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Marie de Guise and Cultural Transfers

Introduction : Marie de Guise as a Conduit: Cultural exchanges between Lorraine, France and Scotland (1536-1560)

Introduction: Marie de Guise : une passeuse culturelle entre la Lorraine, la France et l'Écosse (1536-1560)
Armel Dubois-Nayt

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1In his book on Scotland and Europe: The Medieval Kingdom and its Contacts with Christendom, 1214-1560, David Ditchburn notes that medieval cartographers often positioned Scotland as an isolated country on the edge of the known world.1 This is the case for instance on the thirteenth-century mappa mundi kept in Hereford Cathedral where Scotland is depicted as a self-standing island. The map chosen to illustrate the cover of this issue of Études Epistémè, the Portolan chart of Europe drafted by Georgio Sideri called Calopoda in 1560, stands in sharp contrast with this representation of Scotland’s isolation2: it emphasises both the proximity of the British Isles to the continent but also the existence of Scotland on the European scene.

  • 3 Eric Durot, « Le crépuscule de l’Auld Alliance: la légitimité du pouvoir en question entre Écosse, (...)

2The evolution between these two representations of Scotland – the former, which dates back to when the first alliance treaty was signed with France in 1295, and the latter, drawn at a time that Eric Durot has called “the twilight of the Auld Alliance” (1558-1561) – also illustrates the tighter links between Scotland and parts of Europe starting with France.3 The French and the Scots were not only tied militarily by the successive treaties of the Auld Alliance but they developed over the centuries strong cultural, intellectual and commercial bonds. By the time of James IV, if we base our calculations on the speed of correspondence, Tours was five and half weeks away from Edinburgh and goods and people travelled from Scotland to France and from France to Scotland on a daily basis: Scottish fish, hides, leather, iron, lead, silver were exported while French wine, spices, ready-made clothes, soft furnishings, jewellery, artwork and books were imported. Along with the foreign goods, foreign merchants, foreign sailors, foreign fishermen, foreign craftsmen, foreign labourers, foreign artists and foreign musicians were a feature of ordinary life in Scotland, Lorraine and France.

  • 4 Edith Bannerman, Les influences françaises en Écosse au temps de Marie Stuart, Besançon, impr. Jacq (...)
  • 5 Stephen Wood, The Auld Alliance: Scotland and France – The Military Connection, Edinburgh, Mainstre (...)
  • 6 R. D. S. Jack, “The French Connection: Scottish and French Literature in the Renaissance,” Scotia, (...)
  • 7 Sally Rush, “French Fashion in Sixteenth-Century Scotland: The 1539 Inventory of James V’s Wardrobe (...)
  • 8 S. G. E Lythe, The Economy of Scotland in its European Setting, 1550-1625, Wesport Conn, Greenwood (...)
  • 9 Elizabeth Bonner, “French Naturalization of the Scots in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” Hi (...)

3These bonds have been studied from a great variety of angles. Edith Bannerman’s doctoral dissertation on the French influences in Scotland at the time of Mary Queen of Scots was pioneering.4 Since then, Stephen Wood has focused on the military connections between France and Scotland; Duncan Macmillan, Richard Fawcett, Ian Campbell, John Harrison and Charles Mackean have looked at the continental influences on Scottish architecture and compared the politics of architecture in several European countries5; R.D.S. Jack, Sergi Mainer and Priscilla Bawcutt have analysed the French connection in Scottish literature, while Stanford Reid has turned the Reformation in Scotland and France into a case study in sixteenth-century communication.6 Sally Rush has studied French fashion in sixteenth-century Scotland.7 S.G.E. Lythe has replaced the economy of Scotland in its European setting and in-depth research has been carried out on emigration and immigration between the two countries for career opportunities in the case of soldiers, for intellectual reasons in the case of students or scholars or for religious reasons in the case first of Scottish Protestants and later of Scottish Catholics and French Huguenots.8 Franco-Scottish individuals from the nobility who had double titles, double nationalities and double careers have also aroused academic interest.9 But while this scholarship has shown the pervasiveness of cultural exchanges between the two nations, it has also revealed that these connections were not always as simple and straightforward as they might have first seemed. This is the case for instance with Kirkcaldy of Grange, John Knox’s friend and partner in the siege of Saint Andrews Castle following the murder of Cardinal Beaton (1546), whose Franco-Scottish career will be further discussed by Eric Durot in this issue of Études Épistémè. Grange in fact epitomizes the complexity of the Franco-Scottish bonds at the time of the Reformation. After his captivity on the French galleys along with Knox, he drew attention to himself in a tournament in France and was offered to serve in the French army by Henry II. He then established a fine reputation for his skills and bravery in the war of Picardie under the command of Anne de Montmorency. To make matters more intriguing, Grange, during his time in France, was also employed as a secret agent spying on France by the advisers of Edward VI.

