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1. Reconstructing early-modern religious lives: the exemplary and the mundane
I/ Negociating uniformity and conformity

“Lived religion” in Henry's Reformation: the evidence from mass books

Aude DE MÉZERAC-ZANETTI

Résumés

Le schisme de l'Église d'Angleterre et l'avènement de la suprématie royale comme principe ecclésiologique et comme élément structurant de la foi de l'Église en Angleterre dans les années 1530 a nécessité quelques changements dans la prière publique et ainsi affecté le quotidien du clergé et des laïcs. C'est sur ces modifications que se penche cet article en examinant les marginalia, les ajouts et les corrections de manière systématique. Cette étude montre que les pratiques liturgiques ont évolué sous le règne d'Henri VIII et que l'initiative du clergé et des autorités locales laïques ont façonné la réception et la mise en œuvre de la suprématie royale dans les paroisses du royaume. Approcher ce corpus de sources par l'angle de la religion vécue contribue à expliquer le rôle essentiel que la liturgie a joué dans la propagande du régime henricien et fournit des outils herméneutiques qui permettent de mieux comprendre ce qui se jouait dans les actes qui ont présidé à la mise en œuvre de la suprématie royale dans la liturgie : modification des textes par les clercs et contrôle des livres par les juges de paix. Cette approche permet de montrer que la suprématie royale était un élément essentiel de la religion vécue par les sujets d'Henri VIII.

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  • 1 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms Barlow 5, fo. 2v. In modern English this would read: You shall pray fo (...)

The schulleth bidde for the gode mon and the gode wif that this day brouht the loof and the candul and for all thilk that furst hit bigan and lengust halt on. And for alle wymmen that bethe in oure lady byndes that god for his mercy so hem unbynde as hit be best to lyf and to soule and for alle that doth trewlich her tythes and her offringes to god and to holichurch and for all thilke that doth nouht that god for his mercy send hem grace to com to amendement.1

  • 2 The performance of the bidding prayers was subject to much variation and should not be oversimplifi (...)
  • 3 Salisbury Cathedral, MS 148 fo. 11v. For a modern printed edition see C. Wordsworth (22). Dickinson (...)
  • 4 Manuscript examples of “bidding of the bedes” can be found bound in a variety of volumes, e.g. Camb (...)
  • 5 Cambridge, UL, MS Ee. 4. 19, fo. 90.

1Reading from a manuscript missal now held in the Bodleian Library, the priest of a Worcester parish would thus have called on the congregation to pray for their neighbours and relations each Sunday. This paragraph was part of a lengthy pre-Reformation intercessory prayer referred to as the “bidding of the bedes”, or the bidding prayers since each section began with “Thee should bid for” or “Thee shall bid your bedes” (meaning “you shall make your prayers”).2 Here the parishioners interceded for individuals that they probably knew intimately (the family who had brought a candle and the loaf of bread for the ritual of holy bread; pregnant women, and neighbours who paid their tithes as well as they who did not) and they prayed for past and future members of the parish, a more elusive and imagined congregation. This paragraph provides a neat encapsulation of the intersection of the quotidian (praying for neighbours) and the sacred (doctrine of intercession, of grace and salvation in the pre-Reformation Church) in a public ritual. Until 1534, similar general intercessions were read in English after the Sunday procession in cathedrals and in most parish churches, as well as before stand alone sermons delivered from pulpits such as St Paul’s Cross in London.3 The priest led the prayer by reading out intercessory demands for the Church, starting with the pope and ending with the parish priest and clerks, for secular authorities from the king to the local gentry and for the parishioners, including the family who had provided a loaf for holy bread and members of the community undergoing trials and tribulations: pilgrims, pregnant women, debtors and sinners.4 Based on an inverted pyramid structure, the intercessions were, in turn, universal, national, regional and intimately parochial in their scope and as such they reflected and enforced political power structures and social hierarchies. The priest did the reading but the people did the praying. For instance at St Leonard’s Hospital in York the priest concluded each section with: “all say a pater so that these prayers may be herd” or “helpe hertly with a pater and a ave”. The performative power of the prayer rested squarely in the hands of the members of the parish.5

2Late medieval bidding prayers lend themselves well to a scholarly approach of religion which emphasizes worship and ritual, practice and performance by all members of the congregation and one which is concerned with the “framework of meaning that is embedded within any given practice” which is precisely what David Hall has defined as the components of the lived religion approach in his article in Contemporary American Religion. As an area of focus and a set of concerns, it has gained a following amongst historians, sociologists and anthropologists in the last two decades, particularly following the publication of works by historians Robert Orsi and David Hall which have been categorized as a form of cultural anthropology (Richet). Although the concept lacks a uniform definition, sociologist Nancy T. Ammerman has identified “categories of practice that make up the focus for the study of lived religion: embodiment, materiality, and discourse with their cross-cutting emphases on gender and power” (“Lived Religion” 98). In practice, proponents of the term “lived religion” have a broad definition of religion, purposefully expanding what may be considered as belonging to this category. They claim religious phenomena should be encountered as practices and experiences rather than merely as beliefs. They focus on ordinary people and the quotidian (MacGuire 12; Ammerman “Finding Religion”). Finally, these practices and experiences are considered to be deeply connected with the social reality in which they unfold rather than operating in an abstract theological universe or merely as an institutionalized practice. Although actions and choices may seem personal or individual they are often collective practices which were invented, and which then adapt and evolve (Ammerman “Lived Religion” 98). In brief, through investigation and analysis of patterns these practices may be construed as “processes and pathways” and indeed as means of solving conflicts that arise between theological imperatives and social realities (Ammerman “Lived Religion” 99; Hall 57) This article explores how the “lived religion” approach may function as an effective heuristic tool when interpreting marginalia found in books used to perform the liturgy in Henry VIII’s England.

