I am grateful to Professor Isabelle Charleux for editing my article and her comments on earlier drafts. I am also grateful for the English language editing service provided by Robin Charpentier (USA).
- 1 Cl. Mo. J̌ibzundamba, J̌ibǰündamba qutuγtu, Cyr. Mo. Zhavzandamba hutagt, Tib. rJe btsun dam pa. Th (...)
- 2 Ih Hüree (or Hüree) was the monastery and residence of the Jebtsundamba. It was known by the Russia (...)
1The Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu1, pontiff of the Halh Mongols, was the third most important reincarnation in the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy after the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. He was the spiritual leader of Halh Mongolia’s Buddhism. Born in Tibet, the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu (1869-1924) was officially recognised by the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, and sent to Ih Hüree2 in 1874. Following the fall of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) in 1911 and the state’s de facto independence from the Qing Empire, the Mongol aristocracy made him monarch of Mongolia. On 29 December 1911, he was formally proclaimed as the Bogd Khan (Bogd Han, “saint king”, also written Bogd Haan, “saint emperor”), theocratic ruler of the new “Great Mongol state” (Ih Mongol uls, 1911-1920). His queen, Tsendiin Dondogdulam, the “Eh Dagina” (Mo. eh, mother; Skt. ḍākinī, sky-goer), was recognised as a manifestation of White Tārā (Tsagaan Dar’). How could a reincarnated lama born in Tibet, who did not belong to the Golden Lineage of Chinggis Khan, unite all the Halh Mongols under his banner and become king of Mongolia?
- 3 The Mongol banners (hoshuu) were administrative divisions organised by the Qing, ruled by a heredit (...)
- 4 In the period of the massive conversion of the Mongols to Buddhism in the late 16th century, uls ca (...)
2Since their conversion in the late 16th and 17th centuries, Buddhism has acted as a unifying factor of the Mongols. It transformed their fundamental values and principles, and had a profound impact on their lives during the Manchu Qing era. In his book titled Our Great Qing. The Mongols, Buddhism, and the State in Late Imperial China, Johan Elverskog examined how the descendants of Chinggis Khan, particularly the princes who ruled the Inner and Outer banners (hoshuu)3, came to rally or submit to the Qing Emperor (Elverskog 2006, pp. 72-78, 167). Drawing from a rich array of historical sources, Elverskog evidenced the emergence in the 19th century of a “supra-tribal Mongol identity” (i.e. the concept of a single, united Mongol uls4 as opposed to the various localised uls), that was actually stimulated by the policies of the Qing rulers, who buttressed the central status of the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu at the expense of local princes, and sought to curtail intra-Halh strife. This supra-tribal identity also relied on the cult of Chinggis Khan and on the loyalty of the Mongol princes to the Manchu emperor. In this paper, I argue that it is not only Buddhism but the charisma and sanctity of the Eighth Jebtsundamba that acted as a unifying factor for the Halh in the early 20th century.
Figure 1. The last king of Mongolia Bogd Jebtsundamba
© Source: Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 87
- 5 The term Glavlit is the Russian abbreviation of the General Directorate for the Protection of State (...)
3During Mongolia’s recent Socialist past, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was vehemently decried. Socialist propaganda accused him of marriage (fully ordained monks are theoretically forbidden from taking a wife), a dissolute life, drinking, paedophilia and even murder; he was depicted as an arch-enemy of Mongolia’s independence. However, in Western languages, Charles Bawden’s unequalled Modern History of Mongolia, written in 1968, before Mongolia’s 1990 revolution, gives a contrasting portrait of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba. For him, the Bogd did not seek to fundamentally change the society (Bawden [1968] 1989, pp. 172-173). Bawden also translated into English Zhambal’s diary (Zhambal [1959] 1998; Zhambal 1997), printed in Cyrillic in Ulaanbaatar in 1959 (reedited in 1998) for a wide audience (Humphrey 1994, p. 39). Until recently, this diary had been considered as a main source on the Bogd Khan period. However, it now appears that it was mostly invented written by a Mongol who never met the Bogd Khan. Since such publications had to have been approved by the Glavlit5 in the Socialist period, historians should therefore be careful when using sources related to sensitive topics, such as the Bogd Khan, that were published in Mongolia during the Socialist period.
- 6 The author previously edited several works transcribed from Classical Mongolian such as Mongol Ulsy (...)
4After the fall of the Socialist regime in 1990, Mongol historians such as Zhamsranzhav (1998) and in the last two decades, my own work6, strove hard to present the Bogd Khan as a main actor in the independence movement and to restore his reputation. Zhamsranzhav’s publication holds historical significance as the first book to explore the life of the Bogd Khan, playing a pivotal role in shaping contemporary research on this subject. As for European scholars, Caroline Humphrey’s article, “Remembering an enemy. The Bogd Khaan in twentieth century Mongolia” (1994), provides a comprehensive vision of the Bogd Khan and 20th-century history of Mongolia from a Western point of view, arguing that he was a main figure in Mongol history. Her article is not a biography of the Bogd Khan seen as an “enemy”, but rather, a reappraisal of “Soviet dominated history” of 20th century Mongolia. As she correctly pointed out, the fate of the history of the Bogd Khan (“criticized till the bones squeak”) is now being used to reassess writing of the history of that period (Humphrey 1994, p. 42). In Russia, it is only with the publication in 2009 of S. Kuz’min and J. Oyuunchimeg’s article titled “The last Great Khan of Mongolia” that the positive role of the Eighth Bogd Khan in Mongol history was acknowledged.
5The first part of this paper examines the establishment of the institution of the Bogd Jebtsundamba that will later be known as the “Ih Shav’” and its treasury. The background of this institution is necessary in order to understand its centrality in Halh Mongolia, its pivotal role in the preparation and eventual triumph of the 1911 Revolution, and the choice of the Jebtsundamba as the temporal and spiritual leader of all the Halh. The second part presents the unique personality and the religious leadership of the Bogd Jebtsundamba. Using accounts from Mongols and foreigners who had met him, I propose a more nuanced portrait of this complex personality, and emphasise the religious dimension of this historical figure. The last part examines the process of independence of Halh Mongolia, based on archival sources, to understand how the Eighth Jebtsundamba came to be chosen as the ruler of the new Mongolia, and the role he played in the Independence movement of 1911 and in the recognition of the new state by foreign powers, thanks to the cross-fertilisation of sources reflecting the point of view of Russians, Chinese, Mongols, Japanese, and Westerners.
- 7 They accounted for approximately 20 percent of the Halh Mongol population (Lhamsüren 1985, p. 8).
- 8 The Mongol communists, under the influence of the Soviets, took a census of the number of monks, mo (...)
- 9 This word, originally meaning “disciple”, took on the meaning of “monastic disciple and lay subject (...)
6In the beginning of the 20th century, there were more than 100 000 monks7 and a thousand monasteries8 under the indirect rule of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba. The shav’ (subjects)9 of the Bogd Jebtsundamba were “offered” to him from various banners. When the nobles (taizh) offered serfs as subjects to the Jebtsundamba, these individuals were denoted as “free disciples”, signifying their liberation from taizh serfdom. Concurrent with this emancipation, they were endowed with a suitable allocation of livestock (Natsagdorzh 1972, p. 45). Although the number of his subjects grew larger over time, they were not settled in any specific area; rather, they were scattered all over Halh Mongolia, forming what would later be called the Ih Shav’.
- 10 The Halh were then composed of four aimags: the Tüsheet Khan, the Zasagt Khan, the Setsen Khan, and (...)
7The estate of the Jebtsundamba was established in the early 17th century. The First Jebtsundamba, Öndör Gegen Zanabazar (1635-1723), was born in the royal family of the Tüsheet Khan (Han), belonging to the lineage of Chinggis Khan. In 1639, representatives of the four Halh khanates10 gathered at Shireet Tsagaan Lake (present-day Bürd District, Övörhangai Province, near the Tarna River), enthroned four-year old Zanabazar as their pontiff and called him “gegen” (“Holiness, Saint”). On this occasion, they “offered” him families of subjects. Academician Sh. Natsagdorzh highlighted Zanabazar’s reputation and influence:
- 11 Before the integration of Halh Mongolia in the Qing Empire in 1691.