  • 10 John Macqueen, Humanism in Renaissance Scotland, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1990.
  • 11 L. A. J. R. Houwen, A. A. MacDonald and S. L. Mapstone, A Palace in the Wild: Essays on Vernacular (...)
  • 12 James Kirk, “The Influence of Calvinism on the Scottish Reformation,” Records of the Scottish Churc (...)
  • 13 I. D. McFarlane, “George Buchanan and European Humanism,” The Yearbook of English Studies, 1985, 15 (...)

4The circulation of ideas has also been at the centre of numerous studies. Renaissance Scottish humanism has been reappraised as a manifestation of a Northern European intellectual movement in John Macqueen’s book10 and in the essays published in A Palace in the Wild.11 James Kirk has looked into the influence of Calvinism on the Scottish Reformation.12 Historians of political ideas starting with I. D. McFarlane, J. H. Burns, Roger A. Mason, Francis Oakley, and Arthur Williamson have researched the convergence of early modern theories developed in France and Scotland by Scotsmen such as John Mair, John Knox or George Buchanan and their French counterparts Jean Gerson, Claude Seysell, and François Hotman, to name but a few.13 Conciliarism, kingship and queenship, the advocacy of constitutional monarchy or tyrannicide have not only been analysed as national theories but also as specifically Franco-Scottish constructions.

  • 14 The initial conference took place in October 2015 in Bar-le-Duc and the second in Reims in February (...)
  • 15 Robert Muchembled, Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, (...)
  • 16 Pamela E. Ritchie, Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548-1560: A Political Career, East Linton, Tuckwell (...)
  • 17 Michel Duchein, Histoire d’Écosse, Paris, Fayard, 1998, p. 212.
  • 18 John Guy, Queen of Scots: The True Life of Mary Stuart, Boston and New York, Mariner Books, 2005, p (...)

5The six papers presented here stem from a conference entitled “Marie de Guise as a conduit between her Lorraine, France, and Scotland” that was held at the University of Versailles-Saint-Quentin in June 2017. This one-day conference was the last event of a cycle of three initiated by Annette Bächstädt, Christine Sukic and Thomas Nicklas at the University in Reims, in collaboration with the University of Lorraine.14 The present collection explores the cultural exchanges between France and Scotland rather than simply cultural transfers from France to Scotland. In other words, it calls into question the notion that, through Marie de Guise, France would be an “active giver” in this process and Scotland only a “passive receiver.”15 As pointed out by historian Robert Muchembled, the dichotomy between giver and receiver seldom exists as such in transcultural history and, clearly, it does not apply to exchange processes between France and Scotland in the sixteenth century. Marie de Guise learnt the limits of a reductive conception of cultural transfers the hard way when she failed to have the French-style tax reform adopted by the Scottish Parliament who felt it was a foreign imposition.16 More generally, her attempts to “francize” Scotland, largely account for her eventual fall.17 Much of her agenda derived from Henri II’s grand design to build a Franco-Scottish Empire and to appropriate the Kingdom of Scotland as its self-declared “Protector” through the treaty of Fontainebleau.18

  • 19 This phenomenon has been explained in the case of France by Alain Tallon, Conscience nationale et s (...)
  • 20 R. Muchembled, op. cit., p. 5.

