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Life course and Temporalities of the Family: New Imaginaries, New Injunctions

Parcours de vie et temporalités du faire famille : nouveaux imaginaires, nouvelles injonctions
Courso de vida y temporalidades de la formación familiar: nuevos imaginarios, nuevos mandatos
Catherine Négroni, Pierrine Robin et Stéphanie Gaudet
Traduction de Valentina Baslyk
Cet article est une traduction de :
Parcours de vie et temporalités du faire famille : nouveaux imaginaires, nouvelles injonctions [fr]

Résumés

Cadre de recherche : La recherche interroge le désajustement des parcours familiaux avec les cadres institutionnels et les désynchronisations temporelles des cours de vie. Les nouveaux imaginaires à l’œuvre dans les choix familiaux sont analysés en explorant les tensions entre logiques institutionnelles et individuelles.

Objectifs : Ce numéro « Parcours de vie et temporalités du faire famille : nouveaux imaginaires, nouvelles injonctions » a pour objectif de comprendre et d’analyser les mutations familiales par le prisme de la notion de parcours de vie et cela en regard de deux changements majeurs à l’orée de ces 50 dernières années, une dénormalisation et une désinstitutionnalisation des parcours de vie.

Méthodologie : Le propos de cet article est étayé par une brève revue des écrits sur le concept de parcours mis en regard de quelques-unes des dernières mutations familiales. Les approches s’inscrivent dans différents champs disciplinaires : la sociologie, l’anthropologie et le travail social sont essentiellement qualitatifs (entretiens, focus groups, observations…). Le numéro s’appuie sur l’expertise de recherche des auteurs ayant contribué au numéro.

Résultats : Cet article met en exergue les évolutions du faire famille, les imaginaires familiaux qui les sous-tendent et les normes politiques qui les encadrent.

Conclusions : Il apparait que les nouvelles structures d’encadrement proposées par l’État pour sécuriser les parcours de vie des personnes échouent à normaliser des transitions familiales de plus en plus nombreuses, dérégulées et ne réussit pas non plus à ralentir la désynchronisation des existences. Ce numéro montre que les individus parviennent à la fois à se conformer à ces impératifs tout comme à les détourner témoignant de manières innovantes du faire famille.

Contribution : La contribution de ce numéro s’inscrit dans la continuité d’un champ de recherche qui remet en question le parcours de vie sur la scène scientifique et sur la scène sociale. Ce numéro documente les modalités de faire famille à l’heure d’une autonomisation des parcours de vie des cadres institutionnels et simultanément de tentatives d’encadrement par l’État des parcours familiaux. Il renseigne les temporalités diverses et éclatées des modalités du faire famille. Les différents articles donnent à voir des parcours familiaux qui se structurent autour de constructions imaginées et inédites de la famille qui apparaissent comme autant de revendications individuelles pour garder prise sur leur parcours de vie.

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1Over the past fifty years, life course in most Western countries have become more complex, and the thresholds of life transitions have desynchronized and multiplied. For example, the length of time spent on education has increased, the number of transitions between jobs has grown, and the age of retirement has changed.

2However, it is family trajectories that have undergone the greatest changes (Zimmermann and Dirk Konietzka, 2018). Demographers examine these changes through the Second Demographic Transition theory, which is driven by post-materialist values of self-realization and non-conformity. This leads most notably to pre-marital cohabitation and to a delay in the age at which women have their first child (Lesthaeghe, 2020), significant family changes at both the individual and societal levels.

3Sociologists of life and family trajectories refer to these changes as processes of detraditionalization (Beck, 2002) and deinstitutionalization (Guillemard, 2008), which are explained by cultural and political changes. These changes reveal a normative evolution in the forms of marriage, parenthood, gender roles and daily caregiving practices, today broadly referred to as “doing family” to reflect this pluralism (Déchaux and Le Pape, 2023).

4This issue of Enfances Familles Générations addresses the subject of family through an analysis of the processes, that is, the trajectories and temporalities of doing family. It also examines the family from the perspective of the cultural transformations that underlie these processes: their new imaginaries and new injunctions. In addition, it discusses the role of public authorities in framing these life course.

