• 1 See Phillips 2009 or Central Tibet Administration 2017.
• 2 From his Facebook page, see Dalai Lama 2021.

1In 1992, during a meeting of the Tibetan Women’s Association in Dharamsala, His Holiness the 14^th Dalai Lama stated that he considered himself a feminist, giving the following explanation: “The female Tibetan Buddhist deity Tara was a feminist because she is believed to have made a positive decision to achieve enlightenment with a female body” (Butler 2003, p. 193). More than a decade later, he reiterated his statement in a much broader context when giving his closing remarks at the 2009 International Freedom Award ceremony: “I call myself a feminist. Isn’t that what you call someone who fights for women’s rights?”¹. Furthermore, he has declared several times that “women are more empathetic to the feelings of others, qualities I first learned from my loving mother. There is also scientific evidence that, when it comes to compassion, women are more sensitive to others’ pain”². It is clear from these announcements that the English word “feminism” has already been adopted by some Tibetans, not least by His Holiness the Dalai Lama himself. They show too that at least a basic conceptual understanding of the term is already known. However, from the perspective of gender studies, this last statement could also be interpreted as essentialist, in that it postulates a fundamental difference between men and women, contradicting the idea that gender is constructed socially and not defined biologically (Delphy 2001; Bereni et al. 2020).

• 3 See Huber 2001 (pp. 357, 366) on how the notion of a gender-equal Tibet has been forged.
• 4 See for example Gross 1993; Klein 2008; Langenberg 2018 and the edited volume by Karma Lekshe Tsomo (...)
• 5 Through his Association Kun Kyong Charitable Trust, H. H. the 17^th Karmapa has organised several wo (...)

2When looking at Tibetan society, feminism is not the first idea that comes to mind. On the contrary, it is rather the exceptional status of Tibetan women, especially when compared to women in neighbouring communities (Taklha 2005), which is underlined by Tibetans themselves, in terms of their liberal status (Thonsur 2004), or even the equality of women and men – in the latter case, this idea is especially highlighted by women with aristocratic backgrounds who have been able to write about their life stories (Rinchen Lhamo 1997, p. 125; Yuthok 1995, p. 163; Taring 1994, pp. 214-215)³. In the context of Tibetan Buddhism and gender studies, while the concept of “feminism” has been applied by some Western researchers, mainly women⁴, it remains more of a contested term, one with which Tibetan women, on the whole, do not necessarily identify, and may sometimes even openly reject. There are nevertheless some exceptions, such as the female artist Monsal Pekar (Mong bza’ pad dkar; Schneider 2019). She is one of the few Tibetan women to openly declare that she is a feminist and that she “fights for women’s rights”, as she puts it. She uses the same expression as His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and develops her views and opinions in her artwork and writings (Monsal 2004). Likewise, the 17^th Karmapa, who has been affectionately called “my feminist lama” by a member of the online group Tibetan Feminist Collective (Bod kyi mo rtsod ring lugs lhan tshogs; more on this group later), has several times expressed his wish to help further women’s issues⁵. In his discourse, he uses the expression “women’s rights”, which he defines as “respecting the value of human[s] and life” and “acknowledging our shared humanity”. He also warns that it is not only a question of legislation or social policy, but that change must also come from a much deeper level, namely shifts in people’s attitudes (The Karmapa Ogyen Trinley Dorje 2013, p. 45).

• 6 However, the pronoun “mo” carries a sense of disrespect when used as a pronoun and is therefore not (...)
• 7 It was already in use to indicate religious women and women of high rank in the past, see Diemberge (...)
• 8 The word büme is not neutral either, according to some researchers, see Martin 2005, p. 77-78, note (...)

4One of the common Tibetan terms for “woman” literally means “low birth” (skyes dman). It is linked to the traditional distinction between the sexes, with men considered “excellent” or “superior” (pho mchog) and women “inferior” (mo dman). According to Tibetan scholars (Tshe ring chos mtsho 1995, Josayma 2017), this differentiation probably came with the arrival of Buddhism, and is linked to the ideology of female pollution or defilement (grib), also present in Indian and Chinese societies of the past. Ms Tsering Chötso writes that Tibetan terminology was equal before the advent of the Tibetan empire (7^th-9^th centuries), with more neutral words in use to refer to both sexes like “male” (pho) and “female” (mo⁶), “man” (skyes pa) and “woman” (skyes ma) (Tshe ring chos mtsho 1995, p. 4). Even though the pejorative term kyémèn (skyes dman) is still in use today, the more honorific word for woman, bümé (bud med⁷), has replaced it in Tibet as well as in exile, at least in the official language and most often also in colloquial speech⁸.

• 9 See also Langenberg 2018; Padma’tsho & Jacoby 2020 and Baimacuo (this volume) for other examples of (...)

7However, acts which contest or challenge gender roles are not necessarily synonymous with feminism. I have not met any Tibetan nun who states openly that she considers herself to be a feminist – even though I have met a couple from the Indian Himalayas who affirm that they are⁹.

• 10 Also occurring as pho mo ’dra mnyam ring lugs (Goldstein 1984, p. 115), in which the added term rin (...)

8Looking at some Tibetan translations of the term “feminism”, we find a couple of expressions that translate the Western term “feminism”, ranging, in their literal meaning, from “gender equality” (pho mo ’dra mnyam¹⁰) to “women’s rights” (bu med kyi dbang cha or bu med kyi khe dbang), “women’s power” (bu med thob thang), “women’s capacity or ability” (bu med kyi nus stobs), and “gender issue” (pho mo rten la dbye ’byed). The fact that these are all approximative notions may be one of the main reasons why many Tibetans still have problems identifying with feminism. Tibetan words for “rights” or “power” can conjure images of struggling or fighting, and may therefore be interpreted as “women having power over men” or “women having more rights than men” – a misinterpretation that has drawn criticism in many other cultural contexts. Moreover, it is difficult to add an agentive suffix to translate the word “feminist”; the derived expression “militant of women’s rights” (bu med thob thang rtsod pa) is oddly clunky and, to my knowledge, little used. Indeed, it can be described as a case of “lost in translation”, which also reminds us not to impose Western ideas and concepts on other cultures, in other words, not to practise ethnocentrism. Instead, we need to look at how different cultures have adopted, redefined, or rejected feminism and related concepts and situate their experiences, ideas, and actions in local contexts (Mohanty 1988; Spivak 1988; Abu-Lughod 1998). At the same time, we must remember that ideas also circulate rapidly, even more so today in an increasingly globalised world.