6But this imperial attitude did not prevent other cultural elements or ideas, which circulated from France to Scotland, from being incorporated into local culture between the time Marie de Guise was consort and that of her regency. When the two kingdoms eventually turned against one another, cultural exchanges became confrontational and fostered Scottish national consciousness and confessional rebellion.19 In fact, it could be argued that the Scots’ self-invention in the 1560s was built on their rejection of French influence, a process reminiscent of their rejection of English influence before the Anglo-Scottish war (also known as the Rough Wooing). This process of self-fashioning, by contrast, is in itself a ramification of the cultural transfer that lies at the core of this collection of essays. Marie de Guise’s regency illustrates the nature of exchange processes described by Robert Muchembled in the early modern period. Those transfers did not “necessarily lead to culture mixtures and hybrids” but could mean the construction “of one’s own culture.”20

  • 21 Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly and Adam Norton, Queens Consort, Cultural Transfer and European Politics, c. (...)
  • 22 Ibid.

7Yet cultural transfer was a central part of the task Marie de Guise was expected to take up when she consented to become the consort of James V, the King of Scots. As Queens Consort, Cultural Transfer and European Politics, c. 1500-1800 has demonstrated, “Queen consorts were vital facilitators of cultural transfer in early modern Europe.”21 In some instances, they were precisely chosen “because they had international networks on which to draw.”22 They brought materials, objects of culture, fashion, tastes and ideas from their natal courts to their marital ones. For a certain length of time – that is before their acculturation, if it ever took place – their exoticism enhanced their husbands’ magnificence. Queen consorts were, however, placed in a difficult position: chosen for their differences and displayed for their “foreignness,” they were also expected to integrate visibly and sometimes linguistically or religiously as a sign of respect to the culture in which they had married. Last but not least, they were expected to produce an heir, preferably male, who would take after his father and his culture. This is where Marie de Guise struggled most for she gave birth to a female heir that was brought up in Guise’s natal land, as opposed to her marital one, and in the Catholic religion, while her kingdom had converted to the Reformed faith. This however only took place after Marie de Guise had stood as a defender of Scotland during the Rough Wooing (1544-1551) waged to force Scotland to agree to a dynastic union with the English Tudors.

  • 23 Ibid., p. 3-4.

8Marie’s contribution to Scottish and French national destinies can also be articulated through the qualifiers suggested by Watanabe-O’Kelly and Norton: she was at the same time an agent of cultural and political influence, an instrument manipulated by others (the king of France and her Guise relatives), and a catalyst which allowed exchanges to happen around her.23

9To reveal the complexity of Scottish national consciousness and its positioning towards France at the time Marie de Guise arrived in Scotland (1538), the collection of essays opens on a contribution by art historian Bryony Coombs, which revisits the dual identity of the Franco-Scot Robert Stuart d’Aubigny through architectural evidence. It goes back to a time not that distant from the Scottish Reformation rebellion (1515-1544), when a Scottish commander could hold the prestigious position of Maréchal de France (Marshal of France) at the French court without hurting the sensibility of the French native aristocracy. Such congeniality was not reciprocated in Scotland at the time of Marie de Guise’s regency: when Marie appointed her French councillors Bartholomew de Villemore and Yves de Rubay comptroller and vice-chancellor respectively, she encountered strong opposition.

  • 24 P. E. Ritchie, op. cit., p. 125.

10The resentment cannot be explained by fears that the French might outnumber the Scots in Marie’s council since the regent was careful not to appoint more than three French men to positions of power in Scotland throughout her regency.24 Yet it can make sense if we consider the changes in political context and particularly the French military presence at a time when the Scottish Lords were working for the reformation of the Church of Scotland through Parliament. Robert Stuart’s success in conciliating his allegiance to both his kings was greatly facilitated by them sharing the same religion. This made it possible for him to express his dual identity and lineage in the artwork of his French residences of Aubigny-sur-Nère and La Verrerie through the combination of heraldic symbols and historical figures of both kingdoms. Bryony Coombs also shows that dual nationals such as Robert Stuart had a broader cultural influence, as they could also act as conduits between a third culture, Italian Renaissance aesthetics in Stuart’s case, and their natal and/or adopted lands.