3From 1534, the Henrician regime repeatedly required that priests purge liturgical texts of all references to papal authority. In 1538, services honouring St Thomas of Canterbury (Becket) were also to be discontinued and taken out of missals and breviaries. Firstly, enquiring into the liturgical aspects of Henry’s Reformation reveals that prayer was a prime medium to advertise the royal supremacy as well as manufacture consent for the king’s headship of the church. Traces of use and marginalia in service books are here used as the principal source material. A lived religion approach to this source material brings out the diachronic dimension of the alterations and how they reflect the process by which the royal supremacy was incorporated into worship but also into the faith of clergy and laity. By emphasizing the idea that lived religion accounts for experiences that are innovative without being marginal and reflects how tensions are resolved through practice, this framework foregrounds the complex nature of what was being played out in the act of reforming service-books.

Breaking with Rome in worship

4The experience of worship belongs undisputedly to lived religion, all the more so in the early modern period when Christian liturgy was a structuring element of daily life for all members of society. The case of bidding prayers proves exceptionally apt at recovering the experiential dimension of religion. Such general intercessory prayers were indeed designed to emphasize continuity and to structure interactions between various cultural layers as well as between social groups. Doctrines and religious beliefs were rehearsed and “acted out” by the community in ritual: by praying for kin and foe, saints and sinners, the power of intercessory grace was acknowledged and enacted (Toivo and Katajala-Peltomaa 2). This form of worship was deeply communal, with distinct roles ascribed to clergy and laity. It was a social experience and a public performance. And as performative acts, prayers relied on the personal engagement of individuals for their efficacy. In this sense, these bidding prayers epitomize the “lived religion” dimension of worship.

5The essential anthropological function of this ritual, its potential to convey news and to buttress social order explain why the bidding of the bedes was the first liturgical text to be refashioned as the break with Rome was underway and the royal supremacy was being hammered out in the king’s council, in Convocation and in Parliament. Archbishop Thomas Cranmer circulated a corrected version of the bidding prayers to all the bishops of his province and to the archbishop of York, requiring that a new form be adopted by all parishes and religious institutions by Easter week of 1534 (MacCulloch 124). The new bidding prayers were dramatically pared down to a detailed prayer for the king and queen by name and a general intercession for the spirituality, temporality and souls departed. The preacher was allowed to mention some local names, but clearly the prayer was essentially a vehicle for the royal supremacy, with intercessions for Henry, Anne and Elisabeth (Cox 460). It was months before the Act of Supremacy was passed and weeks before the formal launch of the campaign of preaching on the king’s headship of the Church that Cranmer strove to ensure that the most accessible prayer of the church did not undermine the political and religious changes which were underway. The entire population would have heard of the royal supremacy for the first time through the bidding of the bedes and thus might have prayed for the king as supreme head of the church as early as 12 April 1534. The liturgical propaganda was promptly followed by an oath campaign whereby the entire clergy were administered various oaths rejecting papal authority and acknowledging the king’s headship of the Church while the laity swore allegiance to the succession (Gray 51-82). Liturgical change preceded legislation, sermons, oaths and represented the first thrust of propaganda for the royal supremacy.

Service books as a source for lived religion

6A lived religion approach should therefore prove extremely fruitful when examining the reception of Henry VIII’s religious reforms of the 1530s and 1540s. In its attention to the experiential nature of religious beliefs, its emphasis on practice over institutional and doctrinal approaches, it fosters a geographically nuanced, bottom up narrative of religious change and enhances the agency of individuals and communities who interpreted, negotiated and implemented the regime’s successive policies. There is however a challenge in uncovering lived religion in the liturgical practices of the past. For, if worship constitutes a clear-cut case of lived religion, liturgical sources such as mass books, breviaries, processionals and manuals do not, at first sight, appear as promising sources to answer the questions raised by the lived experience agenda. Before the 1549 Book of Common Prayer, service books were written entirely in Latin and used exclusively by the clergy. These are eminently prescriptive sources which may or may not be strictly followed, perhaps with little consequence since many parts of the mass were spoken sotto voce by the priest, his back turned to the congregation. There is no point in denying the limits of reconstructing liturgical practice from these sources, yet liturgical books may provide some interesting insights, because use creates evidence.