5“Life course” is a polysemous analytical term (Zimmermann, 2014; Robin, 2022). It refers to two sociological realities: the unfolding of individual lives and their institutionalization, or the set of political and social norms that regulate the stages of life (Kohli, 1986). The term is based on an interdisciplinary analytical paradigm that provides the theoretical and methodological means to understand the course of a life from both a diachronic and synchronic point of view, by examining events and their sequences, breaks and bifurcations (Négroni, 2005), while also looking at continuities.

6It is possible to distinguish life course theories and approaches according to disciplinary influences. However, they share five principles developed by Elder, one of the founders of this approach (Elder et al., 2003; Elder, 1998) : 1) psychosocial development continues throughout life; 2) lives are set in a geohistorical context; 3) lives are established according to a sequence of periods (childhood, adolescence, etc.); 4) lives are connected; 5) individuals have agency. Other principles have been proposed in the wake of Elder's work. The most important of these is certainly the accumulation of resources and/or disadvantages over the course of a lifetime, which makes it possible to have a diachronic understanding of social inequalities (Dannefer, 2003). 

7Life course analysis allows us to observe the power of individual agency under the structuring effects of institutions and social relationships (Gaudet, 2013). Trajectories are made up of different pathways (place of residence, marriage, choice of profession, etc.) that are interdependent and shaped by their national and historical context. For example, changes in the national legal context have an impact on the formation of unions, as was the case in 2001 when the Netherlands first recognized homosexual unions. In this way, life trajectories become testimonials to the intersection between global movements, national and local contexts, and individual trajectories (Négroni, 2022; Robin, 2022). 

8As already mentioned, family trajectories are the most complex of all life course. This can be explained first, by the extension of life expectancy, which implies a greater number of unions and disunions, and second, by a process of detraditionalization that leads to a “decentering of social regulation,” giving individuals a greater say in the choices they make in their personal lives (Bessin, 1994 : 228; Bessin, 2009). In the family sphere, a marriage is no longer necessarily associated with the birth of children, and “transitions from one state to another are becoming blurred, leading to an uncertain status” (Charton, 2005 : 65). The family framework no longer structures individual behavior by providing a single model of conduct. On the contrary, the family has become the place where individuals strive for freedom of choice in the private sphere of their family ties, and for greater flexibility in the temporality of family construction (Commaille et al., 2002).

9Since the end of World War II, the sequence of life stages, which used to be organized linearly according to ages associated with certain social roles, has become desynchronized. For example, entry into adulthood is no longer linked to marriage or career, but tends to be a period of exploration of love and work (Gaudet, 2007, 2008). The extension of the schooling period and the strong presence of women in higher education disrupt traditional childbearing calendars, giving rise to late parenthood (Bessin and Levilain, 2012, 2016) as well as to voluntary or involuntary infertility (Charton and Parnaite, 2021). The pathway to adulthood and the period of family formation are strongly influenced by an individual's social position. In the United States, for example, people with low levels of education are the quickest to become parents and begin professional life (Osgood et al., 2005). Social relations based on class, ethnicity and gender determine pathways, sequences and the plurality of temporalities, as well as the accumulation of advantages and inequalities across all ages (Holman and Walker, 2021).

10The types of family formation, in terms of both alliances and forms of filiation, are diversifying (Régnier-Loilier, 2023) as their temporalities multiply. New ways of forming couples are emerging (Khoury and Neyrand, 2020; Neyrand, 2020; Saint-Jacques and Robitaille, 2023), notably the increasingly frequent appearance of chosen families and adult cohabitation or polyamorous family cohabitation (Combessie, 2013). Diversification of access to procreation facilitates planned single-parenthood and homosexual co-parenthood (Lavoie, 2023). When two homes care for a child, co-parenting can allow for parental and conjugal times without children (Gross, 2011; Négroni, 2018), and can also redefine the child’s daily life, as well as its interrelationships with adults who play meaningful parental roles. Recognition of homosexual unions, medically assisted procreation, surrogate motherhood and new modes of child adoption have also changed the way families are formed.