- 12 All translations are by the author.
His Holiness the First Bogd Jebtsundamba became the most worshipped lama and the spiritual head of the Gelug School in Mongolia; no other monk ever obtained such achievements in Halh Mongolia and spread his influence like him up to now. Furthermore, the formal acknowledgment by the Manchu emperor [of the Qing dynasty] of the spiritual leadership of the Bogd Jebtsundamba over Halh Mongolia, coupled with the bestowment of special permission to his subjects (shav’) for residency in any Halh province (aimag)11, facilitated the First Bogd Jebtsundamba in conducting his undertakings and concurrently augmented his reputation and influence throughout Halh Mongolia. In the 37th year of Emperor Qianlong (1772), the issue of granting this special permission was discussed and approved by the Assembly of the Four Provinces, which took place at Shireet Tsagaan Lake. Therefore, his subjects were granted this special permission to move and settle down freely in any land within the four provinces. (Natsagdorzh 1972, p. 47)12
- 13 In her last book, Tsultemin (2020) argued that Ih Hüree adopted mobility for two strategic reasons: (...)
8This mobility certainly greatly facilitated the conversion of the Halh people to Buddhism and their recognition of the Jebtsundamba as their spiritual leader13. It also allowed him to collect donations and increase his wealth. The census of the Bogd’s subjects, conducted during the years 1911 to 1915, provides significant demographic data. In 1912, a total of 6 078 households and 3 666 850 individuals have been identified, while the subsequent census in 1915 indicated an increase to 6 654 households and 3 864 551 people (Bayarmaa 2019b, p. 284).
9Consequently, it is evident that at the outset of the 20th century, the institution of the Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu had emerged as the preeminent authority among the Halh populace. His status was unparalleled, even within the aristocratic circles of Chinggis Khan’s descendants.
Figure 2. The Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu
© Source: Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 220
- 14 Otog here designates a lower administrative unit into which the ecclesiastical estates were organis (...)
- 15 The subjects living in Hüree (Urga), however, belonged to monastic districts called aimag.
10The Shaviin otog (administrative unit of the Shav’ estate)14 was founded in 1639, when the noblemen and the people “offered” a number of monks and lay devotees to the First Bogd Jebtsundamba. In the first years of the 20th century, it developed as the Ih Shav’ of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba, and became the most influential administrative unit in Mongolia. The primary unit of the Jebtsundamba’s shav’ (subjects) was the otog (administrative unit). The subjects living in the banners governed by a prince (zasag hoshuu) belonged to the otog and bag (sub-unit) systems15. For the scholar Sh. Natsagdorzh, “The word otog means ‘gal golomt’, ‘fire place’” (Natsagdorzh 1978, p. 146).
11The first otog was named the Böh lam’s otog (wrestling monk’s unit) (Tsedev 1964, p. 30). In 1767, 17 otogs were recorded, such as Darhad, Baruun Hüree, Erdenetsorzh, Züün Hüree, Achit Nomun Khan and so on. Later on, researchers named these otogs “the Ih Shav’” (Sonomdagva 1961, p. 107). The Darhad otog was the only place where subjects owned a specific piece of land on which to live. It was located in a part of the territory of the banner of Erdene Düüregch Van of Zasagt Khan Province (aimag) as well as in a part of the banner of Dalaichoinhor Van of Sain Noyon Khan Province.
12The Ih Shav’ otog therefore served as a local administrative unit designated to administer the people who were offered to the Bogd Jebtsundambas from provinces and banners (Nyambuu 1993, p. 91). Regarding the functioning of the shav’’s otogs after 1911, during the time of the Eighth, the historian Magsarzhav wrote:
- 16 Or Court of Dependencies, Ch. Lifanyuan, Cl. Mo. Γadaγadu Mongγol-un törö-yi ǰasaqu yabudal-un yamu (...)
- 17 The “higher otogs” designates subjects of the Bogd Jebtsundamba.
[…] the number of subjects of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba grew extensively and now it has become identical to an independent province (aimag). It is proper to treat it as an independent province according to the law on the provinces and banners but they do not have their own land and do not serve in the military. Therefore, it cannot be identified as a real princely banner (zasag hoshuu). At the time of the Qing empire, approximately 100 000 subjects of the First Bogd Jebtsundamba were registered and divided into seventeen otogs, according to the Ministry of the Administration of Outer Mongolia16. The chiefs of these otogs were introduced to the ministers of Hüree. Many otogs and bags of subjects were registered. But it is appropriate for these otogs and bags to be administrated under the higher otogs like before17. Later, thirty higher otogs of subjects were registered. The subjects of the seal-holding hutugtus [reincarnations] of the Halh provinces also claimed to be counted as otogs like the others. Therefore, a total of 43 otogs were registered. Hence, it was decided to give a princely banner status to these otogs. (Magsarzhav 1994, p. 90)
13In addition, Magsarzhav gives the names of all the otogs of the subjects of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba:
Baruun Hüree, Erdene Nomun Han, Herlen, Shadar, Ih Barga, Güen, Haraa, Mergen, Zavilan, Tavnan, Hiidchin, Erhem, Darhad, Mandschir (Skt. Mañjuśrī), Duinhor Hutugtu, Tungalag Bilegt Hutugtu, Nomch Bilegt Hutugtu, Erdene Hamba Hutugtu, Mergen Bandid Hutugtu, Agramba Noyon Tsorzh, Eh Dagina, Chin Suzhigt Chin Van Lam, Chin Zorigt Van Lam, Bilegt Neis Ulsad Tuslagch Gün Lam, Nyagt Bilegt Ulsad Tuslagch Gün Lam, Zorigt Baatar Beis, Hövsgöl Nuur’s Urianhai Gün, Soyod Urianhai Gün, and Harchin Itgelt Gün’s Subject otog. (Magsarzhav 1994, p. 25)
14In his book titled “The administration of the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu’s subjects”, the historian Ninzhbadgar explains that “During this period, the administration of Jebtsundamba Khutugtu’s subjects witnessed remarkable strengthening, and by the dawn of the 20th century, it had acquired the capacity to exert a profound influence on the social and political landscape of Mongolia” (Ninzhbadgar 2014, p. 151). This is most evident in the pivotal role of this institution in the preparation and eventual triumph of the 1911 Revolution.
Figure 3. The Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu
© Source: Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 221
15In order to understand the institutionalisation of Buddhism in 17th-century Halh Mongolia and the activities of its spiritual head, it is necessary to examine the institution of the treasuries of the Jebtsundambas. Up to now, no specific research on this topic has been conducted, except for an article written by Ts. Nasanbalzhir (1970, pp. 143-153).
16Mongolian historians of the Socialist period (1921-1990) estimated that in the early 20th century, the Buddhist Church controlled about half of the economy, while Halh commoners suffered great poverty. But if we believe this, then how can we explain that a “corrupt” ruler who “exploited his people” was chosen as their monarch?
- 18 Danshug, or danshig, danshog (< Tib. brtan bzhugs) designates a specific ritual performed for the (...)
- 19 Tib. phyag mdzod pa, chief treasurer of a monastery (editor’s note).
- 20 Zarligaar togtooson Mongol Ulsyn huul’ züiliin bichig [1995] 2010.