7The use of a densitometer to quantify patterns of use in medieval manuscripts has recently yielded interesting findings. By measuring the colour of the vellum, Katherine M. Rudy has been able to detect how certain books of hours and missals were handled and which pages attracted the most interest or devotion and which were ignored. Similarly, the study of minuscule interlineal marginalia and patterns of grime in the Aberdeen Bestiary has enabled the librarians of the University of Aberdeen to conclude that the splendidly illuminated manuscript was used to teach and was not just a prized but unused possession. High-resolution pictures made to digitize the book have revealed finger marks in the top margin of some pages, suggesting that the book was turned around for public viewing (University of Aberdeen website).

8More than a century of intensive use has left deep-set traces on the vellum of the aforementioned manual used at St Leonard’s Hospital in York. The distinctive pattern of these fingerprints on the left and right margins show that the book was held by an acolyte to be read by the priest who performed sacraments such as the eucharist, baptism, marriages, last rites and most dramatically the quarterly sentence excommunication. In a splendidly illuminated manuscript missal used in St Nicholas in Durham, the repeated kissing of the crucifixion scene across the page from the incipit of the canon of the mass has also left durable marks in missal (figs. 1 and 2).

Fig. 1

Fig. 1

Durham Cathedral MSS MS A III. 32 in use in St Nicholas, Durham (incipit of the canon of the mass)

Reproduced by permission of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Durham

Fig. 2

Fig. 2

Durham Cathedral MSS MS A III. 32 in use in St Nicholas, Durham (incipit of the canon of the mass)

Reproduced by permission of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Durham

9Although it was not systematically practised, the ritual kissing of the crucifixion, whether on a dedicated osculation plaque or directly on the feet of Christ, has left traces in some manuscript missals (see for instance Haarlem, Stadsbibliotheek, Ms. 184 C 2, fig. 1 in Katherine M. Rudy’s article). Repeated use and devotional gestures give these books a lived-in quality which provides the historian a real feel of the material aspects of past practices. The sensory dimension of historical research is rarely discussed academically but all handlers of manuscripts know how encountering this material affects our senses of sight and touch and may, in some cases, also be a memorable olfactory experience. Although usually found in books of hours, obits are added in the calendar of some service books as well (fig. 3).

Fig. 3

Fig. 3

Oxford, Brasenose College UB S II 97 (obit added in the calendar)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford

Fig. 4

Fig. 4

Oxford, St John College Cupb 2.1 (manuscript addition on page of votive masses)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the President and Fellows of St John’s College, Oxford

10In a few cases more personal notes are found: in the missal used in Bodenham (Herefordshire), below the votive mass for a bishop, someone (perhaps the bishop himself) wrote: “Trusty frynde I commend me unto you [desiring] daily” (fig. 4). These mementos thus bespeak to the intimacy of worship as liturgical books illustrate the nexus between public prayer and human connections, emotions and concerns. In that sense marginalia in service books are the epitome of “lived religion”.

Reconstructing changes in worship

  • 6 This represents a very significant proportion of the entire corpus of surviving massbooks. I have e (...)

11Far from leaving the liturgy of the Church in England completely unscathed as had been previously thought, the advent of the royal supremacy and the doctrinal statements of the 1530s and 1540s left a visible mark in a considerable proportion of the surviving service books. Of the 260 missals which I have examined, only about twenty percent remained completely “unreformed”, to use the expression found in reports about such cases of non-compliance.6 About forty utterances of the word papa were removed from mass books, as were the references to papal authority in certain absolution prayers, in rubrics introducing indulgenced masses and in a range of other rubrics. By attending to the material features of the alterations found in service books, it is possible, in some cases, to reconstruct changes in worship practices rather conclusively.

12Whenever priests had to suppress a passage which was habitually read sotto voce, the difference would have been imperceptible, but the hymn starting Exultet jam angelica turba caelorum (let the angelic host of heaven exult) was solemnly sung by the deacon during the Easter Vigil in an elaborate ritual designed to bless the paschal candle symbolizing the light of Christ’s resurrection. The hymn closes with a petition for the powers that be: pope, king and bishop. In the context of 1534 and 1535, altering the performance of this ritual was a public vindication of the break with Rome. Even the conservative bishop of York Edward Lee specified in a letter to Thomas Cromwell that he had ordered his deacon to leave out the pope on the Easter Vigil of 1535. In almost all printed books and in many manuscript books the notation of the hymn is also provided. Reforming the Exultet, therefore entailed practical difficulties: taking out the word papa or the phrase “pater noster papa N” (“our father the pope” followed by the name of the pope) meant that the score and the text were misaligned.

  • 7 BL C 41 g 2.