• 11 Note that the term lhacham, literally “wife of gods”, designates the senior government official wiv (...)

10Tibet’s first contact with feminism occurred shortly after its annexation by China in 1951, when the wives of several Chinese communist generals stationed in Lhasa proposed launching the Tibetan Patriotic Women’s Association (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), a chapter of the All-China Women’s Federation (Croll 1974). The association was one of the two mass organisations founded by the Chinese Communist Party – the other being the Patriotic Youth Association, which had already been started in Lhasa by this time. The idea was brought to the wives of a number of Tibetan ministers during a dinner party (Taring 1994, p. 212). However, these ministers were insistent on asking first for the authorisation of the Kashag (bkaʼ shag), the Council of Ministers from the traditional Tibetan government. Thus, two ladies from the aristocracy, Ms Ngapö Tseten Dölkar (Nga phod Tshe brtan sgrol dkar, 1915-2012) – wife of Ngapö Ngawang Jigme (Nga phod Ngag dbang ’jigs med, 1910-2009), who, as the governor-general in Chamdo, surrendered to the invading Chinese army in 1950 and later participated in the signing of the Seventeen-Point Agreement with the Chinese government – and Ms Shasur Lhacham¹¹ (bShad zur lha lcam), were sent to consult the ministers who reported directly to the 14^th Dalai Lama at that time. It was only after the Dalai Lama had given his consent that the project went ahead.

• 12 The Federation appeared first under the name All-China Women’s Democratic Federation and was rename (...)
• 13 Major changes in Chinese marriage law took place in 1953 (Croll 1974), and were theoretically also (...)
• 14 The Women’s Federation functions in the same way as the governmental administrative system, with di (...)

11Right from the beginning of their foundation, the Chinese communists considered women’s liberation (Ch. funü jiefang) to be a primary goal for their envisioned “New China”: general emancipation was to be achieved in particular through women’s large-scale involvement in public production (Pong 2009, pp. 84, 89). To realise this aim, the All-China Women’s Federation (Ch. Zhonghua Quanguo Funü Lianhehui¹²) was entrusted with mobilising women to assume public roles in politics, urban and village government, production, education, and campaigns for marriage¹³. The Lhasa Patriotic Women’s Association, being one of the regional branches of the Federation, followed the same model¹⁴.

• 15 Ms Taring Rinchen Dolma was the first Tibetan girl to be sent to school to India, Darjeeling (Mount (...)
• 16 Besides Ms Taring and Ms Thangmé, three more women were among the teachers of this school: Ms Chang (...)
• 17 Headed by Lobsang Samten (Blo bzang bsam gtan, 1933-1985), the Dalai Lama’s third elder brother, in (...)
• 18 A great deal of information on the initial years of the Tibetan Patriotic Women’s Association comes (...)

12The preparatory meeting was held on the 8^th of March 1953. The generals’ wives announced that a committee had to be formed, consisting of one chairwoman and a standing committee. The highest leadership role (kru’u ren) was attributed to Ms Tsering Dolma (Tshe ring sgrol ma, 1919-1964), the Dalai Lama’s elder sister, and the other nominated standing members were: Ms Li Guangming (General Tan Guansan’s wife), Ms Shasur Lhacham, Ms Ragashar Lhacham (Rag kha shag lha lcam), Ms Ngapö Tseten Dölkar, Ms Tsarong Pema Dölkar (Tsha rong Padma sgrol dkar, 1892-1957) – later replaced by her younger sister Ms Taring Rinchen Dolma (Phreng ring Rin chen sgrol ma, 1910-2000), Ms Tsogo Deyang (mTsho sgo bde dbyang), Ms Sampho Yudrön (bSam pho g.yu sgron), and Ms Samling (bSam gling). Ms Taring and Ms Thangmé Könchog Palmo (Thang smad dkon mchog dpal mo, b. 1920-2012), both highly educated for their time¹⁵ and already working as Tibetan teachers in the Chinese cadre school (las byed slob grwa)¹⁶, were appointed as secretary and assistant secretary respectively. Furthermore, approximately thirty more committee members (u yon) were appointed (fig. 1). Except for Ms Li Guangming, all the women were from aristocratic backgrounds, a similar scheme to the Patriotic Youth Association¹⁷. According to Ms Taring (1982), most of the ladies felt that they had no choice but to accept for fear of repercussions against their husbands. She further recounts that all the power was in the hands of Ms Li Guangming, a fact that Ms Surkhang (Zur khang) also mentions¹⁸.

• 19 Initially, Mao had asked General Tan to appoint Gyalo Thondup (Craig 1998, p. 170) to lead the Tibe (...)
• 20 She was representing the South-West (Sichuan) visiting group.
• 21 He also mentions an incident during one of the dinners when a young Chinese lady started to attack (...)

16Being a member of the women’s association also brought some privileges, one of which was the ability to travel outside Tibet. Many of the Tibetan ladies had their first opportunity to visit Beijing and other places in China, and even countries abroad. As the leader of the PWA, Ms Tsering Dolma was invited to many different functions. Together with her husband, Taklha Phüntsog Tashi (sTag lha phun tshogs bkra shis, 1922-1999), she first travelled to Beijing in 1952, where she took part in the “Peace Conference of the Asian and Pacific Regions” (Craig 1998, p. 170), before joining the Chinese Youth Delegation and going to the World Peace Conference in Vienna at the end of the year (sTag lha phun tshogs bkra shis 1995, pp. 109-115)¹⁹. In Beijing, on the Chinese National Day, 1^st of October, Ms Tsering Dolma, together with the queen of Derge, Jamyang Palmo (’Jam dbyangs dpal mo, 1913-1988)²⁰, had the opportunity to meet Ms Deng Yingchao, wife of the then Prime Minister Zhou Enlai and vice-chairwoman of the All-China Women’s Federation (Mi rigs dpe bskrun khang 1994, p. 128). In November, Ms Tsering Dolma and her husband left Beijing for Vienna with a group of thirty delegates from China headed by Ms Song Qingling, wife of Sun Yatsen and sister of Chiang Kaishek’s wife. According to the autobiography of Phüntsog Tashi Taklha, the Chinese delegates were very suspicious towards the two Tibetans during the World Peace Conference and did not let them go around freely, on the pretext that that the city was very dangerous and full of spies (sTag lha phun tshogs bkra shis 1995²¹). However, the couple had an opportunity to participate in sightseeing tours in Vienna and, on their way back, also in Budapest and Moscow. They would have liked to accept an invitation from Mongol delegates to Ulaanbaatar, but this was not possible. Finally, they travelled back to Beijing and then to Lhasa through Hong Kong, returning home in March 1953.