11More recently, life course has been disrupted by a series of crises, in particular health crises and wars, with variable and uncertain temporalities. These have severely constrained family trajectories, with repercussions in terms of separations, movement and the displacement of individuals, resulting in family fragmentation and the development of transnational families (Merla, 2016; Collet, 2020). Other events that can create increased insecurity and affect life course include economic crises, inflation, and challenges in access to housing, childcare and doctors.

12The public authorities are seeking to respond to these changes in the new family realities (separation, divorce, insecurity), which do not have the same effects on life n and depend on social background (Commaille et al., 2002), by moving from a policy of statutes to a policy that acknowledges and integrates life trajectories (Séraphin, 2014). They try to support the considerable demands of civil society movements, and to delimit or clarify grey areas or areas of friction. For example, they legislate on the recovery of family benefits in the event of separation, on new forms of procreation and the civil status issues they raise, and on arrangements for childcare and adoption. Public authorities seek to adapt to changes in family life, while proposing new forms of supervision, risking a disjunction between the social expectations of individuals and institutional norms (Zimmermann, 2014).

13In this issue, we concentrate on the evolution of temporal norms and family models, and evolutions in the types of regulation they engender. One thematic focus is on the diversification of family models and temporalities. Another shows how public authorities are trying to manage these developments and the new risks they pose to the most vulnerable families and individuals. Within this context, we will consider how the concept of life course is circulating in scientific and political spheres.

The first thematic focus centres on the diverse and fragmented temporalities in the formation of families, and the family imaginaries that underpin them

14The forms and temporalities of biographical and family trajectories are diversifying and multiplying. The principle of using age as a criterion for sorting, prioritizing and classifying people is becoming vague, although it retains its operational strength, as does gender. While flexible, family trajectories are becoming more individualized, with new forms of family emerging from changing methods of procreation (Lavoie, 2023), the dissociation of parenting from blood, last name and other common forms of kinship (Weber, 2005; Charton, et al., 2015), and the growing importance of elective relationships and friendships in doing family (Singly, 2003).

15Family trajectories follow imagined and new constructions of the family. The articles that have this thematic focus analyze the evolution of social and parental norms in the transformations of the family and its temporalities, with particular emphasis on the role of “family guide-images” or parental and family imaginaries in these transformations.

16Imaginaries of family and couple formation are at the heart of the article by Jean Luckinson, Ketleine Charles and Marie-Claire Reid, titled “Representations of marriage and placement strategies in the marriage market. Ethnographic survey of students.” This article looks at young Haitians' strategies for becoming a couple from the perspectives of family, social and cultural imaginaries. The article is based on the results of a survey carried out at a public university among twenty-three students with high levels of education (Bachelor's degree [CEGEP plus 4]). It shows that the trajectories of placement on the matrimonial market are based on four conjugal models, namely marriage, plaçage (plasaj in Creole), vivavèk (living with) and living together (living in separate apartments). It also demonstrates that socio-economic and gender norms are very strong in couple formation in Haiti. The authors point to an inequitable matrimonial market that is unfavorable to women, forcing them to develop placement strategies that are constrained by an optimal time standard for forming a couple and starting a family.

17The role of cultural industries in the development of family imaginaries, in particular television and streaming service series, is of particular interest to Tatiana Daligault. Her article discusses “Forming a family by watching streaming series during family reconfigurations: Relationship issues faced by high school graduates.” Daligault demonstrates how family members rediscover their family ties through an unexpected medium -- the viewing of a television series. The article analyzes the ways in which a fictional series can affect the family, leading to an examination and a new understanding of family transitions and reconfigurations, and to the elective emotional preferences of adolescents. The viewing becomes a meeting place where new connections or exclusions, and new ways of becoming a family, are explored and affirmed over the course of television seasons.