13English deacons thus faced a predicament: how would they sing the new version of the Exultet? They could choose from three possibilities: sing the plainchant melody without mentioning the pope by expanding other words, leave pater noster Papa N out or replace the deleted phrase with an alternative text. In several cases, the musical notation was crossed out, suggesting the phrase was not performed (fig. 5).7

BL C 41 g 2, Missal of the College of Westbury upon Trym, Gloucs. (Exultet jam angelica)

Screenshot from EEBO. Reproduced by permission of the British Library

Fig. 6

Fig. 6

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B 11.3 (Exultet jam angelica, Easter Vigil, fo. 107r)

Photograph downloaded from the digital copy of the missal on the Wren Library website. Reproduced with kind permission from The Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge

14In the chapel of the college of Westbury upon Trym, patre nostro papam N atque (our father the pope N and) was replaced with the term christianissimo (most Christian) to characterize the King, and the superfluous notes were scratched out (fig. 6).8 The Exultet in Richard Sutton’s missal, which may have been later used in Macclesfield (as suggested by the Archbishop Savage epitaph), was amended to read: [patre] nostro [rege] ecclesiae anglicane supreme capite (our [father] the [king] supreme head of the English Church). The amendment was later corrected again, probably in 1553 (fig. 7).9

Fig. 7

Fig. 7

Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97, “Sutton missal”, possibly in use in Macclesfield (Exultet jam angelica)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford

15The clergy who used the Antiphoner of Worcester Cathedral decided to remodel the entire passage mentioning the pope with attention paid to the performability of the hymn. The phrase una cum papa nostro N et rege nostro N was reworded into una cum rege nostro henrico octavo supremo (together with our supreme King Henry the Eighth). The term supremo is undoubtedly reminiscent of the king’s title of “supreme head of the church” which had been trumpeted in legislation, in official documents, in the oath campaign and of course in bidding prayers since 1534.

16Whether or not the alterations in service books necessarily translated into practice is never certain and depended on a variety of criteria. It is quite likely that passages which priests had committed to memory might not have been dutifully changed when the ritual was performed even if the text had been altered in the books. However, for ceremonies which were performed once a year and probably not known by heart, if they were suppressed from the service books or no longer legible it is likely that they ceased to be used. The Exultet was such a ceremony, and being performed by a deacon, it was probably seldom a repeat experience in the life of an individual, since deacons were usually ordained priests in short order. But this applies even more aptly to the suppression of an entire service. When the cult of St Thomas of Canterbury (an archbishop and Chancellor who had resisted Henry II and supported papal supremacy) was banned in 1538, the liturgical celebrations of his feast day and of the translation of his relics (celebrated in the Southern province) were prohibited. Three or four years after having removed references to the pope and to his authority in their missals, the priests were back at their desks with pens, knives and ink to remove these offices from the liturgy. On the whole, the priests who had reformed their books in 1534 took out the services for St Thomas: in 80% of the 219 reformed missals, the offices for Becket are clearly taken out. Few priests risked celebrating these feasts and cases of outright disobedience are few and far between in the archives. In 45 books, they had made it impossible by making the readings and the collects which composed the proper of the feast quite illegible (fig. 8).

Fig. 8

Fig. 8

Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97, “Sutton missal”, possibly in use in Macclesfield (Office of St Thomas of Canterbury)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford

17There are obvious difficulties in ascertaining the connection between defacings in a book and use in the parish. When it was no longer possible to perform a specific service from a missal (whether it had been ripped out, covered in ink, or pasted over) it is likely that it ceased to be performed (unless another book was used). This assumption applies best to long texts used occasionally (such as the service for St Thomas of Canterbury with its unique set of collects and lessons) and not to short texts used regularly which would have been committed to memory (the canon of the mass is an obvious example). Finally, if such services continued to be performed privately, they would have lost their currency as anti-government propaganda. Very few priests were reported for having celebrated the feasts of St Thomas after 1538.

Adapting worship to circumstances: responding incrementally to novelty and uncertainty

18Anne Browne and David Hall have shown how New Englanders resolved the doctrinal tension between two forms of covenant (the first one inclusive based on Genesis 17:7; the other a covenant of grace available to visible saints only) in their decisions regarding incorporation and communion to the Lord’s Supper (41-42). They have convincingly argued that the lived religion framework highlights the fact that dynamic processes are at work: “the patterns that make up lived religion in any time and place reveal how ordinary men and women make their way through a set of choices, fashioning as they do so, a mode of being religious that is responsive to needs that arise within social life” (62).

19In the 1530s, there was a similar tension between the liturgical texts which mirrored and enforced papal power, the existence of purgatory, the efficacy of indulgences all of which the law of the land had rejected in the formulary of faith and royal injunctions of 1536. What we see in the service books is the resolution of these tensions and therefore by looking at it through the lived religion framework, I think that we can better account for the “dynamic relation between the social and the religious” (Brown and Hall 62).

20Close scrutiny of patterns of alterations in service books reveals indeed that change was incremental and, in some cases, closely mirrored political changes. What we see in missals is a response, essentially but not exclusively, by clergy to a sense of disjunction created by the royal supremacy. Suddenly liturgical texts referencing the pope or his authority were no longer congruent with the political and ecclesiological reality in which papal authority had been banned. Alterations and amendments to prayers were a means to align worship practices and doctrine. In that sense, the meaning of the royal supremacy was worked out in the pages of service-books before being enacted and performed in worship. Much of what can be uncovered in these sources was experimental and reveals the agency of ordinary members of the clergy and in that sense the evidence is decidedly experiential.