17As the subjects and devotees offered the First Bogd Jebtsundamba mandalas (mandal) and danshugs18, his treasury accumulated a huge amount of offerings including gold, silver, jewellery, a large number of herds, and other valuables, that became the foundation of the treasury from which all the expenses of the Bogd Jebtsundamba’s meals, clothes, residences, and various monastic needs were covered. In 1650, chief assistants of the First Jebtsundamba Zanabazar started looking after his treasury as shanzodvas19. In 1651, seven monastic districts (aimag), namely Anduu, Zhas, Sangai, Zoogoi, Hüühen Noyon, Darhan Emch and Urluud, were established. The Zhas (“Monastic treasury or property”) District managed the monastery’s economy; the Sangai District managed the treasury of the First Bogd Jebtsundamba, and the Zoogoi District took care of his meals. Thus, these districts aimed at sustaining all the activities of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba. At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of functioning districts reached thirty in Ih Hüree (after the monastic city had settled on the present site of Ulaanbaatar). Among them, Eh Dagina was the last district to be added. Highly skilled people in various fields, from every corner of the country, were invited to work at these districts. The number of the danshugs and herds offered to the Bogd Jebtsundambas grew year after year and for each new reincarnation. As the Jebtsundamba was the spiritual head of Halh Mongolia, the local transport service (örtöö, Qing imperial relay-station system) was not allowed to use any horse from his herds. This privilege was legalised in the Halh Zhuram (Cl. Mo. Qalq-a jirum, the “Law code of the Halh”) with which Outer Mongols complied at the time of the Manchu empire. After the National Revolution of 1911, this issue was detailed in “The Legal Code of Mongolia” which was established by a decree of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba20.
18In the late Qing period, the treasury of the Bogd Jebtsundamba was divided into two categories, external and internal. The Ürzhüüleh (Multiplying) Treasury, referred to as such because its purpose was to multiply wealth, was established as an affiliated body of the External Treasury, and the Shadar (close-attending) Treasury was founded as an affiliated body of the Internal Treasury. The External Treasury, also known as Ih San (Great Treasury), based in Ih Hüree, was in charge of the economy. It took care of the Bogd Jebtsundamba’s meals, offerings, monasteries and residences, and was responsible for constructing new monasteries, repairing old ones, covering the costs of pūjās (offering rituals), looking after and increasing herds, doing trade, running transports, harvesting, multiplying silver, tea and interests, giving and taking loans, collecting taxes, writing reports on the treasury’s expenditures, registering properties, printing banknotes (that were used within the treasury and among subjects), renting fields, receiving donations, collecting alms, selecting people to work at the treasury, and solving all kinds of economic and financial matters. The External Treasury was also in charge of preserving and protecting religious artefacts, gold and silver, coral, pearl, other precious items and the most priceless objects in the palaces of the Bogd Jebtsundamba, receiving artefacts such as mandalas and danshugs, donations, gifts, as well as preparing objects to be used in monasteries. The Internal Treasury was in charge of keeping various items used on a daily basis, as well as garments and other objects used for ceremonial events (Nasanbalzhir 1970, p. 146).
- 21 The Ministry of the Erdene Shanzodva was established in 1723 to be responsible specifically for mat (...)
19Both treasuries were administrated by the Ministry of the Erdene Shanzodva21 which was ruling the Ih Shav’. Several hundreds of people were working at the External and Internal Treasuries including accountants, cooks, key men, spoon men, saw men, smiths, craftsmen, artisans, sewers, guards, cleaners, horse carers, assistants, animal feeders, milkers and so forth. A record says that the number of the herds of the Bogd Jebtsundamba reached 91 253 head in 1773 and 118 506 in 1864 (Nasanbalzhir 1970, p. 145). In addition to looking after herds, the treasury of the Bogd Jebtsundamba was involved in harvesting work. There is some evidence that the treasuries and the subject monasteries of the Bogd Jebtsundamba planted and harvested wheat and produced flour and barley in the following lands: Yeven, Burgaltai, Boroo, and Bor Nuur in several banners of Tüsheet Khan Province. Between 1912 and 1920, 213 000 taels of silver (Mo. lan, < Ch. liang, silver ingot) were annually collected as a tax from the Bogd Jebtsundamba’s subjects (Nasanbalzhir 1970, p. 147).
- 22 Peg piercing the nose of a camel (editor’s note).
20During the enthronement ceremony of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba as the king of Mongolia in 1911, around 3 500 horses, 200 camels, 10 silver buils22 for camels, 40 sable and fox furs, 2 100 taels of silver and other rare and valuable items were offered to him from many provinces, banners, subjects, and noblemen (Nasanbalzhir 1970, p. 150). The system of the treasury of the Bogd Jebtsundambas was continued and developed by the Bogd Khan after 1911 as stated in “The legal code of Mongolia”: “One percent of all the custom items accumulated in the State Treasury and three percent from the ten percent of the gold mining must be transferred to the treasury of His Holiness” (Zarligaar togtooson Mongol Ulsyn huul’ züiliin bichig [1995] 2010, p. 25).
- 23 A currency called “Great fond ticket” or “One yellow tea” was in circulation.
- 24 “Yellow tea” means 60 parts of thick tea.
- 25 Great prayer of the New Year (editor’s note).
21In 1873, the Ministry of the Erdene Shanzodva printed a banknote called the “Ticket of the great treasury of Hüree”23 and used it as the surrogate for yellow tea24, for monastic needs, taxes and debts. Even though the treasury of the Bogd Jebtsundamba received income from many sources, it had to spend a huge amount of money for monastic needs, for the expenses of the Bogd Jebtsundamba and his chief assistants, for offerings to the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, as well as for the sponsoring of the Monlam Prayer (< Tib. smon lam)25 at Baruun Zuu (Lhasa).
22According to archival materials, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba contributed large amounts of money from his External Treasury to establish the new state in 1911. Likewise, his (External) Treasury spent or lent money for state-related financial and economic issues. It set up a basis for state financing by collecting 80 000 taels of silver (lan möngü) in total with a contribution of 20 000 taels of silver from each aimag. The Dilov (Diluv, Dilowa) Hutugtu Zhamsranzhav (1883-1965) noted that the Bogd Khan had contributed from his Fond 2 400 ingots of silver, that are worth 120 000 taels of silver, to the cause of the “restoration” of the Mongol state, the declaration of her independence, and the conduct of state affairs (Diluv Khutagt 1982, p. 238). Following the restoration of the Mongol state in 1911, the Fond associated with the Bogd Khan took on the status of Mongolia’s state Fond (Bayarmaa 2019a, p. 314).
23The Russian historian and politician I. M. Maisky calculated the value of all the properties of the monasteries of as being equivalent to 57 million golden roubles in 1918 (Maisky 1959, p. 298). According to a statistical survey, 2 912 520 head of livestock were owned by the monasteries and out of this number, 902 000 were directly owned by the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba (Bataa 1998, p. 37). During the monarchy of the Bogd Jebtsundamba, an 80-foot-tall Zhanraisig (Tib. sPyan ras gzigs, Skt. Avalokiteśvara) statue surrounded by 10 000 Ayush (Amitāyus) Buddha statues was erected in Gandan Tegchenlin Monastery, and the summer retreat (yarnai) of 10 000 fully ordained monks was conducted in the capital city.
24The Jebtsundamba’s treasury therefore possessed a considerable amount of wealth, which was independent from the Qing government. This treasury was well managed and self-sustaining, contributing to the general Halh economy; it gave him the capacity to emancipate himself from external dependencies, consequently facilitating his objectives. In addition, the Bogd Jebtsundamba allocated substantial financial resources in support of the realisation of the Mongol national cause.
25Like his previous incarnations, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was worshipped by the Mongols as an “amid burhan” (living Buddha). Various records and memoirs of Mongols and foreign people clearly noticed that he was comparatively more energetic and had more authority than his previous reincarnations (who, for most of them, died at a young age). How did he achieve a much higher status than his previous reincarnations?
- 26 He is well known for his prophecies (lünden) (editor’s note).
26Born in Tibet, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was brought to Mongolia at the age of five. He was immediately recognised for his sharp intelligence and innate wisdom by his Mongol and Tibetan tutors as well as by his spiritual disciples. The Bogd Jebtsundamba used to learn excellently what his tutors taught him. He also foresaw upcoming natural disasters and averted harm from befalling his people several times26. His magical ideation and abilities drew people’s attention, and brought him high recognition. When he was eighteen years old, he fell seriously ill, but after a few days, his health miraculously recovered. For these reasons, Halh Mongols began to believe that he was an exceptional being (Diluv Khutagt 1982, p. 20; Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 267).