• 22 It was also at this time that the Tibetan guerrilla force Chushi Gangdruk (Chu bzhi sgang drug) sta (...)

20At around the same time, the political situation in Lhasa started to become strained: more and more Khampas – people from Eastern Tibet – came to take refuge from Chinese repression, which had started in eastern regions where socialist reforms had been introduced, causing popular movements to spring up in Lhasa which employed tactics of passive resistance and sabotage²². The PWA was mobilised, among other groups, by the Chinese government to counteract the so-called reactionaries, but most Tibetan women refused to participate actively and just silently assisted (Taring 1982). However, some, such as Ms Thangmé, were more outspoken, drawing criticism from some Tibetan officials and lamas; she states in an interview that stones were thrown at her several times to stop her working with the Chinese, and she had to be escorted home (Lamaocuo 2000). In the spring of 1959, tensions intensified and led to the Tibetan Uprising on the 10^th of March. Many women were among the crowds, which assembled en masse in front of the Norbulingka Palace to prevent His Holiness the Dalai Lama from attending a show at the Chinese army camp. The day after, Tibetans organised a purification ritual (bsang gsol), in which incense is burned and tsampa (rtsam pa) – a Tibetan staple food – is thrown in the air to dispel bad luck. Many women were present that day, helping to collect donations and stitching together the prayer flags. One of the organisers, Ms Kündeling Künsang (Kun bde gling kun bzang, d. 1970), who had already taken the lead the previous day, encouraged the other women to help in the cause of liberating Tibet from China. It was agreed to hold a public meeting in front of the Potala the following day, and two representatives from each courtyard in Lhasa were chosen to inform all the women from Lhasa.

• 23 For more detailed descriptions of the Women’s Uprising based on eyewitness accounts, see Russell & (...)
• 24 Estimations vary between 4 000 to 5 000 and 10 000 to 15 000 (Unknown 1984, p. 15).

21To Tibetans in exile, the 12^th of March is known as Women’s Uprising Day²³. Contrary to the Patriotic Women’s Association, which was Chinese-inspired and run by Chinese officials’ wives, as well as Tibetan high officials’ wives, it was a spontaneous movement prepared by mostly ordinary women, among them many nuns. A crowd of several thousand women gathered first below the Potala²⁴ and then marched through the city (fig. 2). They also sent delegates to the foreign offices of India, Nepal, and Bhutan in search of outside support for the Tibetan independence struggle, all of which was to no avail: although the Indian consul-general telegraphed Delhi, the response came too late, after His Holiness the Dalai Lama had already left the country and the general repression of the uprising by the Chinese authorities had started.

• 25 According to Jamyang Norbu (2016) and Tashi Tsering Josayma, there was no proper foundation of a Ti (...)

22During the following days, between the 12^th and 18^th of March, Tibetan women in Lhasa organised several smaller demonstrations and meetings, during which the Patriotic Women’s Association, among other bodies, was dissolved. Some Tibetans in exile say that a new association, the Tibetan Women’s Association, was subsequently established. However, it was very short-lived²⁵. Due to political developments, all women’s activities came to a halt, and the resistance movement was crushed. Many of the Tibetan women participating in the demonstrations were consequently arrested, and some of their leaders were tortured and later executed in public; others disappeared without further trace. The leader, Ms Kündeling Kunsang, was arrested, and despite the many struggle sessions she had to go through, she continued to resist in prison, which finally led to her being sentenced to death (Russell & Singeri 1992). Because of her bravery in standing up to the Chinese invaders, she is remembered as Pamo Kunsang, the “Heroine Kunsang”, by young and old women living in exile today.

• 26 Ngapö Tseten Dolkar was a deputy to the Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth and Ninth Nati (...)

24In June 1960, the first Women’s Congress of the Tibet Area took place, and the Tibetan Women’s Federation (Bod ljongs bud med mnyam ’brel lhan tshogs) was formally established with several branches in all Tibetan-inhabited areas. Ms Ngapö Tseten Dölkar was elected as director (Caidan Zhuoga & Yu Xinzhen 2010) and Ms Thangmé Könchog Palmo as vice-director (Lamaocuo 2000). Both had been proven to be trustworthy to the new Chinese government through their husbands’ political positions and their involvement in the former women’s association. Both were also given positions in the government. In 1959, Ms Ngapö Tseten Dölkar was put on the Standing Committee of the Tibetan Branch of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, participated in the Preparatory Committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region, and, from 1964 on, became a deputy to the National People’s Congress²⁶ (Barnett 2005, p. 296), whereas Ms Thangmé Könchog Palmo took up the position of vice-chair in the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference in 1984 (Lamaocuo 2000, p. 25). Furthermore, during the Women’s Congress in 1978, Ms Ngapö Tseten Dölkar was the first Tibetan to be elected vice-chairwoman of the All-China Women’s Federation, a position she kept until her retirement in 2003.

• 27 According to Barnett (2005, pp. 297-298), the high political positions given to elite women at this (...)

25Even though these positions generally do not involve much political power²⁷, both remember having experienced a huge change for women, especially in the earlier years. Ms Thangmé explained in an interview:

• 28 She is probably referring here to “The sixteen pure human laws” (Mi chos gtsang ma bcu drug) genera (...)

