of solo mining is common due to the technical simplicity of the operational mode and the remote, loosely governed geographical context. Easy to establish, it likely contributes to the post-COVID enthusiasm in Xoboxobos, as no technical skills, financial investments, or relational competencies are required for extraction. Exemplifying this model is the situation of a couple who began mining after the pandemic:
“I have four kids and too little money, so I left my old job at the Tsumeb copper mine. Then I met someone who worked in Xoboxobos. We mined together, and in those two days, I made around eight thousand [420€]. When I saw I could make that much, I came back home, packed my bag, and told my girlfriend about it. She agreed to come with me. We went to Xoboxobos and started mining.” (Tobias, interview 2024).
26However, despite the realized earnings, the couple faced relational tensions. Blanca, known for her hard work, experienced violence from her partner, likely fueled by jealousy or influenced by alcohol. While potentially lucrative, this model highlights the vulnerability, particularly gender-related, to exploitation and domestic violence. The absence of association fosters such situations; the interdependence within the couple is heightened, and the victim has no one to turn to for escape.
Illustration 12 - Three hours' walk from Xoboxobos, a miner accompanied by her son wields the baramine to unearth quartz crystals
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
27At Tubusis, solo mining is impractical due to the hardness of the Erongo massif rock. The depth of galleries and the technical complexity of extraction necessitate cooperation among miners to manage equipment and associated risks. Work accidents, the imperative use of heavy machinery, risks of prolonged solitude, illegality, undesirability, and distance from residential areas are explanatory factors for the challenges of the solo mining model. As explained:
“It is not easy to work alone because once the place is deep, then you must have three or four people to help you. You need ropes to carry out all the waste. [...] And sometimes in the holes there is no oxygen. So, it’s difficult to work in that kind of hole. So somewhere we use medical oxygen […] or we blow a compressor during the night […] and sometimes we use the aircon” (Daniel, interview 2024).
28This context, especially geological, renders solo activities perilous.
29Although the solo mining model may be a deliberate strategy, it is sometimes dictated by the miner's precarious situation and the lack of viable alternatives. Indeed, this organizational mode can result from insufficient networks and relational skills necessary to form effective partnerships. Despite its economic benefits, this model also entails notable risks in terms of safety and financial stability. In some situations, miners find themselves isolated in mountainous terrain, engaged in inherently perilous activities without immediate human presence. If they are in incapacity to find minerals, they lack peer support to overcome these challenges. While the choice to engage in solo mining may stem from a desire to avoid imbalanced power dynamics in work organization and profit distribution, it also creates vulnerabilities in social interactions that the miner might have outside of mining activities, both with other community members and external actors such as large farm owners or institutions. Consequently, in response to these challenges, although solo mining is an individual pursuit, forms of indirect and informal cooperation may manifest, for example through the shared use of a claim space, whether one's own or another's, with or without payment. This demonstrates a porous relationship with the second type of association, namely horizontal association.
“We share the same tent. We are brothers. [...] When you spend so much time with people, they become part of your family” (George, 2024).
30At Xoboxobos, horizontal association can emerge within diverse socio-economic contexts. When none of the group members hold a mining claim, they find themselves collectively operating in a legally precarious situation or dependent on another miner's acceptance to conduct activities on their concession. Additionally, a group member can possess a mining permit but choose not to seek economic compensation for the others' use of their concession. For example, a group of miners working together on the same mining claim, equitably sharing profits from the sale of semi-precious stones, since “everyone is here for the bread, the bread brings everyone here.” (Absalom, interview 2024). This form of association demonstrates how mutual aid and resource sharing are crucial for survival in the mining environment. It underscores the development of solidarity based on collective precarity.
31At Tubusis, several teams also exemplify a horizontal association model, although the use of machinery–requiring capital investment–complicates its formation. In this setting, profits generated from sales are equally distributed among members, as described by George:
“When we find stone, we sell it, and all together we share the price equal. [...] We rent three machines for N$300 [15€] a week. [...] Actually, it’s retired miners who rent their machines. And that’s how they make their retirement. [To collectively pay for these machines], what we do, we collect grass and then we sell it in bags for N$50 [2.5€] to farmers, because there are many livestock.” (George, interview 2024).
32While this model is based on horizontal redistribution of profits, it may also include elements of internal hierarchy. For instance, within a group, typically one miner manages relations with buyers through phone numbers that only they possess. Depending on the arrangement, this individual also organizes operational resources as well as the transportation of machinery to the camp. These dual roles confer a leadership position within the group. Thus, while profit-sharing is structured horizontally, this model may integrate a form of hierarchical verticality based on individual experience and social capital.