27In 1890, when the Bogd Jebtsundamba was 22 years old, Zhün Van Dorzhpalam of Setsen Khan Province filed a lawsuit against him. The reason for the lawsuit was that the Bogd Jebtsundamba had sent his friend Mörlögtsetseg to Van Dorzhpalam’s banner, who misbehaved, violating trust as well as the religious code (Diluv Khutagt 1982, p. 20; Futaki 2007). The Manchu envoy (amban) in Hüree sent a report to the Manchu emperor about this issue. In return, the emperor ordered his envoy to inspect the case attentively and to report back to him. When the envoy informed the Bogd Jebtsundamba, he replied:
Though I have done nothing that is damaging to the faith or the church, or that is wrong or harmful to all living beings, it has come to the point where on the word of one single man I am wrongly accused, and this is because my stupid incompetence has led to discrediting the reputation of previous generations of my incarnation. Therefore my petition is that first I should be removed as Javzandamba Khutagt, and then, if I am indicted and investigated, the faith of the Buddha in the land of Mongolia will not be belittled. It is not difficult to obtain the precise truth of this matter. All Khalkh Mongolia knows everything about all my affairs, and so if you ask the Heads of the Chuulgan [Leagues] and all the princes, they will freely explain. If the complete truth is not found in this matter, my regret will be infinite. (Diluv Khutagt 1982, pp. 20-21; also Deerhiin üg eh 2019, Boti 6, p. 187)
After the Manchu emperor heard about his complaint, he told the Bogd Jebtsundamba “Assuage your regret and dwell in peace of mind. I have profound faith in the Khutagt” (Diluv Khutagt 1982, p. 21). He awarded the Bogd Jebtsundamba with a nine-dragon canopy, and revoked Dorzhpalam’s rank of “zhün van”. Later, Dorzhpalam admitted his fault and confessed to the Bogd Jebtsundamba. Then, the Manchu Emperor restored the former rank of Dorzhpalam at the request of the Bogd Jebtsundamba. After this case, all the Mongol noblemen began to feel weak in front of him, and his decisions and decrees were heard well. (Diluv Khutagt 1982, pp. 20-21)
- 27 Special festival organised for the longevity of the Jebtsundamba (editor’s note).
28A Russian expedition headed by Colonel V. F. Novitskii, a member of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, and M. O. Krukovskii, Advisor of Russian External Affairs and a member of the Military Corps for Geography, travelled in Outer Mongolia and in the Inner Mongol league (Mo. chuulgan) of Shiliin Gol in 1906. V. F. Novitskii wrote how the Bogd Jebtsundamba was highly venerated by the people. They witnessed a danshug naadam27 organised for the Bogd Jebtsundamba in Hüree. According to Colonel Novitskii:
- 28 The venue of the naadam was recorded as “Hüi” and this is probably why this place started being cal (...)
This naadam of seven banners took place in Hüi28 on the 29th of July, 1906. The naadam was attended by the Manchu envoy to Hüree, the Russian Consul and the Bogd Jebtsundamba himself. They all had their own gers [tents] set up in that place. After noblemen, officials and commoners gathered, the naadam officially started with a signal given from the tent of the Bogd Jebtsundamba. During the naadam, the Bogd Jebtsundamba, together with his accompanying people, circumambulated the naadam area and blessed the people paying homage to him from his beautifully decorated yellow carriage. (Puteshestvie… 1911, p. 65)
- 29 Gavzh < Tib. dka’ bcu “the ten ascetical hardships”, the second degree of doctrinal studies, equiva (...)
29In my view, not only was the Bogd Jebtsundamba a spiritual leader among his people, he also possessed an autonomous and idiosyncratic mindset. The Mongol people, in turn, embraced every facet of his personality and actions with fervour. He used to read religious texts, oriental history, and philosophical books, and memorised and meditated on them as if he was an ascetic. He memorised the five great treatises for defending his gavzh degree29 (each of them contained approximately 700 pages), participated in a philosophical debate with Mongol and Tibetan scholars, and successfully defended his gavzh degree in the middle month of the summer in 1908 in Gungaachoilin Datsan (Tib. Kun dga’ chos gling grwa tshang, doctrinal college) of Gandan Tegchenlin Monastery in Ih Hüree. The debate was recorded as such in the archives: “The present reincarnation of Ochir Dara (Skt. Vajradhara) Bogd has granted his blessings and disseminated his wholesomeness for the sake of the sentient beings. It is an extraordinary event” (Deerhiin üg eh 2019, vol. 7, p. 89). He was the only one of the Jebtsundamba reincarnations to have received a gavzh degree. A senior monk, Divasambuu, from Gandan Tegchenlin Monastery in Ih Hüree, wrote:
I met a person named Namzhil from Ugtaal who was 95 years old when he was attending the summer retreat (Mo. yarnai) in 1983. This aged person said he had attended the debate session in which His Holiness was defending his gavzh degree. So he was an old man, indeed. (Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 269)
30Likewise, the Eighth Jebtsundamba delivered many teachings and prophetic edicts (lünden) and promulgated decrees in order to increase the virtue of Buddhist devotees and benefit all the sentient beings. After he was enthroned as the monarch of Mongolia in 1911, his decrees and prophecies aimed at preserving Mongol identity, strengthening national independence and sovereignty, and preserving the purity of traditions, customs and ethics. He wrote:
I would not be delighted with plenty of gains and benefits. I would be delighted with the righteous ideas and religious faith that the people whom I love hold. The most important thing is the desire to listen [to the teachings] from the bottom of one’s heart and know the difference between taking and giving. (Ündesnii töv nomyn san, Bogdyn lünden, surgaal, 3546-96)
- 30 Such as the National Library and the National Archives of Mongolia, the Oriental Hand-Written Manus (...)
- 31 Muutuu < Ch. maotou, a coarse Chinese writing paper (editor’s note).
31Many teachings and prophecies were preserved in various libraries and archives of Mongolia and abroad30. Some of them were compiled as a book, but many were never published. They were written clearly on muutuu paper31, with or without red lines, with a bamboo biro, probably by the most skilled writers of the time. In addition, many letters of request and reports submitted to the Bogd Jebtsundamba were stamped as “zarlig medev” (decree approved) with the personal stamp of the Bogd Jebtsundamba (Ündesnii töv nomyn san, Bogdyn lünden, surgaal, 4666.96).
32The Bogd Jebtsundamba used to start his letters with the words “Putting some words together and sending a letter to you all” (Heden züiliin üg daraalan holbozh, ta bühend ilgeev). His prophecies and decrees had deep meaning and far-sighted vision. Here are some examples of his teachings:
I took many rebirths in this land to benefit the sentient beings and expand the Buddha-Dharma (Ene orond bi ireed olon udaagiin üyed huvilgaan dur üzüülzh, amitand tus üzüülzh, shar shashinyg delgerüülen tetgezh bui bolgoo).
Covering your body with gold and silver means that you are making your own enemy (Alt möngiig biye bürhtel edeldeg chini ööriinhöö daisan bolohyn yor).
Do not be arrogant even if you are wealthy. Do not complain if you are poor. One must purify his mind. You can avoid the degenerative time if you restrain from committing unwholesome actions and behave in a pure way (Bayan gezh bitgii sagsuur. Yaduu gezh büü gomd. Alivaa hün setgelee zasch hichee. Muu üiliig halzh, sain zamaar yavbal tsövüün tsagaas getlezh bolno).
Adopt the useful words and abandon the useless words from my teachings. Diligently rely on your faith and harmony (Ta bühen minii ügnees avahyg n’ av. Orhihyg n’ orhi. Gagtshuu süzhig, evee hichee). (Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 271)
- 32 It has 20 pages and each page contains 13 lines; each line consists of 8-9 words.