11The comings and goings on the routes of architectural exchanges over the period 1535-1565 are also at the core of the Ian Campbell’s essay, in which he challenges the once accepted view that James V’s French marriages led to an unprecedented interlude of cultural enrichment in Scotland that was soon forgotten. Campbell goes back to James IV’s taste for continental Renaissance architecture and opposes it to the lack of interest in French or Italian style that his son showed until his marriages. James V’s disinterest is itself revealed through the Tudor-inspired alterations at Holyrood and the old-fashioned ones at Linlithgow. By studying the remodelling of Falkland Palace and Stirling Castle that followed, Campbell also revisits the pivotal role of James V’s bride-seeking expedition throughout Europe, which turned out to be a taste-altering journey for the King. He also identifies the travelling artisans (Moyse Martyne, William Smibert and Piers Rouen, Drummond of Mylnab, Nicholas Roy, John Scrymgeour, Thomas French, …) who acted as cultural transmitters. He explores the sources of influence and their structural details, as well as the routes and the space covered, well beyond France, to map them more accurately than previous studies had done. Finally, his essay dispels the notion that cultural transfer can be a one-way process, first by bringing to the fore the idiosyncratic elements in the Scottish buildings (Falkland Palace and Stirling Castle) either erected or modernized by James V and Guise, and second, by reasserting the possibility that Linlithgow Palace might have greatly influenced the plans of the châteaux of Écouen and Ancy-Le-Franc. Campbell’s study demonstrates that in attempting to define cultural norms, historians must be careful not to take for granted that some nations – such as France and Italy in the case of the Renaissance – were the be-all and end-all of cultural influence. Reconstructing spatial diffusion of cultural objects, in the broadest sense of the term, is a labyrinthine endeavour that might take some unexpected directions (Portugal, The Habsburg Empire).

12Art historian Sally Rush offers a study of Marie de Guise’s headdresses based on the double portrait of James V and Marie at Blair Castle and the portrait medallions from the Renaissance palace at Stirling. She offers a new reason to consider La Verrerie as a cultural bridge between France and Scotland. This is the occasion for her to illustrate the adoption of elements of Scottish fashion by Marie de Guise in visual representations as well as its figurative political meaning. The chafferon she wears in her portrait carved in wood at Stirling, just like the impressive golden one in the Blair double portrait, contrast in fact with the French hoods or French riding hats still worn by the French ladies at the Scottish court. The bejewelled chafferon crowning her head in the Blair double portrait also illustrates the exquisite craftsmanship of Scottish goldsmiths and the fruitfulness of the combined efforts of French and Scottish gold miners who, through their achievements, increased the appeal of Scotland in the greedy eyes of Henry VIII.

13The chafferon was also a gender-neutral hat symbolizing Scottish national identity. Rush’s analysis of its symbolism from Petrarchan feminine beauty and perfection to virtue supports the argument that in the Blair double portrait, the headdress represents the transfer of authority from the late Scottish king to his French dowager and Marie de Guise’s suitability for the administration of justice if not rule. This point was later explicitly stressed by Claude d’Espence in his funeral sermon, as shown by Amy Blakeway at the end of this issue of Études Epistémè, but Sally Rush suggests that Guise’s ability to rule had been championed in Scotland before, notably in sympathetic places such as the castle of the Catholic earl of Atholl, who was given the portrait as a reward for his hospitality and support, and left to behold a paragon of female virtue and an acculturated dowager, at least in headdress.

  • 25 R. Muchembled, op. cit., p. 20.

14The six essays in this collection share a common interest in the media through which cultural transfer and cultural exchange took shape. The first three discuss some of the most important agents in times of peace such as residences and their “engravings, wood, carvings and etchings” or clothes and accessories, the last three concentrate on the media in time of war (non material goods such as spies, ciphers, propaganda content).25 The first paper to look at more immaterial circulations is by historian Eric Durot who considers how impacting the increased circulation of men and ideas was on Marie’s regime. It confronts the ideal of a culturally unified Franco-Scottish kingdom in which Henry II believed and its rejection by Marie’s subjects who resented it as an attempt to “francize” Scotland. It conversely describes how some Scots with French connections benefited from the open conduit between France and Scotland and turned it to their advantage and to that of England. The role played by confessionalization in the new bonds between Elizabethan England and newly reformed Scotland has long been established, but Durot scrutinizes further the consequences of Henry’s II excessive trust in the Scots on his payroll as well as the movements of key players in the collapse of the Auld Alliance.