26From 1960 onwards, a greater number of ordinary women joined the Tibetan Women’s Federation, engaged in politics, or simply received the opportunity for better education. Ms Dechen Lhamo (bDe chen lha mo) from Chamdo, a retired cadre, was one such woman. Born in 1935 as the eldest of nine siblings to a family of shoemakers, she was the first woman to leave the village. She had joined the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) on its way to Lhasa and worked with them for three years. Before joining the Human Rights Department of the Tibetan Women’s Federation, she was sent to Beijing to study for three years. In an interview which she gave in the Chinese language (Zhang 2012), she is extremely critical of the old Tibetan society, which she accuses of numerous discriminations against women. She mentions the Six Laws, according to which women should not be listened to and were not to be admitted to councils, and other legal provisions denying women the right to discuss political affairs²⁸:

• 29 All the names of interviewees in Tibet have been anonymised.
• 30 Personal communication, August 2018.
• 31 Collecting caterpillar fungus or yartsa gunbu (dbyar rtsa dgun ’bu) – “summer grass winter worm” – (...)

28To this day, the Tibetan Women’s Federation continues to exist, with the exception of the years 1966-1973, when it ceased operations due to the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) in China. However, neither its work nor its achievements seem to be widely known among Tibetan women today, except for the promotion of a few successful individuals. Although its organisational structure extends to the lowest levels, such as villages and pastoral communities, its activities remain largely irrelevant to most Tibetan women. Ms Yangchen29, who has been the elected women’s leader of her village since 2004, stated in an interview that her tasks consist mainly of organising a team for dance and song performances during the yearly celebration of International Women’s Day, and that she has to select the female workers when the local government requires participation in community work³⁰. Moreover, she occasionally assists in meetings of the Federation at both the county and prefecture levels. She shares an office with other Party members from her village and gets a small salary for her function, but she mainly lives on her farm work and collecting caterpillar fungus (yartsa gunbu)³¹. She admits that she is unsure about what she could do to improve the status of women in her village.

• 32 Since then, only foreign NGOs collaborating with a national agency are allowed to carry on humanita (...)
• 33 Furthermore, in 2015, there was a major crackdown on feminist organisations in China (Fincher 2018)
• 34 Personal communication with Ms Tsetan (August 2018).

29Since the 1995 Fourth World Women’s Conference held in Beijing, China has, in addition to the state-led Women’s Federation, seen a proliferation of non-governmental organisations concerning gender and women (Zhou 2019). The same can be said for Tibet, albeit to a much smaller degree. Several international NGOs, such as Machik, Shem (Kleisath 2006) or Phende, have been involved in developing programmes partially focused on women and education, health issues, language learning, or technical areas particularly important for women’s daily lives, such as building water pipelines. However, in the aftermath of the 2008 protests and the prohibition of foreign NGOs on operating in Tibet³², all have stopped their work in Tibet³³. Today, only national grassroots organisations can engage in support for women, such as the “Demoness Welfare Association for Women” (Srin mo bud med rogs skyor tshogs pa), founded by the Tibetan woman writer Palmo in 2009 and focusing on providing health care training (especially gynaecology) in rural areas, and lectures on female empowerment in universities (Robin 2015). Even this might be challenging, as illustrated by Ms Tsetan’s project: after working for several years with foreign and national organisations in rural areas, she attempted to establish her own local NGO focused on training rural women to provide basic healthcare, including infectious diseases, hygiene, and nutrition. However, she encountered numerous setbacks during the administrative registration process with the authorities. Furthermore, her scope of action is limited because funding has to come from organisations registered in China³⁴.

• 35 Personal communication, August 2018.
• 36 Even though she does not use the same vocabulary, she underlines the importance of what Prof. Jia L (...)

30Many Tibetan women are wary of the work of the party-led Women’s Federation, especially regarding health issues, due to the state’s history of monitoring women’s reproductive matters during the one-child policy era (Schrempf 2011; Robin 2015). Nevertheless, the Federation’s structure, which extends deep into the community, could also be considered an advantage. For instance, Ms Pema, a cadre at the county level working on poverty alleviation projects for pastoralists, utilises the Federation’s network to help women, particularly those who are uneducated³⁵. In her spare time, she teaches the Chinese language through the social media application WeChat to over 300 women from pastoral communities. Moreover, together with the Women’s Federation, she regularly organises round table discussions on education, family matters, and the role of mothers in teaching traditional values such as kindness, love, and politeness³⁶. Sometimes, she travels to pastoral areas to meet groups of female leaders and raises awareness about the importance of education and health care (fig. 3). When I accompanied her on one of these trips, Ms Pema also insisted on visiting some single mothers for whom she cares in particular; but thinks there is no point in staying in a remote area with barely enough animals to make a living when the children could get a better education in town, thus improving their chances in the future. However, she also acknowledges that it is difficult for these women to find jobs without specific skills and does her best to help them find solutions.

• 37 Thus, the above-mentioned project of a vocational training centre for women has not seen the light (...)

31Education, or the lack thereof, is a topic frequently brought up by women when discussing women’s empowerment and feminism. Those who have had the privilege of studying are well aware that many rural women lack literacy in either Tibetan, Chinese, or sometimes both, and a significant number of them wish to help remedy this situation. Some cosmopolitan, well-educated women have therefore begun to organise language classes, volunteered as teachers, or even planned to open specific vocational training centres for women. In their view, a woman’s status can be raised through strengthening her income possibilities. However, with the new policy imposed by Xi Jinping in 2020 making Chinese the mandatory language of education in schools at all levels and grades, while simultaneously suppressing private initiatives to promote Tibetan language and culture, including NGO work, it has become nearly impossible to do so when initiated privately or by grassroots organisations (Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy 2022)³⁷.

• 38 The speech (Clinton 1995) can be watched here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6V9mHmeK7XM.
• 39 The talk (Watson 2014) can be watched here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gkjW9PZBRfk.

33In recent years, new technologies and social media platforms have been creatively used by some Tibetan women to share and discuss ideas on gender, female emancipation, and feminism, while at the same time allowing them to exchange books, articles, and other materials. Thus, there are WeChat groups with names like “Tibetan Women” (bod pa’i bud med), “Today’s Women” (deng gi skyes ma) or “Great Women”, some counting more than a hundred members. The latter group has also organised several gatherings at Charu, a Tibetan co-working space in the city of Chengdu. Topics for such events have included, for example, “defining the key terminologies [of feminism]”, tackling questions and concepts such as identity and power relations, feminism, sexuality, and the difference between gender and sex (fig. 4). Inspiration often comes from Western feminists and activists, such as Hillary Clinton, who delivered a keynote speech at the 1995 U.N. 4^th World Conference for Women in Beijing³⁸, or Emma Watson, who spoke in 2014 for the U.N.’s “HeForShe” campaign – a solidarity movement for gender equality that encourages men and boys to help eliminate the inequalities faced by women and girls worldwide³⁹. Books like Looks Aren’t Everything by Cameron Russell have also been discussed. These sessions are typically organised by a group of female volunteers, who present either a film or a book and then share their reflections with the audience. Additionally, prominent Tibetan women are invited to speak about their careers, serving as role models by sharing their professional experiences with the predominantly young female audience.