21A missal used in the diocese of Salisbury exemplifies the idea that changes to the liturgy were incremental and precisely adjusted to the changing political circumstances. In the canon of the mass the word papa was blotted out and replaced by rege nostro, which was in turn also blotted out from its original position in third place (fig. 9). So, as he started the consecration, the priest would pray for the king and then the bishop reflecting the ecclesiological change enacted by the 1534 Act of Supremacy. A second hand has added in the margin henrico et anna regina nostra and next to the mention of the bishop, antistite Nicholas. Later the word anna was blotted out, after Queen Anne Boleyn’s demise.

Fig. 9

Fig. 9

Oxford, Bodleian, Douce B 241, missal in use in the diocese of Salisbury (canon of the mass)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced with licence of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (2020)

Fig. 10

Fig. 10

Oxford, Bodleian, Douce B 241, missal in use in the diocese of Salisbury (Good Friday collects)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced with licence of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (2020)

22The second example is in the Good Friday collects and reflects how the situation of flux in high politics trickled down to the parochial level and posed some serious challenges to a priest trying to keep his prayers aligned with the political reality (fig. 10). This is the first in a series of intercessory prayers which starts with a prayer for the pope. Here the word papa is blotted out and replaced by metropolitano. Hence these collects were turned into prayers for the Archbishop of Canterbury. The idea that the pope might be replaced by the primate of all England was not outlandish in the early months of the break with Rome. As Diarmaid MacCulloch pointed out, in April 1533 the king “had nearly called Cranmer ‘head of our spirituality’ but had then thought better of it” (123). Over the course of 1534, Cranmer encountered vigorous opposition when he attempted to visit his province. Seemingly impervious to the irony of the situation, the conservative bishops resisted his authority in the name of the royal supremacy, claiming that the primate’s title of apostolic legate infringed on the King’s prerogative. Cranmer renounced his title of apostolic legate and finally the Act of Supremacy clarified the situation by granting the king the power to visit and redress the church, which he then delegated to three lay visitors and later to the office of the vice-gerency (Bowker 72-6; MacCulloch 125-135). As the royal supremacy emerged as an ecclesiological device, the position of the bishops relative to the king became clear and this change was then duly reflected in the Good Friday suffrages by the clerical staff who used this missal. The first collect for the pope was crossed out as was the word metropolitano and the phrase “for the king and following for our bishop” (pro rege nostro et postea pro episcopo nostro) was added in the margin. Henceforth, the prayers for the pope were omitted (although only the first collect is lined through it is likely that both were missed out) and the priest proceeded first to have the parish pray for the king and then for the clergy. It is a well-known fact that the ambiguity and confusion created by the break with Rome and the slow emergence of the royal supremacy was ubiquitous in the high circles of government. The tentative and repeated attempts at reflecting the roller-coaster machinations of high politics in prayers by an unnamed parish priest in an entirely unremarkable printed Sarum missal show that the uncertainty trickled down to the parish level and created liturgical conundrums for those who cared both about obedience and liturgy.

23Another innovation of April 1534 translated into incremental change in mass books used in one diocese. Cranmer’s circular letter to bishops requiring that new and very simplified bidding prayers be used in all parish churches also instructed that

the colletes for the preservacion of the king and the quene by name be from hensfourthe commenly and usuallie used and sayed in every cathedral churche religious house and paroche churche in all theyr high masses thorough out all the realme and domynyons of the king and sovereign.

24This meant that every mass said in the kingdom would become a votive mass for the king and queen by including into the daily rote special prayers for the king and queen (a collect, a secret during the consecration and a post-communion prayer). The phrase “and the queen by name” lays bare the key purpose of Cranmer’s mandate: harness the liturgy to ensure allegiance to queen Anne and thus to the new order of succession which sidelined princess Mary in favour of children from the Boleyn marriage. As in the bidding prayers, the directing principle was that prayer would shape political loyalty, through obedience and repetition. How exactly this order was enforced remains elusive but in three books used in the diocese of Hereford, a mass specially composed for Henry and Anne with an explicit reference to the royal supremacy was added. For instance in a missal used at Bodenham (Herefordshire), the text of the mass was later altered as circumstances changed: Anne’s name was removed, as was a possible mention of queen Jane (see fig. 11).

Fig. 11

Fig. 11

Oxford, St John College, Cupb B 2.1, missal of Bodenham (Herefordshire) parish church (manuscript addition of the mass for king)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the President and Fellows of St John’s College, Oxford

Fig. 12

Fig. 12

Worcester MS F161: probably in use in Hereford Cathedral
The mass for the king starting
Quesumus has been added to the missal. At the bottom of the page, the beginning of the first collect is rewritten to read: Quesumus omnipotens & misericordis deus ut famulus tuus rex noster hencicus octavus in terris ecclesie anglicanos sup(re)mium caput qui tua miseracione.