Illustration 13 - A horizontal association near Tubusis
Spending most of their time there, sharing the same tent, they live as a brotherhood
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
33The horizontal association model thereby emphasizes equality and solidarity often reinforced by community or familial ties. Despite inequalities in capital and technical knowledge among members, this form of association appears to transcend these disparities through a deep-seated desire for collaboration and fraternity. Such solidarity is a fundamental element in understanding association dynamics within isolated and remote contexts associated with their way of life. Horizontal associations enable miners to establish close relationships that extend beyond the professional realm. They arise not solely out of necessity but also by choice, with miners sharing not only work hours but also their daily lives. An economic interpretation of this model would thus be overly simplistic. Despite the presence of hierarchical relationships, collective confrontation with social and relational precarity, as well as the inherent challenges of small-scale mining life in the Namibian desert mountains, forge particularly intense bonds.
“It’s as if I was a driver in a car and the others, the passengers... The passengers have to pay the driver because the driver is responsible for them” (Loide, a miner from Xoboxobos who owns his mining claim and retrieves a larger share of profits compared to the other three members of his group, interview 2024).
34At Xoboxobos, despite the minimal requirement for access to machinery, this organizational mode characterized by a leader in decision-making and economic realms remains popular. Mining on a concession brings a certain stability to the activity, the difficulty of obtaining it can justify inequality in redistribution. The responsibility of the leader, as the mining claim is in their name and they organize the group's strategy, also influences the logic behind profit distribution. Another factor is the sharing of experience: In exchange for temporary mentoring by a more experienced miner, some young miners accept a lower income while learning the intricacies of the trade:
“Currently, two youngsters are mining with the group, one since last month and the other one for three months. They have no experience in mining activities, so I am teaching them where and how to mine.” (Hafeni, interview 2024).
35Therefore, economic value is sometimes attributed to elements that initially have none or very little. In cases of redistribution disparities due to ownership of machinery or a vehicle, the association is driven by the hope of higher economic returns. By sacrificing a portion of their income, miners hope to increase it nonetheless, either by being more efficient with machines or by reaching remote areas by car where stones are plentiful and competition is scarce.
36At Tubusis, the dynamics leading to verticality within groups are similar but more pronounced due to the locality's characteristics. The hardness of the geological substrate and the need to effectively organize difficult and dangerous extraction justify this model. Having special contacts and relationships with generous and reliable buyers, ensuring larger collective profits in a context where sales pose a major challenge, is also an argument a miner can use to negotiate a more advantageous profit share. Therefore, the leader's role sometimes resembles that of a manager:
“I am lucky enough to have my own machines, and I have a group of three other miners who are in the mountain. I’d like to go with them every day, but I need to be here [Tubusis] to deal with the food, water, and fuel supply, the sales of the stones to find enough money to keep mining and distribute money to the family of miners in the mountain.” (Immanuel, interview 2024).
Illustration 14 - As Immanuel, some leaders of vertical associations spend most of their time at Tubusis rather than at the miners' camp, looking after supplies and other imperatives
Author: Mélanie Duval, 2024.
37Vertical association illustrates how the possession of capital creates power dynamics and inequalities among miners through economic capital, as well as superior technical or relational capabilities compared to others. Overall, miners' investment means remain the primary factor of hierarchy, where those with machines or the ability to rent them occupy a dominant position. Compared to horizontal associations, these groups assemble more through a selection process focused on efficiency and productivity rather than relational motivations, leading to strained ties outside the activity framework. Consequently, these organizational models tend to be less enduring, and disparities in redistribution–sometimes perceived as injustices–can drive miners to attempt solitary ventures or negotiate a fairer share of profits within new groups.
“[His life is] not really complicated. He have a nice house. He don't have any problem with water, with electricity. I'm afraid every time I'm going to go down, but I try to work for my kids” (Thomas, about the sponsor who financed his mining in the Erongo Massif).
38At Xoboxobos, forms of contractual arrangements primarily unfold between miners and buyers, often referred to as “middle-men”. Ruben, whose export of semi-precious stones to Germany and Taiwan has made him a prominent figure in the field, exemplifies the main forms of contractualization prevalent in Xoboxobos. The first is based on a “gifts for goods” logic: the buyer provides miners with the necessary machinery for extraction or cutting, and in return, benefits from the priority purchase of valuable crystals and potential negotiation of more advantageous prices. They may also ensure a proper stone cut by entrusting this task to a skilled miner. This model also offers substantial benefits to miners. Established trust with a buyer guarantees miners regular outlets for their stones. Furthermore, access to contracted cutting machinery allows miners to capitalize on this equipment by offering its use to other miners, generating additional income. To strengthen this trust relationship, buyers often bring water and food when visiting sellers, whom they also offer transportation to the city. In contrast to this informal type of contractualization, there is also a more formal arrangement in Xoboxobos: a mining claim holder hires other miners and retrieves all stones in exchange for a monthly salary. This model ensures miners a regular income source, providing them with better financial visibility. However, the precarious nature of this salary can also keep them in a situation of economic vulnerability. This contractualization can be a side activity for buyers who own a mining claim. Some invest in multiple mining claims to employ more miners and utilize more efficient machinery, such as caterpillars. Mining claims are operated in this manner around Xoboxobos, mainly by three Namibian white brothers, Aron, Joel, and Gerson.