• 40 I have been told by several women that there are several outspoken and more “aggressive” feminists (...)

34However, although some women in Tibet actively engage in feminist discourse, those who openly identify as feminists remain rare⁴⁰. Only a few have come forward and published their thoughts, one of whom is the artist Ms Monsal Pekar (born 1964) mentioned in the introduction. Besides having published a book entitled Women’s Status in Tibetan Society. Don’t Laugh at Women’s Hardship, she regularly posts poems on WeChat groups dedicated to women’s issues (Schneider 2019). In an interview, she explains why she thinks women’s rights are directly related to her life and artwork:

• 41 Gelongma Palmo was an Indian nun who contracted leprosy and later in life achieved enlightenment; s (...)
• 42 Machig Labdrön was first married and later in life lived as a renunciant; she is the only Tibetan f (...)
• 43 Ḍākinīs (Tib. mkha’ ’gro ma) are female “saints” in Tibetan Buddhism; see Schneider 2015.

36Pekar conceives that, unlike men, women have to spend more time taking care of and educating their children, but that this is also a rewarding task because it benefits society at large. However, besides this, she thinks that women can also take on other responsibilities just like men, but that they have to work harder than men. In her view, women continue to suffer from the notion of men being superior and women inferior. From the Buddhist perspective, these sufferings can be overcome through the practice of accumulating virtue and purifying negative deeds, as shown by several renowned female religious practitioners from the past such as Gelongma Palmo (dGe slong ma dPal mo, 10^th to 11^th century)⁴¹, Machig Labdrön (Ma gcig lab sgron, 1055-1149)⁴², and many ḍākinīs⁴³ who appeared in Tibet. But in modern times, in her view, women can only express their sufferings through their intellect and education. She also draws on examples from the West, such as the artists Camille Claudel, who was forcibly placed in psychiatric internment, and Frida Kahlo, who suffered not only from spina bifida but also from the consequences of a tragic car accident, making her bedridden for much of her short life. As for Pekar herself, she mentioned that both women were abused by their husbands, and the artwork of both was not adequately valued while they were alive. Moreover, Pekar feels close to Frida Kahlo because she has also used her artwork to express feelings about the oppression of women. However, as a Buddhist, Pekar also sees religious practice as a means to channel out these sufferings to avoid them becoming unbearable.

• 44 She refers, by the way, to Monsal Pekar’s book (2004), where the author criticises the same custom (...)
• 45 See introduction to the blog post of Jamyang Kyi (2008).

38The singer and writer Ms Jamyang Kyi (born 1967) is another outspoken female gender activist who has published a book on women’s issues (’Jam dbyangs skyid 2008) as well as several exposés and blog posts. She is highly critical of the patriarchy, which can still be found in modern Tibetan society. She especially draws attention to rural communities where male dominance is widespread. She invites her readers – especially young college women – to question certain customs, such as the treatment of women as “servants at home”, or demanding that married women wear particular ornaments, such as the apron in Ü-Tsang, coral and amber pieces in Kham and hair plaits in Amdo, as if they are the property of their husbands (Jamyang Kyi 2014)⁴⁴. She has also published on the issue of the sex trade and its associated risks for the women engaged in it, as well as for the wives whose husbands bring sexually transmitted diseases into the home. Furthermore, she has raised the issue of rape and the fact that men generally go unpunished for this crime⁴⁵. Ms Jamyang Kyi, like other women we have seen, draws as well on Western feminist writers, such as Simone de Beauvoir, whose work has been translated into Chinese.

• 46 Interestingly, Cirenpianduo (Tsering Phentok, Tshe ring phan thogs), a Tibetan lawyer and legal res (...)
• 47 Personal communication, August 2019.
• 48 rNga nag mo gnyis de brdung dgos/ (Ra se dkon mchog rgya mtsho 2003, p. 168).

39Domestic violence, and especially intimate partner violence, is a topic frequently addressed by feminists in the Western world. However, researchers have also highlighted that in many societies, it is considered a private or family matter which is therefore difficult to discuss and denounce in public, including the Tibetan context (Rajan 2018, p. 4). According to Ms Sang Mota, a former domestic violence counsellor from Amdo now living in the US, it “is not only personally considered shameful, but cultural norms further dictate that it is a disgrace to the family to speak about such issues outside the family unit” (Sang Mota 2020b). Although China passed its first Domestic Violence Law in 2015, a law that took effect a year later, only a few of the women I spoke to spontaneously mentioned domestic violence⁴⁶. Ms Yumtsho, a designer working in Chengdu and Lhasa, was one of them. She recalls that during a visit to her hometown in Amdo for Losar (lo gsar; New Year) one year, the celebrations were suddenly halted upon learning of a neighbouring woman’s passing. According to rumours, she had been beaten to death by her husband. The incident was deeply frightening for Yumtsho, yet “among the villagers, it was perceived as a common issue rather than something very serious or surprising”⁴⁷. She also remembers the numerous times when female relatives or friends came to seek refuge at her place in Chengdu after having been violently beaten by their husbands. According to research by Hamsa Rajan (2018), wife beating is not necessarily regarded as abuse in Tibetan society; it is only considered undesirable in extreme cases or when accompanied by other forms of non-physical abuse. Several proverbs express the idea of a man beating his wife as justified; to name just one: the saying “Drums and women should be beaten” frames those who beat women as “able men”⁴⁸.

• 49 See Phayul 2020.