Photograph by Mr Christopher Guy, Worcester Cathedral Archaeologist. Reproduced by kind permission of the Chapter of Worcester Cathedral

25Incremental change and the gradual implementation of this order are also illustrated in a splendid manuscript missal perhaps used at Hereford cathedral (see fig. 12). Initially, the priest had copied out a standard version of the mass for the king (disregarding however the order to pray for Anne by name). Later the beginning of the first collect was rewritten at the bottom of the page with an explicit reference to the royal supremacy, probably on the orders of the newly appointed bishop of Hereford, Edward Foxe. But there was still no mention of Anne, perhaps because this alteration was done after her fall from grace.

26In January 1536, articles were drawn against the abbot of Coggeshall for a series of misdeeds: immoral behaviour, divination, attempting to practice an abortion and failure to comply with Cranmer’s instructions. The terms in which the articles are couched are telling:

Also what time there cam downe an Iniunccion that ther shulde be a colet sayde to praye for the gracious estates and proesperite of our soveraigne lorde the kyng and of our most gracious Quene Anne hys dere belovyd spouse accordyng with goddes lawes so often as he saide highmasse he dyd never saye the saide colet the whych is a tokyn of small love that he beryth to hys prince that he wolde not pray for hym in his masse being our founder (Kew 127).

27The phrase “according with goddes lawes” has a definite air of the-lady-doth-protest-too-much at a time when the legitimacy of the Boleyn marriage was contested. It could also suggest that Cranmer’s strategy of using prayers to foster loyalty was fairly transparent to members of the clergy.

28Originally meant as a means to ensure loyalty to the king’s headship and the new order of succession (by including Queen Anne by name), the collect for the king remained a vehicle for the royal supremacy. A novelty in the reign of Henry, the use of a collect for the sovereign became a mainstay of Book of Common Prayer services (Mézerac-Zanetti “A reappraisal”). This is a typical occurrence of lived religion: a liturgical practice born of necessity or particular circumstances becomes embedded in the tradition of the church.

Lived religion as a heuristic device to analyse marginalia: performing compliance on the page

  • 10 Ushaw College, MS 5.

29Finally, the lived religion agenda operates in this case as a useful heuristic tool to understand the processes of change. The case of the collegiate church of Lanchester (co. Durham) illuminates the interplay between concerted decision-making and individual implementation. The collegiate church was headed by a dean assisted by prebendaries and vicars, some of whom were appointed to serve dependent chapels. A breviary which belonged to the collegiate church has survived as has a missal belonging to one of its dependent chapels. In the manuscript missal of the chapel of Esh Laude, the canon appears to have been rewritten: papa was entirely scratched out, while una cum famulo tuo and nostro N were crossed out. In the margin Henrico was added and seems to have been meant to be inserted in the blank left by the word papa (fig. 13).10

Fig. 13

Fig. 13

Ushaw College, MS 5: missal used in Esh Laude chapel (a dependent chapel of Lanchester collegiate church, co. Durham)

Photograph by the author. Reproduced by permission of Durham University Library and Collections

Fig. 14

Fig. 14

Ampleforth College, CV 144: breviary used in Lanchester collegiate church (co. Durham)

Photograph provided by Anselm Cramer, OSB. Reproduced by kind permission of the Ampleforth Abbey Trust

  • 11 Ampleforth College, CV144.

30The Lanchester breviary was also reformed with care and in the canon, not only is the pope suppressed, but letters A and B appear respectively next to the references to the king and bishop, suggesting an inversion of the traditional order in which these authorities were mentioned (fig. 14).11 The two books were used by priests who probably knew each other and who may well have had hierarchical relations. It is difficult to imagine that the repeated commands to deface all service books would not have been discussed by clerical colleagues, especially in the institutional context of a collegiate church. There is no extant evidence that Cuthbert Tunstall provided a detailed list of items to alter in the service books, unlike John Clerk, bishop of Bath and Wells (Mézerac-Zanetti 2013). The decision to reverse the order bishop/king in the canon may thus have come from the dean or may have resulted from a discussion, formal or informal, between clerical colleagues. In any case, implementation was left to individuals who proceeded in various ways to ensure the same final result. The Lanchester evidence can be adduced in support of the idea that proper liturgical performance was perceived as a shared responsibility by the clergy.