33Beside his teachings and prophecies, the Bogd Jebtsundamba also focused on the conservation of nature as well as on the benefits of a compassionate heart, in a work known under the title “Incense offering text to the earth and worship deep and all together” (Delhiin san hiigeed tahilga tergüüten gün hiigeed bürnee hamt orshivai). In this work, he clearly described how the savdag (< Tib. sa bdag, master-spirit of the land) possesses the mountains, the lus (< Tib. klu, water deity) possesses the waters, and the wind-riding lha (< Tib. lha, deity) possesses the fire. The work of the Bogd Jebtsundamba titled as “The flow of holy water” (Rashaany ursgal usan orshivai) is a philosophical text giving a clear and comprehensive explanation of Buddhist philosophy, ethics and the Vinaya teachings32. In this work, he wrote: “Do not focus only on your mind but rely on the fruition of your practice”. After his enthronement, the Bogd Jebtsundamba composed a work titled “The instruction of the Bogd Khan, the stream of sacred water” (Bogd Haany uv’das, rashaany ursgal usan orshivai) which compares the historical milestones of Mongolia and instructs all Mongols on how to act at the time of sovereignty and independence. At the beginning of this work, he briefly mentioned the history of the Manchu domination of Mongolia and then wrote:
I, as Jebtsundamba, was enthroned as the monarch – the spiritual and temporal head – for the benefit of the Buddha-Dharma and the sentient beings, at the occasion of the crisis of the Manchu empire, to protect Khalkh Mongolia. Together with the four rulers [Tüsheet Khan, Setsen Khan, Sain Noyon Khan and Zasagtu Khan] and other officials of Khalkh Mongolia, I took the name of Bogd Khaan, responsible for spiritual and temporal affairs, to lead the sentient beings toward happiness and prosperity, strengthen Buddhism, and prevent them from external dangers and military threats. (Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 389)
Behold, all my subject people! The flourishing of the Buddha-Dharma and the restoration of statehood are the results accomplished by the power of praying to the sacred relic of the First Jebtsundamba Öndör Gegen (Zhavzundamba öndör gegeenii sharilyn derged süslen zalbirsany ach mön). His kindness is immeasurable and unimaginable. The time has changed. Worship the history of Mongolia like the sacred autobiographies of great beings. Study again and again the teachings of the Fifth Dalai Lama on religion and state affairs, mindfully examine your karma, and prevent from inattentive behaviour. As it is said in the sutras: “Connect the coral beads as a rosary (Skt. mālā) beyond any mischievous intention and hang it on the neck of an exceptionally fortunate person as an ornament”. (Zhamsranzhav 1998, p. 111)
34As a spiritual teacher, the Bogd Gegen described paths and practices that Mongols could follow to achieve health, happiness, and peace of mind. The Bogd Khan’s instrumental role in championing the cause of Mongolia’s independence and his diverse undertakings, including the establishment of a civil school founded from his personal treasury, not only elevated his standing within the common populace but also enhanced public confidence. His legitimacy was unquestionable; although of Tibetan origin, he was Mongolised, charismatic, erudite, and unlike his predecessors, he had passed the gavzh degree. None of the four ruling princes of the Halh provinces, even the Tüsheet Khan who was the eldest and direct heir of Chinggis Khan, had been unanimously approved as the ruler of the Halh Mongols.
35Foreigners who travelled throughout Mongolia at the beginning of the 20th century wrote testimonies of their meeting with the Bogd Jebtsundamba. They noted that he was popular and famous among the Mongol nationalities (including Outer, Inner, Barga, Buryat, and Kalmyk Mongols), and that his high reputation had also reached the Persian Gulf in the west and the Sea of Japan in the east. They also recorded that the Bogd Jebtsundamba had an independent mind; he had a wife, refused to go to Beijing, and was quite eccentric. He had original tastes, collected Western and Eastern objects including stuffed animals, and had a personal zoo. Several sources stated he enjoyed alcoholic beverages and made fun of Halh noblemen. According to the newspaper Frankfurter Zeitung:
[…] This second living Buddha is arrogant and living on his imagination. He is old now and fond of worldly entertainments like drinking vodka and engaging in other things controversial to the religion. (Frants bolon busad gadaad heleerh Mongolyn tüühend holbogdoh… 2006, p. 172)
36Among them, the Russian explorer P. K. Kozlov, who travelled through Mongolia in 1905, wrote:
The Khutugtu had a beautiful Mongol girlfriend who looked like a European woman, and drank champagne and brandy almost every day. When he made the acquaintance of Dar’ Eh [Tārā], he went with her everywhere and engaged in archery and fishing and pursued fun and pleasure day and night. (Kozlov 2004, p. 107)
37However, Kozlov based his writing on what people said, for he did not meet him in person during his journey. The accounts criticising the Jebtsundamba’s deeds and actions, often from secondary sources, have been abundantly used by the Communists to ruin his reputation. But those who actually had a chance to meet him highlighted his qualities such as curiosity and mindfulness. According to Ferdinand Ossendovskii, the famous Polish explorer and journalist:
His Holiness Bogdo Djebtsung Damba Hutuktu [Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu], Khan of Outer Mongolia […] was a stout old man with a heavy-shaven face resembling those of the Cardinals of Rome. He was dressed in the yellow Mongolian silken coat with a black binding. (Ossendowsky 1922, p. 261)
38M. Tornovsky, a military officer of Baron Ungern-Sternberg (1885-1921) in 1920-1921, recorded:
The Bogd Jebtsundamba was very intelligent in his childhood and was not a puppet of other monks, but he had authority over them. His dream was, if he could not restore the great state of Chinggis Khan, at least to liberate Mongolia from Chinese [Qing] domination and make it an independent country. All the noblemen and monks were impressed by him. But the entire people loved him. Thus, his reputation and fame were heard beyond the border of the land of Mongolia. (Tornovsky 2004, p. 182)
39The Swedish missionary Frans August Larson (1870-1957) held the Bogd Jebtsundamba in high esteem and called him “a very kind man” (Larson 1930, p. 158). He explained that the Bogd Jebtsundamba was fond of practical jokes:
When I took him in the first motor car that was ever seen in Urga – A Ford – he connected the electric current with the body of the car, and then invited the highest lamas and nobles to come to tea. After tea he exhibited the car, and he asked his guests to feel the fine polish on the fenders. The first man to touch the car drew back as though burned. The others laughed at his timidity. Then a second one put out a brave hand and jerked it back. More laughter, led by the Buddha. He took the greatest pleasure in this tea party at which his friends received such a shock that not one of them would consent to ride with him in his car… (Larson 1930, p. 134)
40In the late 1880s, Count Alfred Kaizerling (1861-1939), Governor General of Khabarovsk, wrote in his memoirs that he visited Hüree and played chess with the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba (Kaizerling 2001, pp. 195-207). He wrote some interesting facts about him:
Huree [Hüree] is where the gher [ger]-palace of the Hutuktu, the living Buddha in the East, is located. It is to Mongolia what Lhasa is to Tibet. The Hutuktu is venerated as much as the Dalai Lama is. When he reached adulthood, he was summoned to Peking [Beijing] to pay a tribute to the Chinese [Manchu Qing] emperor and receive a blessing at a Buddhist temple there. Since the Peking Government was concerned about the influence of an adult and independent Hutuktu, blessed Hutuktus often happened to suddenly die on their way back to Huree and their reincarnations were sought and found. But this Hutuktu did not go to Peking when he reached adulthood, despite the pressures of Peking and of those who surrounded him, and postponed his trip under various pretexts. He was safer in Huree and there, it was possible to be protected from Peking’s direct assassination. His attitude toward Russia was favourable. He hoped that Russia would help him if his relations with Peking turned sour (Kaizerling 2001, p. 198)
41When he was about to go to Hüree, the bandida hambo (chief of the Buddhist institution) of Buryatia suggested he should be accompanied with some monks on this trip. Eventually, they came to Hüree by way of the Sun Post (postal transport). Kaizerling wrote another note about his meeting with the Bogd Jebtsundamba:
Lamas were lined up along the sides of the stair we were ascending. On the upper floor, a young fellow of about 18 years, dressed in a fine Tibetan style, was waiting for us. He confidently greeted us and invited us to sit. I presented to him Baron Korf’s personal letter of greeting, decorated with the state emblem and emperor’s name in an ornamental script. The Hutuktu sat on his throne with the sacred cushion and invited me to sit on a sofa opposite to him. We were offered Chinese tea served on a golden tray. We had an easy, uninhibited conversation. I then presented the gifts brought for the Hutuktu. What he preferred was a telephone set, the functioning of which was interesting to him. He also liked a music box and was heartily amused by its functioning. He laughed loudly when he heard a brief melody and said that it was like a horse galloping. He immediately had its lyrics translated by his disciple and was quite satisfied when informed of its meaning (Kaizerling 2001, p. 202).