40However, in September 2019, when a tragic femicide occurred in Drango (Brag ’go) County, where a husband killed his wife, Tsewang Lhamo (Tshe dbang lha mo), for refusing to reconcile with him after he had an affair with another married woman, discussions on domestic violence went viral on WeChat groups such as “Today’s Women” or “Great Women” (Sang Mota 2020b; Robin 2019). Furthermore, following the incident, more cases were uncovered, shared, and discussed through videos and blog posts. One year later, another tragic incident occurred: the ex-husband of Lhamo, a well-known Tibetan female vlogger, poured petrol on her and burned her to death in front of the camera (Sang Mota 2020b; Tenzin Dharpo 2020). The horror provoked by the scene sparked debates on domestic violence among Tibetans, in Tibet and in exile (Choekyi Lhamo 2020), as well as by Chinese women, who raised the fact that the victim had sought help from the authorities on several occasions (Chen 2020). However, some Tibetans in exile were also attempting to mute the debate by pointing to the fact that the husband was a Chinese or a “half-breed”, implying that only a Chinese person could do such a terrible thing to a Tibetan, thereby trying to deny that domestic violence and femicide also happen in the Tibetan community⁴⁹.

• 50 One interviewee evoked the name “Association of grandmas” (rmo rmo tshogs pa).
• 51 Several more ladies from His Holiness’s family were active in the beginning of the TWA, namely Ms J (...)

42When His Holiness the 14^th Dalai Lama fled into exile in India in March 1959, he was followed by some of the Tibetan women who were formerly members of the Patriotic Women’s Association in Lhasa and had participated in the Women’s Uprising in March 1959. Due to the struggle for survival, the first decades in exile were not very conducive to (re-)establishing such a women’s association, even though an attempt was made in Kalimpong: after asking for advice from various lamas, several women organised long-life prayer groups (Butler 2003)⁵⁰. In 1984, when Tibetans were preparing to commemorate twenty-five years in exile, a subgroup of the NGO Tibetan Youth Congress also proposed to celebrate the Women’s Uprising. Supported by the Dalai Lama, it was decided to launch the Tibetan Women’s Association (in short, TWA; Tib. Bod pa’i bud med tshogs pa). The first General Body meeting took place in April 1985, and 200 to 300 women from all over the diaspora in India and Nepal attended and pledged to adopt the constitution, rules, and regulations. They elected the first Central Executive, with Ms Rinchen Khandro Choegyal (Rin chen mkha’ ’gro chos rgyal), the sister-in-law of the Dalai Lama, becoming its first president⁵¹. With its headquarters in Dharamsala, the Central Executive is democratically elected every three years and supplemented by fifty-eight regional chapters all over India, Kathmandu, and in Europe and North America. Furthermore, in 1987, the Tibetan Nuns Project was established under the auspices of the TWA and the Department of Religion and Culture; it later became independent with its own offices and financial means (Schneider 2013, pp. 185-189).

• 52 This included over twenty preparatory, regional and other meetings (Butler 2003).
• 53 Two reports were published by the TWA for the occasion: Tears of Silence. Tibetan Women and Chinese (...)
• 54 Some attendees to the conference have published their testimonies; see Kelsang Wangmo 1995; Tibetan (...)

44In 1995, the TWA reached a turning point when some of its members successfully participated in the Fourth UN Conference on Women in Beijing⁵². Initially, the TWA, along with seven other NGOs, applied for accreditation but was rejected. However, nine Tibetan women with Western passports were able to attend as representatives at the parallel NGO conference. With the support of other women and the media, they staged a protest at the Forum site, drawing attention to human rights abuses committed against Tibetan women – particularly political imprisonment, forced sterilisation, and abortion⁵³ – as well as broader violations against Tibetans in their occupied homeland⁵⁴.

• 55 A Women’s Issues Desk existed in the 1980s as part of the Department of Information and Internation (...)

46In addition to the TWA, a Women’s Empowerment Desk (Bud med nus shugs spel ba’i srid byus) was established in 2006 by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and then-Prime Minister Samdhong Rinpoche (Zam gdong rin po che). Its aim is “to ensure gender perspectives are incorporated in the design, implementation, and monitoring of all of CTA’s program activities” (Women’s Empowerment Desk 2019)⁵⁵. To achieve this, it oversees and implements the Tibetan Women’s Empowerment Policy, which was drafted in 2008 and revised in 2017. Functioning as a donor-dependent project, the Women’s Empowerment Desk (hereafter WED) was initially placed under the authority of the Home Department, before being transferred to the Social and Resource Development Fund (SARD) under the Finance Department – a decision that many interviewees have found somewhat curious.

• 56 Most of the funds for the Women’s Empowerment Desk come from the Norwegian Church Aid.
• 57 Niepraschk 2010. A similar statement can be found in the introduction of the first Women’s Empowerm (...)
• 58 Ms B. Tsering, former president of the TWA, as well as former parliamentarian and principal of the (...)

47According to some informants, the WED was initially put in place as a condition for receiving foreign funds and was thus not an initiative taken by Tibetans⁵⁶. Some hesitation about the project was even expressed during the first symposium on Women’s Empowerment organised in 2010 by the 13^th Kashag (Cabinet) to present the new policy. In his keynote address, then-Prime Minister (bka’ blon khri pa) Samdhong Rinpoche stated that since the beginning of human civilisation in Tibet, Tibetans in their entire history have not experienced problems such as gender inequality or gender oppression and exploitation. Furthermore, he added that “the core objective of the women empowerment programme is not to demand rights for the women, but to invoke and activate the inherent power of womanhood”⁵⁷. Whatever this might mean, in subsequent years, many Tibetan women have pointed out the fact that the Women’s Empowerment Policy (hereafter WEP) actually denies that gender discrimination exists, and instead relies on gender stereotypes (Tenzin Palkyi & Tenzin Dickyi 2013, p. 34; Editorial board of The Tibetan Political Review 2013⁵⁸), leading to its more recent revision in 2017 by the next Cabinet, led by Sikyong Lobsang Sangay (srid skyong blo bzang seng ge).

• 59 The Women’s Empowerment Conference in 2017 had been advertised as the very first one, which is actu (...)