31One may well ask whether ordinary people noticed any of this. Recent studies have shown that far from being exclusive to the clergy, liturgical literacy was shared with the lay elite and to a lesser degree with the population at large (Marshall 1994 55,79; MacCulloch 1996 332; Thibodeau 87). Lay people asked for prayers and obits; they were involved in managing detailed liturgical provisions as testament executors (Swanson 222-58). It is clear that by the late 1530s, the laity was acutely aware of the break with Rome and the creation of the royal supremacy. The change had been broadcast in the most public manner possible, including in prayers. An oath to uphold the new order of succession was administered to a very broad section of the male population to ensure acceptance of the Boleyn marriage (Gray 143-69). The regime’s anxiety about securing support is displayed in the rhetoric of “common consent” found in royal proclamations, injunctions and doctrinal statements (MacCulloch 2018 158, 215-6, 240, 247) and in the campaign to ensure consent and consensus (Sharpe 81-176; Gray). These efforts succeeded in discouraging mass resistance although the Pilgrimage of Grace came close to unsettling the regime. This does not entail that the population approved of all of Henry’s religious policies, especially as time moved forward. In an effort to resolve the “compliance conundrum” left unanswered by the work Christopher Haigh, J.J. Scarisbrick and Eamon Duffy, more recent works on the Reformation have tried to explain “how the Reformation happened” despite the vitality of the late medieval Church (Walsham 5). Historians have attempted to make the Reformation at least “explicable” rather than an almost implausible historical fact (Lowe 410; Marshall, Heretics, xvii). These studies have emphasized the widespread acceptance of royal policy, with resistance being localized and most opponents being threatened or manoeuvred into submission (Shagan; Lowe; MacCulloch, Cromwell). Outward conformity was certainly the majority response to the “Reformation from above” of the revisionists’ framework (Wabuda 161). In trying to understand how the Reformation happened, Peter Marshall has argued that, in the end, the erratic inconsistency of the Henrician Reformation both divided the people and “helped emancipate them” (Heretics, 302). The royal supremacy made it possible for lay people to exercise a higher degree of control over worship practices and that, it may be argued, was one way in which this emancipation manifested itself.

  • 12 Kew, National Archives, SP 1/101, fo. 7 r-v.

32What evidence is there that lay people were aware that the royal supremacy entailed some liturgical change? There are several cases of people reporting non-compliant priests to Thomas Cromwell who had been appointed Vice-Gerent in Spirituals to manage the Church in the king’s stead. In the 1530s and 1540s it became instrumental that lay local authorities possessed or acquired some degree of knowledge about worship. In June 1535, Thomas Cromwell appointed justices of the peace (JPs) as “watchdogs” over the clergy charged with inspecting mass books in their jurisdictions and the vice-gerent’s correspondence provides a few examples of non-compliant clergy (Elton, 239). It is quite likely that the justices of the peace tasked with checking the proper implementation of the royal injunctions might have been given some guidance as to the places in the liturgical books where changes were required. In some instances, they were accompanied by a priest who would have been capable of showing the laymen the relevant passages to inspect in the missals. William Willington and Thomas Holte inspected a church in Oxhill (Warwickshire) with “their clerk” who copied out the “collect for the king” for a priest who had failed to use it in his daily mass.12 The JPs had been alerted to the priest’s seditious behaviour by the laity of the parish. It appears that some in the parish had “discovered” that in other villages the king’s supremacy was declared regularly while their priest had read the bishop’s letter once and had not prayed for the king daily. Ethan Shagan has cast some doubts on the sincerity of the “discovery” and believes that this was a “staged protest” (54). Regardless of the exact nature of the conflict, in this instance, compliance and proper performance of the liturgy was clearly conceived as a common endeavour and a responsibility shared between the clergy and the people. Popular interest in the proper performance of the liturgy is deemed entirely legitimate and local lay authorities could step in to ensure that it was.

33Another priest had repeatedly failed to follow orders and offers a particularly illuminating case of the laity’s awareness of liturgical change. Probably in the context of gathering evidence against the priest, people of Stoke Dry in the county of Rutland, pricked up their ears during Holy week and duly reported to their JPs, Sir Everard Digby and Edward Sapcot, that their parson William Dyvers:

dyd prefer the bysshop of Rome upon good fryday in his oracyons before the kynges grace being supreme hede in erth under god of thys chyrche of ynglond and likwysse at the halowyng of the paschal on ester evyn.

34Unsurprisingly, Dyvers had not corrected his books either as the JPs duly found out in May 1538 when they visited the parish. And upon the strength of all of this evidence the JPs jailed the priest and wrote to Cromwell to inform him of the situation. So, evidently, there were some at Stoke Dry, perhaps among the clerical staff or the educated laity, who were cognizant of the changes required by the royal supremacy, and capable of calling out their parson on his treasonous prayers by appealing to the king’s supremacy and citing precisely the king’s new style. This also shows how the royal supremacy was mobilized by the laity in their quarrel against their parish priest. Performing the right liturgy here appears as a duty which was communal and shared. It mattered to the laity that the liturgy they heard was congruent with the new political order, for if it was not, worship would lose its deep anthropological adequacy or become a locus of resistance to the king’s authority and of vocal protest against religious change. The fear that the liturgy might justify and mobilize resistance explains the attention to such details as the manner of altering books in letters written to Cromwell (Elton 236-8) and drove the prosecution of conservative clergy who had accepted to swear an oath to the supremacy but refused to change their worship practices.