42On the next day, Count Kaizerling was invited to a reception and he had a conversation about official issues while he was playing chess with the Bogd Khan. He described this event:
When I told him that Baron Korf gave me an order to bring Russia and Mongolia closer on trade issues, everyone was supportive. His Holiness asked if he could play chess and asked to compete with him. During the game, devotees came in on their knees one by one to get blessings from His Holiness. He blessed them using a chess piece he was holding in his hand. The fact that he was singing the melody of the music to which he listened on the other day surprised me a lot. While he was blessing his people and humming the melody of a waltz of Strauss, he threatened and captured my king, and checkmated me. I was so happy to have met His Holiness; then I went home after expressing my gratitude for having been invited to his reception (Kaizerling 2001, p. 206).
43The excerpt from the Count’s memoirs is, in my opinion, indicative not only of the degree of the Khutugtu’s independence, freedom and far-sightedness but also of his intention to get closer to Russia. I. Ya. Korostovets wrote in 1913 in his diaries:
I saw the Khutugtu, i.e. the Bogdo, in his domestic environment from close distance. He looked fierce and seemed to me a person who had his own specific views and attitudes. (Korostovets 2010, p. 98)
44Comparatively, Mongol testimonies are quite rare. Dendev, who was working at the Mongolian National Archives, wrote in his memoirs:
When Mongolia was established and the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was enthroned as the monarch in 1911, I was admitted to working as an official at the Ministry of Religious Affairs. From that time, I started writing letters to be sent here and there. I even wrote exemplar letters to be sent to the Bogd Jebtsundamba for others. I also started to work on the publishing machine and published the story of the reincarnated lama (Tib. sprul sku) of Laish (Laishiin huvilgaany zohiol)33. For this work, I was awarded 20 silver coins by His Holiness. (Dendev 1961, p. 7)
45This is clear evidence of how the Bogd Jebtsundamba was thought of by his officials.
46In the late 19th century, Manchu political and Chinese economic domination faced the growing opposition of the Halh nobles. In the middle of the year 1910, Sain Noyon T. Namnansüren wrote a letter to warn the Bogd Jebtsundamba about the danger of the New Policies (Ch. Xinzheng) of the Qing dynasty. This series of reforms implemented in the last decade of the Qing dynasty encouraged Han Chinese migration to Mongolia (Yee 2017, pp. 54-55). After reading this letter, the Bogd Jebtsundamba issued a decree to call the khans of the four provinces and other noblemen for a secret meeting (Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 26). During this meeting, they discussed the current situation and the prospects for Mongolia. The Manchu authorities, namely the Manchu Ministry of Finance, through the amban (Qing representative) in Hüree, had required that the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu and the heads of the Mongol leagues and banners provide answers to the following questions:
a. Why is it considered impossible to let into Mongolia, a vast territory with little population, Chinese citizens and let them engage in farming?
b. What, under the present conditions, prevents the construction of a railway between Haalgan (Kalgan, or Zhangjiakou) and Hüree and what are the justifications?
c. If the Chinese settlements and their engagement in farming as well as the construction of a railway and auto vehicle roads are considered to negatively affect Mongolia’s nomads and animal husbandry, why is a mining contract also considered to be negative?
- 34 AVPRI, Fond: Legation in Peking 143, Opisi 491, Delo 644, s. 17; Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 1 (...)
47During the secret meeting, the Khutugtu and the princes thoroughly considered the questions, defended their previous position of opposition to Chinese settlements and farming in Mongolia, and expressed their conviction that mining would also entail negative consequences on pastoral livestock breeding, by requiring herders to move to mountains during the winter. They realised that the New Policies threatened the Mongol lifestyle34.
- 35 AVPRI, Fond: Legation in Peking, Opisi 1, Delo 316, p. 2.
48As noted by V. Lyuba, the Russian General Consul in Hüree, the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu let the khans and princes take the initiative of sending a delegation to the Tsar to seek support from Russia. The delegation could not have been sent without the support of the spiritual leader35, as independent actions were rarely undertaken without his explicit consent. By 1911, even gatherings and adjournments of princes’ meetings in Hüree were contingent upon the Bogd’s approval, underscoring the central role he played in shaping key decisions during this transformative period.
49As the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was very influential among the Mongols, highly knowledgeable in the Mongolian language, and well skilled in literacy, he was accompanied by noblemen who fought for freedom such as Tüshee Gün Chagdarzhav, Sain Noyon Khan Namnansüren, Chin Van Handdorzh, Da Lam Tserenchimed, and Gün Haisan. Scholar Sh. Sandag even wrote during the time of Socialist ideology and propaganda:
Due to the national freedom movement of the people of Mongolia against Manchu colonisation, the Mongol feudal leaders participated in the movement of restoring the statehood of the country by shaking off the rule of the Manchu empire. The Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba led this feudal leaders’ movement. (Sandag [1971] 2018, p. 274)
- 36 The ceremony started at the horse hour or 11:40, which was found to be a very auspicious time, and (...)
- 37 Ündesnii töv arhiv, Fond 388, register 2, unit 33, p. 64; Fond A3, register 1, unit 2, p. 16.
- 38 Ündesnii töv arhiv, F.A3, no. 1, Ind. no. 369, p. 5. The monetary value of nine white gifts was equ (...)
50The proclamation of Mongolia’s National Revolution took place in the White Pig year (1911). On the 9th day of the middle month of winter (according to the lunar calendar) or on the 29th of December 1911, at 11:40 a.m.36, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was enthroned as the king of the Great Mongol State, together with the wise precious lady Tsagaan Dar’ Dondogdulam, “Mother of the Nation”37. On the occasion, according to Mongol traditions, his thunderbolt, a jade seal, a golden diploma, nine white gifts38 a white camel, a silver peg for the camel’s nose, several white horses with sable tassels, a ceremonial scarf (hadag) with sable tassels, etc., were presented to the Bogd Khan and the Mother of the Nation, and all those present in the state palace prayed for them, kowtowed three times and bowed nine times (Magsarzhav 1994, p. 12).
51The Japanese historian Yumiko Ishihama remarked that the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu modelled his own enthronement ceremony on the two enthronement ceremonies of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876-1933). She concluded that the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu had tried to place himself on par with the Dalai Lama, and that his kingship was created by combining two types of kingship, namely, that of the Dalai Lama and that of the Qing Emperor (Ishihama et al. 2019, pp. 148, 116).
- 39 Office worker Navaannamzhil (Tib. Ngag dbang rnam rgyal) also described the “Jebtsundamba honoured (...)
- 40 The grandfather of Zanabazar, who reintroduced Buddhism in Halh Mongolia in the late 16th century.
52Because he was recognised as the most respected political leader, and at the same time was worshipped as the spiritual head of the Halh Mongols39, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu was the only one who could be chosen as the king (or emperor) of the new state. In addition, in the Mongol legislation of the theocratic state, it is written that the power of the Bogd Khan stems from the Mongol emperors of the Yuan and Manchu emperors of the Qing dynasties, based on the centuries-old Mongol tradition of succession of the supreme power (Kuz’min 2019, p. 84). Although the Eighth Jebtsundamba was a Tibetan, the first incarnation, Zanabazar, was the son of the Tüsheet Khan, a descendent of the Golden Lineage of Chinggis Khan. Thus, the Mongols viewed all his reincarnations as belonging to the Golden Lineage. After his enthronement, on the first day of every lunar year, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba used to visit the palace of Avtai Sain Khan (Abadai Qan, 1554-1588), the father of Tüsheet Khan Gombodorzh40, together with his consort Eh Dagina in order to light a fire, a symbol of the continuation of the tradition of the Mongol state. Noblemen, descendants of the Golden Lineage, and influential statesmen could have influenced him, but as he was intelligent and mindful, the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba likely took this initiative upon himself.