48Alongside drafting a new policy, the Central Tibetan Administration (hereafter CTA) organised a Women’s Empowerment Conference in early 2017⁵⁹. More than 340 people attended, including the Justice Commissioners, the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, as well as numerous Cabinet members and other officials. Highlighting the steady increase in women’s representation within Tibetan administrative bodies, the Prime Minister stated that the conference’s vision extended beyond gender equality, aiming to strengthen women’s roles in all socio-economic and political activities. As part of his commitment to women’s empowerment, he also announced the establishment of a new Tibetan Women’s Day to be celebrated on the 12^th of March (Yangchen Dolma 2017). However, neither the conference itself nor the announcement of a “new” women’s day was met with great enthusiasm by Tibetan women. Several pointed out the lack of women on the conference panels, and the Tibetan Feminist Collective (which we will discuss later) even described the event as “a bunch of men ‘mansplaining’ from their high-up seats” (Jigme Wangchuk 2017). Furthermore, the decision to designate the 12^th of March as Tibetan Women’s Day – effectively replacing the historical commemoration of the Tibetan Women’s Uprising in Lhasa – was widely criticised by the TWA and many individual women (Tenzin Monlam 2018). Not only, it was said, does it undermine the role women have played in the Tibetan freedom struggle, but it also does not add anything to International Women’s Day on the 8^th of March, which Tibetan women are used to celebrating in their own way (Tenzin Sangmo 2018). Despite repeated criticism and a lack of support from most women, the Cabinet pushed the issue forward and, in the following years, the 12^th of March became Tibetan Women’s Day, before becoming Tibetan Women’s Uprising Day again in 2022 with the arrival of a new Cabinet (Tenzin Lekdhen 2022a) (fig. 5).

• 60 For the videos on Youtube and Facebook, see Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy 2020 and (...)

49Since its inception, the Women’s Empowerment Office has worked closely with the Tibetan Women’s Association, organising gender awareness workshops, leadership training for women, awareness programmes on sexual and reproductive health rights in the various Tibetan settlements and schools in India, as well as gender analysis and monitoring for the various CTA departments. Moreover, together they have launched research projects on Tibetan women and published several reports based on their findings. Both have also collaborated with the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), a non-profit organisation committed to advancing human rights and democracy in Tibet and the exiled Tibetan community. In 2018, the TCHRD submitted recommendations to the Cabinet for the new Tibetan Women’s Empowerment Policy, stressing that it must be viewed from a human rights standpoint and, to that end, take a stronger stance on sexual and gender-based violence (Tenzin Dharpo 2018). Consequently, to raise awareness among the Tibetan community, it joined the UN campaign “16 Days of Activism” designed to combat gender-based violence, by organising a webinar panel discussion with experts and showcasing daily videotaped testimonies of Tibetan victims on social media (Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy 2020)⁶⁰. Using the framework of human rights to address domestic and gender-based violence in this way has been effective, as evidenced by the number of discussions and comments generated during the 2020 campaign. Most express compassion and sympathy for the victims and disgust towards the perpetrators. However, some accused the TCHRD of denouncing Tibetan exile families instead of supporting Tibetans in Tibet. Furthermore, there were cases of victim-blaming for not using proper Tibetan language.

• 61 Another such project, designed to develop vocabulary and translate terms relating to domestic viole (...)

50Common interests and the need for more professional support have also pushed these three Tibetan women’s institutions to approach and collaborate with Jagori Grameen Charitable Trust, an Indian NGO working on gender-related issues. Founded and run by the famous Indian feminist activist and writer Kamla Basin, who has played a leading role in the women’s rights movement in South Asia, Jagori is located not far from Dharamsala, in the village of Rakkar. Besides running a shelter for women who have experienced domestic violence, it regularly organises women’s empowerment and gender equality workshops, from which several Tibetan women and men have benefitted. The success of this venture has prompted the TCHRD to translate several of Kamla Basin’s books into Tibetan, which it distributes free of charge to the community (fig. 6). To my knowledge, it is also one of the few attempts to translate gender-related concepts into Tibetan currently in existence⁶¹.

• 62 The Central Tibetan Administration in exile has also a Justice Commission with local branches but, (...)

54Cases of gender-based and domestic violence within the Tibetan community, when they came to light, used to be dealt with internally, that is, through customary rules and personal revenge. However, with the support of the Tibetan Legal Association, both the TWA and the WED have tried their best for several years to raise awareness among the community that such cases need to be reported and dealt with according to Indian law⁶². In addition, since 2020, they have set up a Women’s Helpline providing advice, financial support, and short-term accommodation when necessary (fig. 7).

• 63 For her website, see Tenzin Dhardon Sharling, s.d.
• 64 The topic of gender has been discussed during the annual Machik Weekend (https://www.machikweekend. (...)
• 65 Kunsang Dolma’s website can be found here: https://yimbe.wordpress.com/.

55The progress and intensification of institutional work to promote and protect women’s empowerment can also be attributed to the commitment of individual women, many of whom are from a new generation. Better educated and thus more open to the world and new ideas, they have decided to draw attention to gender biases and inequalities found in Tibetan society and culture, by starting discussions on women’s empowerment and feminism during formal and informal events, and by publishing articles on websites and on social networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram). It is these women, aged in their twenties or thirties, who are the least likely to shy away from openly claiming to be feminists. To name but a few, Ms Tenzin Dhardon Sharling, former research and media executive at the TWA and twice elected to the Tibetan parliament, has been vocal not only in the journal Dolma, published by the TWA, but also in other Tibetan-run media and on her own website⁶³, as well as through her career in academia (Sharling 2013, 2016, 2022), where she discusses subjects such as feminism, reproductive governance, and online misogyny. Ms Sang Mota, mentioned above, has published on the English-language news website Phayul and participated in Tibetan discussion rounds on domestic violence and sexual harassment, as well as on the unfair treatment of widows, who are often considered impure (Sang Mota 2020a). Besides their work on behalf of women in Tibet, the two sisters, Dr. Losang Rabgye and Dr. Tashi Rabgye, founders of the above-mentioned NGO Machik, have been running workshops and round tables discussing gender-based violence and equity for exiled Tibetans⁶⁴. Their multiple engagements have earned them not only the EPIC Educator Award in 2020 but also the “Meritorious Service Cross” awarded by Canada’s Governor General in 2023 (Tsering Dhundup 2024). As for Ms Kunsang Dolma, originally from Amdo, now living in the US, she is one of the first women to have publicly spoken out about her experiences of rape and domestic abuse in her autobiography, A Hundred Thousand White Stones (2013). She has since given several interviews for Tibetan newspapers in English, such as Phayul and Tibet Sun, to draw attention to the abuse of women; moreover, she has published posts in Tibetan on her website⁶⁵.