Illustration 15 - Around Xoboxobos, forms of contractualisation lead to the use of caterpillars, radically changing the practice and the landscape impact of the activity
Author: Antoine Latarge, 2024.
39At Tubusis, contractualization is commonly referred to as sponsorship. This model involves an outsider to the group of miners, the “sponsor,” providing resources and machinery necessary for mining extraction and survival in the mountains.
“So, how it works is like this: I invest in the mining teams, they work to find something valuable, okay? They need to find something that can give them a salary and also pay back the guy who put money into them. So, the one who sponsors owns the things they find. [...] When they find nice stones, they belong to me. And then I sell the stones and then give some money to the team” (Jeremy, interview 2024).
40The sponsor holds ownership of extracted stones and is responsible for their sale, thus exerting complete and often opaque control over the percentage of profits redistributed to other members of the association. This form of contractualization fits into the collective narrative that shapes the imaginations of miners in Tubusis. Many are driven by the hope of discovering a sufficiently wide pocket to afford machines, and a car, and thereby transition into the sponsorship model themselves to become investors in the mining industry. This aspiration is nurtured by several living success stories, such as Jeremy and Daniel, who started their business in the 1990s. Their success, illustrated by the money generated from the discovery of several “pockets,” allowed them to secure their retirement by investing in certains groups. Thus, the sponsorship model in Tubusis reflects not only economic mechanisms where the sponsor holds a disproportionate share of profits but also a collective dream in which miners hope to transcend their current role to achieve positions of power and success in the mining sector.
41Contractualization in the mining sector manifests in various forms, encompassing explicit agreements established between miners and other economic actors to facilitate access to tools or markets for the commercialization of their products. This model differs from vertical associations in that one party to the contract is not directly involved in mining and by the rare physical presence of the funder in the field. Indeed, interactions between the investor and miners are relatively sporadic. This form of contractualization is based on a power model where the investor, despite being distant from operations, maintains significant control over the mining process by ensuring the continuity of their presence. For this purpose, they may delegate some of their authority to an intermediary, embodied by a trusted member of the group. Ultimately, the greatest disparities produced by this model are economic, leading to radically different living standards.
42Through a situated reflection combining field observations and semi-structured interviews, our analysis provides tangible insights into the operational modalities of artisanal mining in Namibia, revisiting and deepening how scientific and grey literature have purportedly covered the subject over the past two decades. The four models of miner associations presented – solitary, horizontal association, vertical, and contractualization – illustrate the diversity and complexity of strategies employed by miners to navigate a challenging economic and social environment. In many respects, the assumption that artisanal mining constitutes a uniform and homogeneous activity must be challenged. To preconceive artisanal mining as monolithic is to overlook the means miners employ to combat the precariousness of their activity. Adhering to such an assumption not only disregards miners' organizational praxis but also reduces them to inactive and powerless figures, posing a major methodological problem and neglecting the analysis of power dynamics among different stakeholders in artisanal mining, thereby raising ethical concerns.
43The choice of an association model is not solely the result of strategic decision-making but is also influenced by a set of factors often beyond miners' control. Miners' association strategies thus reflect ongoing adjustments to perpetually evolving contexts, with each miner seeking to optimize their situation. This analysis reveals three essential principles that structure mining associations:
(i) building on the continuity of monographic studies conducted in other regions (Kuramoto 2001; Deb et al 2008; Bazillier et al 2023), this case study underscores that mining work does not conform to a single operating mode. The diversity of observed practices demonstrates that miners adapt their methods according to the specificities of the contexts in which they operate.
(ii) Furthermore, miners often do not confine themselves to a single fixed association model. They navigate between different types of associations based on opportunities, stakes, and sometimes simultaneously adopt multiple models.
(iii) Finally, the boundaries between these models are not rigid. The existence of a range of possibilities within which miners' situations unfold reveals a certain permeability between association models. Organizational choices vary according to geological, geographical, and social contexts –or rather, they vary according to how miners assess these contexts.
44This article provides an initial look at an activity that proves as complex as it is significant in postcolonial Namibia. As interest in artisanal mining grows among Namibians (increasingly attracted to this activity) and government authorities alike, this study serves as a milestone in exploring this sector, calling for further research. Among these are examinations of sales conditions, including specific analyses of relationships between sellers and buyers, and the “gifts for goods” mechanisms that structure these exchanges. Additionally, the circulation of semi-precious stones from extraction to their final destination, whether in Western stores or private collections, invites new research from the perspective of the globalization of products stemming from so-called “artisanal” activities, thereby prompting a deconstruction of discourses associated with traditional mining. With the growing importance of the mining sector in Namibia, a range of new issues emerges, particularly those concerning the interplay between mining (artisanal and industrial) and environmental preservation goals – which entails examining interactions and power relations among mining sector actors, conservation objectives representatives, and local inhabitants. Thus, by offering an analysis of association modalities among small miners in Namibia, we initiate a broader investigation into the place and operation of mining activity – artisanal and industrial – in Namibia, along with the comparative international potential this investigation may uncover.