  • 26 Francisco Bethencourt and Florike Egmond, Correspondence and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400-1700(...)

15Correspondence was also central to cultural exchanges, as demonstrated by Francisco Bethencourt and Florike Egmond. Letters could be a direct medium through which all sorts of ideas were exchanged between scholars, scientists, merchants, artisans, collectors, noblemen, but also politicians and spies. As both historians suggest in their introduction, “correspondence helped to create an ethos of social groups, to define new fields of research, satisfy administrative enquiries, and articulate feelings.”26 Correspondence also contributed to developing new collaborative writing practices such as cipher writing. This is what mathematician Valérie Nachef and myself argue in our paper about the development of the use of ciphers during the Scottish Reformation Rebellion. This essay looks at Marie de Guise’s use of ciphers to convey information, supposedly safely, from Scotland to France and studies the agents of such exchanges (correspondents, couriers, decipherers) as well as the issues of preserving secrecy at such a sensitive time, a point also made by Durot’s paper. The article assesses the strength of Marie’s codes in early modern terms, the efficiency of the Scots and the English who collaborated to have them broken as well as the spread of disinformation by nascent information services on all sides.

16The volume closes on an essay by historian Amy Blakeway who, for the first time, considers the political importance of the funeral sermon given in Notre Dame de Paris on the occasion of a memorial service held for Marie de Guise, on 12 August 1560 two months after her death. Her article closes the loop by taking us back to France where Marie’s Scottish career was reassessed around the time of the Council of Fontainebleau, which aimed at deciding who would govern the kingdom of France and what would be the royal policy towards Protestants. Amy Blakeway shows the hidden agenda of Claude d’Espence who sought to rehabilitate the Guise family in France, as their growing influence on the French king was disapproved of for sectarian reasons. The Guises were in fact considered by some as “princes étrangers,” not as princes of the blood, and they could easily be mirrored in their sister’s situation who had ruled before them on behalf of a young Monarch and had been challenged. In D’Espence’s sermon, Marie de Guise is celebrated, immediately after her death as a military and religious leader confronted with heresy and the English invader. Blakeway highlights the echoes with the biblical figure of Judith in the past, and those with her brothers at the time the sermon was delivered. But Marie was also praised for her own sake both as a protector of Franco-Scottish bonds and as an example of efficient female rule in front of an audience who, d’Espence suggested, supported the Salic law and the exclusion of women from public government. Marie’s Franco-Scottish career thus finally turned into an opportunity to rehabilitate female rule in France while the exact opposite would later take place in Scotland through John Knox and George Buchanan’s histories. Blakeway’s analysis of D’Espence’s praise is therefore an invitation to look at the debate known as the Querelle des femmes as a transcultural endeavour on the ground that the same examples could be used as pro and contra arguments in different places. The illustrious ladies of one nation turned out to be the bad women of another: this was to some extent the case of Marie de Guise and of her daughter whose roles as conduits between France and Scotland remain matter for discussion.

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Notes

1 David Ditchburn, Scotland and Europe: The Medieval Kingdom and its Contacts with Christendom, 1214-1560, East Linton, Tuckwell Press, 2000, p. 113.

2 National Library of Scotland MS.20995: https://maps.nls.uk/coasts/chart/3952.

3 Eric Durot, « Le crépuscule de l’Auld Alliance: la légitimité du pouvoir en question entre Écosse, France et Angleterre (1558-1561), »  Histoire, Économie et Société, 26e année, 2007, 3-46.

4 Edith Bannerman, Les influences françaises en Écosse au temps de Marie Stuart, Besançon, impr. Jacques et Demontrond, 1929.