• 66 The initial website with some articles can be found here: https://tibetanfeministcollective.wordpre (...)
• 67 Reserving the right to review all submissions before publishing them, the editorial board made it c (...)
• 68 Kaysang is a poet. In many of her poems, she defends her feminist activism by relating it to the na (...)

56One of the first groups, and until now the only one to explicitly use the term “feminist” was the Tibetan Feminist Collective (TFC; Bod kyi mo rtsod ring lugs lhan tshogs). Founded in 2015 by several young Tibetan women from India and the United States (Whitaker 2016), it mainly operated through a multimedia platform run by an Editorial Board and supplemented with accounts on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram⁶⁶. Providing space for women to share their narratives on patriarchal norms, opinions on attitudes towards gender in Tibetan culture and society, and feminism, authors were invited to submit their ideas in articles, which could be discussed further through a reply function managed by the Editorial Board⁶⁷. Claiming an “intersectional” approach to feminism (Tibetan Feminist Collective Editorial Board 2017), subjects ranged from observations of gender stereotypes and inequalities to discussions on types of feminism desirable for Tibetan society, including queer identities. In her article “Good Tibetan women”, for example, the young feminist activist Ms Kaysang, one of the board members⁶⁸, reflects critically on the expectations of obedience that women face in society, and the double standard applied when people say that women are equal to men, whereas in practice everyone judges women’s behaviour in terms of good or bad, right or wrong (Kaysang 2015). She draws further attention to the many household chores which women are expected to manage without complaint, and attacks the dress code, which requires women to wear chupa (phyu pa; traditional Tibetan dress) on official occasions and at work, while men can wear any appropriate dress that they choose (ibid.). As for Ms Yeshi Dolkar, a professor at the Dalai Lama’s Institute of Higher Education, she points out the irony of the imposition of the traditional chupa in one of her poems and discusses how, although she enjoys wearing it, its obligation has become an “oppression”, as she puts it (Yeshi Dolkar 2015). During my conversations with Tibetan women, many more pointed out the absurdity of this unwritten rule. However, under pressure from the community, attempts to stop complying with it have so far been to no avail.

• 69 The article is no longer available, but the author had the opportunity to read it shortly after it (...)
• 70 The post is no longer available on the internet.

60The Tibetan Feminist Collective introduced a new, creative, and collaborative way of discussing gender and feminist issues within the community, taking up issues already addressed by institutions, filling in what it saw as gaps, and offering support to women in need. However, it finally decided to close down the website and all other social media accounts in April 2019 after several members were severely attacked, and some even received death threats. The reason for the sudden fuss was an article published on TFC’s website in 2019⁶⁹ on a recurring topic concerning His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who had spoken out in the Western media about the possibility of his incarnation in female form, including the detail that she should be good-looking (Vaidyanathan 2019; Fieldstadt 2019). His statement had drawn criticism from around the world, particularly in feminist circles. The Tibetan Feminist Collective had also issued a declaration earlier in 2015 when the topic came up for the first time, explaining carefully why His Holiness should still be considered a feminist, not a misogynist, and how to understand the attribute of “good-looking” or “attractive” in the Tibetan Buddhist context, where a pleasing appearance is supposed to help spread the deeper meaning of the doctrine (Tibetan Feminist Collective 2015a, 2018). This time, however, the article’s message was less nuanced, and some Tibetans perceived it as an attack on their spiritual leader and therefore on the entire community. Their reaction on social media was prompt and aggressive, something that had already been seen in some political contexts, for example, against all those who defend an approach that is less conciliatory than the Middle Way advocated by His Holiness. Two board members were personally attacked when their photos were posted on Facebook, accompanied by the following comment: “Are these women behind the curtain attacking His Holiness? What do their parents think?”⁷⁰.

• 71 Dechen Tsering 2020.

61Other groups working to empower women are continuing their activities, however. ACHA Himalayan Sisterhood, a US-registered volunteer group, was founded after the Tenzingang incident in 2011 and works to address sexual and gender-based violence. As Ms Dechen Tsering, one of the co-founders, remarks in a webinar, it is necessary to stop victim shaming and blaming, as even children can be sexually abused⁷¹. The group aims to help Tibetan and Himalayan immigrant survivors of domestic violence in the Bay Area and New York, and also supports programmes for women in refugee settlements in India and Nepal. The name acha (a cag) translates as “elder sister”, thus referring to the idea of sorority.

• 72 It is useful to specify here that most of the Tibetan children in India go to boarding schools run (...)

62In India, the NGO Drokmo (’brog mo) – meaning “nomad woman” – was founded by two young feminist activists: Ms Kaysang (co-founder of the TFC) and Ms Pelyoun in 2018. In collaboration with the Women’s Empowerment Desk, the two women have travelled to Tibetan communities in India to carry out research into awareness of reproductive and sexual health, as well as on sexual violence against children. While discussing these topics with many youngsters from different backgrounds, they became aware that sexual education in Tibetan schools was still very rudimentary⁷², and concepts such as gender, feminism and patriarchy were only rarely understood. At the same time, they met many victims. The data Drokmo collected proved that, contrary to general opinion, gender-based violence was in fact rampant in Tibetan communities: out of 401 Tibetan children they interviewed, 151 had experienced sexual violence in some form. According to their study, 73 percent of the children concerned were abused by people they knew, such as family members, classmates, housemates, schoolteachers, staff, or family friends (Drokmo 2019). Drokmo was thus founded with the aim of raising awareness and drawing attention to gender injustices and biases, especially among schoolchildren and young adults. It has run workshops in Tibetan schools all over India on topics such as sexuality and reproductive health, menstrual hygiene, child sexual abuse prevention, and sexual and gender-based violence. Drokmo also regularly publishes easily understandable articles on its social media accounts about feminism, intersectionality, and gender-based violence, and organises feminist reading circles for people interested in learning more. Last but not least, thanks to financial assistance from the Tibet Fund, it has distributed several scholarships to young girls from poor families who otherwise would not have been able to pursue their studies.