Figure 4 The Silver seal of the Bogd Khan
© Source: Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 164
53A number of foreign witnesses acknowledged his central role in the National Revolution. Yakov Shishmarev, the General Consul of Russia in Hüree, who highlighted his high reputation and his potential influence, had already predicted in the late 19th century: “If any national movement begins in Mongolia, the Bogd Jebtsundamba will take the leading role and there is no wonder asking why” (Shishmarev 1886, p. 178). The Russian General Consul Lyuba, who resided in Hüree and attended the enthronement ceremony, reported:
The courage and firm will of the Bogd Gegen have supported, until the very last moment, the weak and hesitating will of most of the princes. His elevation to the Khaan’s throne by the princes was the result of the great contribution that the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu made to the liberation of their country from the hateful yoke. (AVPRI, Fond: Legation in Peking, Opisi 1, Delo 316, p. 2)
54Lyuba also noted in a telegram, sent on 8 January 1912:
If the history of the last few years of Mongolia is ever to be written, it will underline, with gratitude, the brave and resolute initiative of the Eighth Bogd Gegen who accomplished what the bravest minds could only dare to contemplate. (RGIA, F. 892, op. 3, ed.hr. 127; AVPRI, Fond: Legation in Peking, Opisi 1, Delo 316)
The Khutugtu is, without doubt, the person who led the events that led to the independence Mongolia is now enjoying. (RGIA, F. 892, op. 3, ed.hr. 127; AVPRI, Fond: Legation in Peking, Opisi 1, Delo 316)
[…] the Khutugtu, at this historical moment, has risen to the height Mongolia was at one time of her history, and having felt the will and intention of his people, decided to secede from China [Manchu/Qing state] and sought the assistance from great Russia. (Lomakina 2006, p. 64)
- 41 It is based on a report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia.
- 42 Frants bolon busad gadaad heleerh Mongolyn tüühend holbogdoh barimt bichgiin emhetgel 2006, p. 158.
55Westerners were quickly informed about the National Revolution. In a report he sent on the 8th of December, 1911 to Justin de Selves, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, Monsieur de Panafie, Chargé d’Affaires of France in Saint Petersburg41, wrote: “His Holiness – the highest saint of this nation – is ruling this country”42. In 1916, E. T. Williams wrote about the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba as follows: “His Holiness is the third highest living Buddha after the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama […] There are 160 living Buddhas. He has 25 000 monks under his guidance and 150 000 subjects in total” (Williams 1916, p. 798).
56According to the newspaper Frankfurter Zeitung:
The political crisis going on in Mongolia is relevant to the fact that the last emperors of China [the Manchus] could not hide their dislike for the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba following his own politics. The Bogd Jebtsundamba only approached Russia. Like the Dalai Lama, he just led the group of people who did not like the sovereignty of China. (Frants bolon busad gadaad heleerh Mongolyn tüühend holbogdoh… 2006, p. 172)
57Following the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba’s decree proclaiming independence in 1911, the government was formed, based on ministries comparable with today’s political system. Among them was the Ministry of Religious Affairs, which was based on the principle of the Ministry of the Erdene Shanzodva. The 65 volumes of the legal code of Mongolia and other decrees and regulations approved by the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba legalised the structure of the new state (Ündesnii töv arhiv, Fond A234, register 1, unit 295, pp. 32-37); they also covered issues related to Buddhism. The 34th, 35th and 36th volumes covered issues related to the Buddhist clergy. These detailed laws did not exist in the Manchu Qing period. The 34th volume described the enthronement ceremony of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba, the implementation of the lündens (edicts in the prophetical tradition), the number of officials working in the palace of the Bogd Jebtsundamba, the number of subject monks of the many monasteries belonging to the Capital City – Hüree – and the Ih Shav’. The 35th volume described the process of recognition of incarnate lamas and the issuing of seals to them, and clarified their utilities and ranks/degrees in detail. The 36th volume implemented the legislation on training procedures of monks, and the ordination of novices (Ündesnii töv arhiv, Found A234, register 1, unit 236, pp. 94-97).
- 43 In the Qing period, the administrative region of “Outer Mongolia” initially consisted of the four H (...)
58The Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was first recognised as the ruler of the Halh Mongols. The “Great Mongol State” consisted of the four provinces (aimag) of the Halh Mongols and the Hovd (Qobdo) Frontier inhabited by Western Mongols, but did not include the Urianhai; hence, its frontiers do not exactly correspond to that of Qing Outer Mongolia43. However, the Jebtsundamba had aimed to unite all the Mongols in an independent state, and had called upon all the Mongol nationalities living in and out of the country to join him, as is evidenced in an official document that was sent to the chiefs of the leagues of Shiliin Gol, Ulaanchav, and Ih Zuu (Ordos), the prince of Alshaa, and the chiefs of Dar’ganga and of the New and Old Barga on the 17th day of winter in the year of the White Female Pig or 24 November 1911:
[…] we presented a submission to the Bogd, who issued a decree acceding to our request […] We, the Halh Mongols, in accordance with our old tradition, have established an independent state and elevated the Thunderbolt Lama [the Bogd Jebtsundamba] as emperor. […] We were unable to consult [the princes of] Inner Mongolia. But all the Mongols are, by their origin, the same people. Therefore, we hope that you will approve this document as soon as you see it. What is more important, all of us should, first of all, protect our nation from the strong enemy, strengthen our frontier, guard our border routes and frontier posts, and be prepared under whatever circumstances. (Kotwicz 1972, p. 106)
59The Eighth Jebtsundamba was worshiped and respected not only by the princes and the whole population of Halh Mongolia, but also by the Buryats and Inner Mongols. He was venerated as an omniscient being who was able to foresee the past, present and future, and as “the most compassionate one who treats all the sentient beings as his only child” (Batsaikhan 2014 [2008, 2011], p. 281). Their faith was stronger than any order or any whip at any brutal time.
60Afterwards, 38 out of the 49 banners (hoshuu) of Inner Mongolia expressed their will to join the new state (Taivan Örgedei 2006). On 19 March 1912, F. Moskbitin explained this issue to Władysław Kotwicz, a renowned Polish Mongolist and Altaist working in Russia, as follows:
You may know that the noblemen from Inner Mongolia want to join Halh Mongolia. Their attitude can be explained as an attempt to communicate with Russia for its assistance, through His Holiness. But our government decided only to help Halh Mongolia. On the other hand, if it refuses to help them, it will be very difficult for His Holiness, who called upon all Mongols to rally around him. In order to avoid this difficult situation, we need to publish sensational articles in the newspapers on the Mongolia issue. It should prove that this is better than Russia deals with a united Mongolia instead of Halh Mongolia (alone), which has an insufficient population. Also, it is better for Mongols not to be divided but to be united under the protectorate of China. (Kotwicz 1972, p. 181)
61The famous Buryat scholar Tseveen Zhamsran (Jamtsarano) wrote a letter to W. Kotwicz, on the 19 March 1912: “His Holiness is still keeping in his mind the idea of uniting all the Mongols” (Kotwicz 1972, p. 192). But in the letter he wrote to the Eighth Jebtsundamba, on the 23rd of the first month of spring in the 2nd year of the Monarchy, Manlai Van Damdinsüren suggested:
Hulunbuir [banners] are among the first banners [hoshuu] to join us from the Manchu banners, and there are two passages through which troops can arrive. Therefore, if we request the Tsar of Russia to defend Hulunbuir immediately, this border area will be secured. (Kotwicz 1972, p. 204)
62The Bogd Khan was deeply concerned about the fate of the Mongol nationalities (including Inner Mongols), and issued the following decree in 1915:
“If a part of the Mongolian nationalities would now be able to be sovereign, it is not impossible for the Mongolian nationalities of the same origin and same religion to be united at some time”. It taught that if the source of the Mongolian nation is preserved in any part of Mongolia, say in Halh Mongolia, it is possible for the Mongolian nationalities to be united in the future. It showed the depth and degree of the concerns that the Bogd Khan had about the fate of the Mongolian nation. (Batsaikhan [2008, 2011] 2014, p. 211)
63This means that if Mongol identity is preserved somewhere, at least in Halh Mongolia, then all the other Mongol nationalities could join them in the future. This decree was read out in the Upper and Lower assemblies of the Mongol state. It was also sent by post to the five ministries of Mongolia, the Minister of Religious Affairs, the Ministers of the Eastern and Western borderlands, incarnate lamas, dukes, the banner princes of Hulunbuir, the Minister of the Military of the Capital (Hüree), the Chief of the eastern and western provinces of Dörvöd Hövsgöl, the Duke of Urianhai, the Chief of Dar’ganga, the Ministry of the Erdene Shanzodva, the Chiefs of the Inner Mongol leagues of Jirim, Josoto, Joo-Uda, Shiliin Gol, Ulaanchav and Ih Zuu (Ordos), the Duke in charge of ruling the two posts of Kiakhta (Hyagt), Uliastai and the officials of Kiakhta. However, the Bogd Khan could not accomplish his dream of uniting all the Mongol nationalities.