5 Stephen Wood, The Auld Alliance: Scotland and France – The Military Connection, Edinburgh, Mainstream, 1989; Norman Macdougall, An Antidote to the English: the Auld Alliance, 1295-1560, East Linton, Tuckwell Press, 2001; Ian Campbell, “A Romanesque Revival and the Early Renaissance in Scotland, c.1380-1513,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 54,1995, p. 302-325; “Linlithgow’s Princely Palace and its influence in Europe,” Architectural Heritage, 5 (1994), p. 1-20; John Harrison and Charles Mackean, “Scotland versus France: the Politics of Architecture in Sixteenth-Century Scotland,” History Scotland, 3.5, Sept/Oct 2003, p. 3-19.

6 R. D. S. Jack, “The French Connection: Scottish and French Literature in the Renaissance,” Scotia, vol. XIII, 1989, p.1-16; Sergi Mainer, “The Adaptation of French Arthurian Romances in Scotland,” in 60 Years at the Institut Français d’Écosse, Edinburgh, Institut Français d’Écosse, 2006, p.132-138; Priscilla Bawcutt, “French Connections? From the Grands Rhétoriqueurs to Clément Marot,” in Graham Caie et al. (eds.), The European Sun: Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Scottish Language and Literature, East Linton, Tuckwell Press, 2001, p. 119-128; Stanford Reid, “Reformation in France and Scotland: A Case Study in Sixteenth-Century Communication,” in W. Fred Graham (ed.), Later Calvinism: International Perspectives, Kirksville, Mo., Truman State University Press, 1994, p. 195-214.

7 Sally Rush, “French Fashion in Sixteenth-Century Scotland: The 1539 Inventory of James V’s Wardrobe,” Furniture History, 42, 2006, p. 1-25.

8 S. G. E Lythe, The Economy of Scotland in its European Setting, 1550-1625, Wesport Conn, Greenwood Press, 1976; Michel Francisque, Les Écossais en France, les Français en Écosse, London, Trübner and Co, 1857, vol. 1 et 2 ; Michael Brander, The Emigrant Scots, Constable, London, 1982; T. C. Smout (ed.), Scotland and Europe, 1200-1850, Edinburgh, John Donald, 1986; Alexia Grosjean and Steve Murdoch, Scottish Communities abroad in the Early Modern Period, Leiden, Brill, 2005; J.- L. Carr, Histoire du Collège des Écossais, Paris, Association Franco-Écossaise, 1962; Michel Bideaux et Marie-Madeleine Fragonard, Les Échanges entre les universités européennes à la Renaissance, Droz, Genève, 2003; Julian Russel, “The Last Students at the Scots College, Douai,” Innes Review, 58. 2, Nov. 2007, p. 222-225; D. E. Easson, “French Protestants in Edinburgh,” Huguenot Society Proceedings, 18, 1950, pp. 325-344; Anthony Springall, “A Huguenot Community in Scotland: the Weavers of Picardy,” Huguenot Society Proceedings, 27, 1998, p. 97–109; Matthew Glozier, “Huguenots and Scots: Some Seventeenth-Century Theological, Social and Military Connexions,” Huguenot Society Proceedings, 27, 2002, p. 692–704; David Dobson, Huguenot and Scots Links, 1575-1775, Baltimore, Clearfield Company, 2005; Robert Nash, “The Huguenots of Scotland,” Journal of the Sidney Society for Scottish History, 16 September 2016, p. 111-124; Elizabeth A. Bonner, “Continuing the `Auld Alliance' in the sixteenth century: Scots in France and French in Scotland,” in Grant G. Simpson (ed.), The Scottish Soldier Abroad, 1247-1967, Edinburgh, John Donald, 1992. p. 31-46.

9 Elizabeth Bonner, “French Naturalization of the Scots in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” Historical Journal, 40. 4, Dec. 1997, p. 1085-1115; Marie W. Stuart, The Scot Who Was a Frenchman, Being the Life of John Stewart, Duke of Albany in Scotland, France and Italy, London, William Hodge & co., 1940; Dana Bentley-Cranch and Rosalind Marshall, “John Stewart, Duke of Albany, Lord Governor of Scotland, and his Political Role in Sixteenth-Century France: a Reassessment in the Light of New Information,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, v. 133, 2003, p. 293-313.