18Other authors are interested in the evolving temporalities of family formation. In his article titled “The temporalities of the project and becoming a parent. A reading through the sociology of the trajectory and late parenthood,” Hervé Levilain examines late parenthood in France. On the basis of a survey carried out among older parents, the author sets out to show that the normative model of procreation that centres on the marriage project and parenthood requires constant temporal adjustments in biological calendars that are not exempt from marriage transactions. Levilain shows how delaying parenthood both de-normalizes and de-institutionalizes life course.

19Echoing Levilain but in another geographical context, the article by Gishleine Oukouomi “Temporalities and the unpredictability of reproductive pathways: experiences of infertility among Cameroonian urban women” examines the unpredictability of the reproductive lives of young Cameroonian women in relation to their experiences of infertility. The author examines the impact of social and biological temporalities on the lives of these women. Seven long life stories collected from women who have experienced infertility or delayed childbearing show that social norms and representations of procreative temporalities are often perceived as a failure of the procreative project. Oukouomi offers an original reading of the situation, invoking the notion of vital urgency for the effect it has as a reminder in these trajectories.

20These evolutions in temporalities and ways of forming a family allow for greater freedom of choice for individuals, and at the same time create greater relational, legal and economic insecurity, which the state seeks to control (Gaudet et al., 2013).

The second thematic focus centres on state regulation of family life

21Faced with these new family risks, the state attempts to provide new legal and economic security to manage unstable and complex family trajectories by regulating unions and separations (Belleau, 2012), parental leave (Gaudet et al., 2011), and new forms of procreation and parenthood and the civil status issues they raise, as well as by providing legal security for childcare and adoption (Gouttenoire, 2014; Robin, 2020).

22The concept of course has become a privileged tool of the social state (Astier and Duvoux, 2006), enabling institutions to organize procedures for supervising and supporting family trajectories. In a context of increasing uncertainty, where individual life course is becoming more discontinuous and care more complex, the aim of individual trajectories is to reconnect with the path of continuity, experience and rights (Zimmermann, 2014).

23The article by Marta Roca Escoda titled “A blessing in disguise. The experience of the second-parent adoption procedure among lesbian couples in Switzerland” raises the issue of the status given to mothers who have not borne a child in situations of medically assisted procreation among lesbian couples. In Switzerland, following a comprehensive reform of the adoption law in force since January 2018, it is possible for a child to have two same-sex legal parents through the adoption of the partner’s child. However, this process is not without its challenges and paradoxical injunctions. Drawing on the stories of lesbian mothers who have begun the process of adopting their children, Roca Escoda analyzes the effect that this process has on the parents, the couple and the family. It shows that adoption procedures, although aimed at recognizing these families, have a tendency to emphasize their minority status.

24The article by Bernadette Tillard and Lucy Marquet titled “The temporalities of responses to young people in child protection” raises the question of the temporal nature of fostering by family and friends of young people protected by child welfare in France. This article is based on semi-structured interviews with young people leaving child welfare who said they had been sheltered by an adult who had played a parental role for them. It shows that the moments of involvement of these parental figures either precede, alternate with or coincide with placement, with implications for whether or not institutional help is mobilized when the child leaves care. This contribution provides an analysis of the temporalities and modes of involvement of parental figures and the role of public authorities in supporting this form of care.

25This thematic issue of Enfances Familles Générations investigates the ways in which public authorities integrate these new family imaginaries and norms into the life course through the artefact of the injunction of continuity and linearity. It also invites reflection on the new regulatory structures proposed by the state, and on the ways in which individuals either comply with these imperatives or circumvent them.

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Catherine Négroni, Pierrine Robin et Stéphanie Gaudet, « Life course and Temporalities of the Family: New Imaginaries, New Injunctions »Enfances Familles Générations [En ligne], 48 | 2025, mis en ligne le 08 avril 2025, consulté le 17 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/efg/21954

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Auteurs

Catherine Négroni

Maîtresse de conférences, Université de Lille, France

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Pierrine Robin

Professeure des universités, Université de Paris Est Créteil, France

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Stéphanie Gaudet

Professeure titulaire, Université d’Ottawa, Canada

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