- 44 M. Tornovsky wrote his memoirs based on the information provided by Mongols and foreigners living i (...)
64At that time an independent-minded religious head and leader was unacceptable to China. In the early 20th century, Tornovsky, a Russian military officer, wrote in his memoirs that Peking had sent a special deputation to the Bogd Gegen, but the Mongols found out that a lama, famous for poisoning people, was among the members of the deputation. Therefore, the Bogd Jebtsundamba left Hüree to go westward before the arrival of the unwelcome guests, and returned after the Peking guests had left the monastic city (Tornovsky 2004, p. 182)44. After 1911, the Chinese decided to wait for the Bogd’s natural death and not to identify a new Bogd afterwards. They tried to persuade the Panchen Lama and other old lamas that the Jebtsundamba was “the last, the 31st incarnation, of the bodisattva. After his death, no Bogd would be found in Mongolia. That would be a new era for the people” (Ossendowsky 1922, p. 269). The Bogd Gegen had understood the aim of the Chinese policy, and he feared that the dream of his youth, that of an independent Mongolia, would not materialise.
Figure 5. Mongolian text of the Mongol-Tibetan Treaty
© published for the first time in Batsaikhan 2008, p. 335
Figure 6. Tibetan text of the Mongol-Tibetan Treaty
© published for the first time in Batsaikhan 2008, p. 336
- 45 The exiled Thirteenth Dalai Lama had taken refuge in the Mongol capital in 1904-1906, and did not g (...)
65However, in 1913, a Mongol-Tibetan Treaty was signed, according to which the government of the Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu collaborated with an official representative from the Dalai Lama’s Government. This treaty significantly bolstered the Jebtsundamba’s reputation, and facilitated reconciliation between the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu and the Dalai Lama, resolving their discord since 190445. The terms of the treaty were notably favourable for the former, positioning him on equal footing with the Dalai Lama, as noted by Tachibana (Ishima et al. 2019, pp. 148-149). These instances serve as evidence that the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu’s reputation was comparable to that of the Dalai Lama.
- 46 In 1915 before the Treaty, the Government of Mongolia offered him a golden seal and a golden diplom (...)
66How did the Mongols, including the Bogd Khan himself, understand the independence of Mongolia at that time? The de facto independence of Mongolia had been recognised by the agreement signed with Russia in 1912 and the Tripartite Treaty with Russia and China in 191546. A note in which the Mongol Foreign Ministry explained the meaning of the Tripartite Treaty to the Bogd Khan, stated the following: “Mongolia does not lose its political status by acknowledging the suzerainty of China. Moreover, Mongolia gained the right of discussing important points in the Treaty to build a political system in order to make decisions on its own affairs” (Batsaihan 2002, p. 206). The Treaty confirmed the status of Mongolia in international relations. It stipulated that:
1. Mongolia is a sovereign state and has its own government.
2. Mongolia has the right to have a national army.
3. Mongolia maintains an established regime of autonomy and “self-governance”.
4. Mongolia removes Chinese troops and authorities from its territory, and thereby exercises its right to permit neither the presence of Chinese troops on their territory, nor the colonisation of the land by Chinese.
5. Mongolia has the right to conclude other treaties with China, or another foreign power, that should not infringe upon the provisions of the present agreement. (Batsaihan 2002, p. 207)
67However, in the history of the Socialist Mongolian People’s Republic, the official status of Mongolia in the Bogd Khan’s period was described as just “autonomous” (Coll. 1967, p. 229). This status was included in all the histories on modern Mongolia which followed. Despite the critique posed by historian Sh. Sandag against the term “autonomous” in 1971, its usage persisted in Mongol historical narratives until the 1990s, and occasionally endures in contemporary discourse (Sandag [1971] 2018, p. 261). The term “autonomous” is not found in the official proclamation of Mongol independence in 1911. Nevertheless, in 1912, Russian officials employed the term “autonomous” in reference to Mongolia (Coll. 1967, p. 229). Many Western scholars such as Ch. Bawden have also used this term. Just after 1990, a few Western scholars, including Caroline Humphrey, used the term “quasi-independence” to describe the status of Mongolia in the Bogd Khan period (Humphrey 1994, p. 21). However, in my understanding, Mongolia had gained true independence from 1911 to 1920.
68This article aims to contribute not only to the history of modern Mongolia, and its birth as a nation-state, but also to the history of international relations in Asia, and the history of political thought. It proposes a reappraisal of the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu’s political and religious contribution to Mongol history.
69With the elevation of the Bogd Jebtsundamba Khutugtu to the throne as the king of Mongolia, the proclamation of the nation as “Mongolia” of the new era “Elevated by the Many” (Olnoo örgögdsön), and the renaming of Ih Hüree as “Niislel Hüree”, a new history began in the early 20th century for Halh Mongolia. The separation from the Manchu Qing state and the proclamation of the restoration of their independence in 1911 was self-determined. The National Revolution occupies, in terms of its historic significance, a special place in the history of the Mongols as it restored the foundation of the Mongol statehood and laid down the basis for both the further existence of the Mongol nation and the promotion of the national traditions, customs and culture.
70Although it has been blamed for suppressing the Mongols’ warlike character during the Qing period, in the early 20th century, Buddhism played a central role in the unification of the Halh Mongols for the sake of their national independence. The development of the institution of the Bogd Jebtsundamba that reached its peak in the 20th century was instrumental in the process of independence from the Qing rule. His treasury provided substantial financial resources to achieve independence. In spite of his Tibetan birth, the Bogd Jebtsundamba appeared as the “natural”, legitimate leader of the Halh Mongols. In this paper, I highlighted his exceptional personality and great reputation: he commanded veneration and respect from both princes and the entire Halh population, as well as from Buryats and Inner Mongols. Despite the Bogd Khan’s marital affairs, indulgent lifestyle, and penchant for alcohol, the unwavering trust vested in him by the people endured. The unwavering steadfastness in his decisions for the welfare of the Halh people emerged as a primary catalyst for fostering unity among the princes, clergy, and commoners.
71The role of the Eighth Bogd Jebtsundamba was reappraised in 21st century Mongolia, and monuments were erected in his honour in 2019 for the commemoration of the centenary of the revolution. His reincarnation, the Ninth Bogd Jebtsundamba (1933-2012), was recognised by the Mongol (Halh) Buddhist clergy as their spiritual leader, and head of Mongolian Buddhism by a decree of the President of Mongolia on January 2012 (Batsaikhan 2015). The Tenth Bogd Jebtsundamba (born in 2015), enthroned in 2023, is the first Mongol to be recognised as the head of Mongol Buddhism in more than 260 years.
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