10 John Macqueen, Humanism in Renaissance Scotland, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1990.

11 L. A. J. R. Houwen, A. A. MacDonald and S. L. Mapstone, A Palace in the Wild: Essays on Vernacular Culture and Humanism in Late-medieval and Renaissance Scotland, Leuven, Peters, 2000.

12 James Kirk, “The Influence of Calvinism on the Scottish Reformation,” Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 18, 1974, p. 157-179.

13 I. D. McFarlane, “George Buchanan and European Humanism,” The Yearbook of English Studies, 1985, 15, Anglo-French Literary Relations Special Number, 1985, p. 33-47; J. H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship: Concepts of Monarchy in Early Modern Scotland, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993; “George Buchanan and the Anti-Monarchomachs” in Roger A. Mason (ed.), Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603, Washington D.C., Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 138-160; Roger A. Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal: Political Thought in Renaissance and Reformation Scotland, East Linton, Tuckwell Press,1998, Francis Oakley, The Conciliarist Tradition: Constitutionalism in the Catholic Church 1300-1870, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008; Arthur H. Williamson, “George Buchanan, Civic Virtue and Commerce: European Imperialism and its Sixteenth Century Critics,” The Scottish Historical Review, 75, 199, part 1, 1996, p. 20-37.

14 The initial conference took place in October 2015 in Bar-le-Duc and the second in Reims in February 2016. The papers presented at the first two conferences have already been published in Annette Bächstädt, Bruno Maes and Christine Sukic (eds.), Marie de Lorraine-Guise (1515-1560): un itinéraire européen, Annales de l’Est, 1, 2017.

15 Robert Muchembled, Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, vol. 4, p. 4.

16 Pamela E. Ritchie, Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548-1560: A Political Career, East Linton, Tuckwell Press, 2002, p. 137; Andrew Lang, A Short History of Scotland, Los Angeles, Enhanced Media, p. 67.

17 Michel Duchein, Histoire d’Écosse, Paris, Fayard, 1998, p. 212.

18 John Guy, Queen of Scots: The True Life of Mary Stuart, Boston and New York, Mariner Books, 2005, p. 36.

19 This phenomenon has been explained in the case of France by Alain Tallon, Conscience nationale et sentiment religieux en France au XVIe siècle, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 2002.

20 R. Muchembled, op. cit., p. 5.

21 Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly and Adam Norton, Queens Consort, Cultural Transfer and European Politics, c.1500-1800, Norton, New York, Routledge, 2017, p. 1.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid., p. 3-4.

24 P. E. Ritchie, op. cit., p. 125.

25 R. Muchembled, op. cit., p. 20.

26 Francisco Bethencourt and Florike Egmond, Correspondence and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400-1700, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 4.

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Armel Dubois-Nayt, « Introduction : Marie de Guise as a Conduit: Cultural exchanges between Lorraine, France and Scotland (1536-1560) »Études Épistémè [En ligne], 37 | 2020, mis en ligne le 06 novembre 2020, consulté le 10 mai 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/episteme/6546 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/episteme.6546

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Armel Dubois-Nayt

Armel Dubois-Nayt is an associate professor at the University of Versailles-Saint-Quentin / Paris-Saclay and a member of DYPAC (Dynamiques patrimoniales et culturelles). Her research interests focus on women’s history and the history of political thought in the sixteenth century both in Scotland and England. She has published several papers on John Knox, George Buchanan, Mary Queen of Scots and Marie de Guise and co-written a book on women, power and nation in Scotland from the sixteenth century to nowadays (Femmes, pouvoir et nation en Écosse du XVIe siècle à aujourd’hui, Lille, Septentrion, 2012). Her research has also explored women’s writings and women’s history writing through the works of Mary Queen of Scots, Ann Dowriche, Arbella Stuart, Lady Margaret Hoby, Ann Clifford and Elizabeth Southwel, as well as the controversy over female rule and more generally the early modern Querelle des femmes.

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