35Finally, analysing alterations in terms of lived religion sheds clearer light on their pragmatic function. Eamon Duffy suggested that the “doctoring” of prayer books by their lay owners proved continued use throughout the 1530s and 1540s, for “why bowdlerise a book you never use?” (Marking 153). This is undoubtedly also true for service books which were continuously used throughout Henry’s reign, in particular since no new edition of the Sarum missal was printed after 1534. Magnificent books of hours belonging to members of the court were used publicly and arguably the crossed out references to the pope and to indulgences were displayed as signs of “obedience and affection of a good subject” (153). Although service books were used for public prayer, they were not directly visible. But in these books too, alterations were made, at least partly, for show. Hence, they function for the historian, as they did for the justices of the peace inspecting liturgical books: as tokens of obedience and badges of loyalty. Most books which have survived provide tangible evidence of compliance, even if at times conformity seems token and if half-hearted alterations might not have been performed in worship. Yet as evidenced in testimonies which recount the process of correcting service books as well as in the books themselves, alterations can arguably be read as a creative response to state mandated requirements and one which was not solely managed by clergy. Although more work needs to be done on the process of inspection of mass books by Justices of the Peace to better understand the collaborative nature of control over the content of worship, this much is clear: all of the king’s subjects were grappling with the political reality of the royal supremacy and how it could be reconciled with their religious practices to prevent any disjunction between the two from arising. When such disconnect did arise it could undermine either the legitimacy of the king’s reforms or the liturgy’s efficiency and its function as a repository of the faith.

Conclusion

36The lived religion framework by emphasizing process suggests that we read alterations in a more creative way and makes it possible to argue that the state-mandated requirement to alter liturgical books “created a performative space and gave meaning to people’s experience” (Toivo and Katajala-Peltomaa 2). By considering books as material artefacts, it is possible to see the pages of the service books as a space onto which the newly designed religious reforms were explored and performed. Priests engaged intimately with the royal supremacy deciding what to alter, how to effect the alterations in their mass books and how to perform the liturgy congruently with the political reality of their day. At first sight, the evidence from mass books might not seem particularly suited to recover the experience of worship for lay English subjects of Henry VIII. However, the laity was in fact involved in the enforcement of the royal supremacy. Parishioners were asked to pray for the king as supreme head and the new order of succession was incorporated into the bidding prayers from the start. Justices of the Peace were called upon to control this process, enabling lay men to participate in the enforcement of religious change and perhaps contribute to shaping the local response to the royal supremacy. Lay men and women mobilized the argument that their priest was failing in his duties to perform the liturgy adequately, thus revealing their awareness that the royal supremacy required changes in worship. Thinking of the king’s headship of the Church as an experience of lived religion for Henry’s subjects contributes to the scholarly efforts to define the nature of the Henrician Reformation and the means by which consent to religious change was manufactured in the 1530s and 1540s. More broadly, this case study reveals how “doing religion” was deeply altered and one of the ways in which the Reformation “changed not just what people believed but how they believed it” (Marshall 2017 xii and 573).

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Bibliographie

Primary sources (print and manuscript)

Ampleforth Abbey, CV 144 (Sarum breviary, 1507, Rouen, Kerver)

London, British Library C 41 g 2 (Sarum missal, 1514, Paris, Byrckman, STC 16193, available on EEBO, reel 116:04)

Durham Cathedral MSS MS A III. 32 (manuscript Sarum missal, 14th century)

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B 11.3 (manuscript Sarum missal, 15th century)

Cambridge, UL, Peterborough W13 (Sarum missal, 1533, Paris, Regnault, STC 16213)

Cambridge UL, MS Add 6688 (manuscript Sarum missal, 16th century)

Cambridge UL, MS EE. 4.19 (manuscript York missal, 14th century?)

Kew, National Archives, SP 1/101

Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97 (Sarum missal, 1520, London, Pynson, STC 16202)

Oxford, Bodleian, Douce B 241(Sarum missal, 1531, Paris, Regnault, STC 16211)

Oxford, St John College, Cupb B 2.1 (Hereford missal, 1502, Rouen, Olivier, STC 16163)

Ushaw College, MS 5 (manuscript Sarum missal, probably 15th century)

Worcester MS F161 (manuscript Hereford missal, 15th century)

Modern editions of service books

Dickinson, Francis Henry. Missale ad Usum insignis et Praeclare ecclesiae Sarum. Parker and Co, 1861.

Simmons, Thomas Frederick. The Lay Folks’ Mass Book: Or the Manner of Hearing Mass, With Rubrics And Devotions For the People. N. Trübner & Co., 1879.

Walker, Charles. The liturgy of the church of Sarum. J.T. Hayes, 1886.

Wordsworth, Christopher. Ceremonies and Processions of the Cathedral Church of Salisbury. Cambridge University Press, 1901.

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Ammerman, Nancy T. “Finding Religion in Everyday Life.” Sociology of Religion 75.2 (2014): 189-207. J-Stor. Web. 13 March 2020.

Bowker, Margaret. The Henrician Reformation: the diocese of Lincoln under John Longland, 1521-1547. Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Browne, Anne and David Hall “Family Strategies and Religious Practice: Baptism and the Lord’s Supper in Early New England.” Lived Religion in America: Toward a History of Practice, edited by David D. Hall, Princeton University Press, 1997, 41-68.

Duffy, Eamon. The Stripping of the Altars. Yale University Press, 1996.

Duffy, Eamon. Marking the Hours: English People and their Prayers 1240-1570. Yale University Press, 2006.

Elton, G.R. Policy and Police: The Enforcment of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell. Cambridge University Press, 1972.

Gray, Jonathan Michael. Oaths and the English Reformation. Cambridge University Press. 2013.

Hall, David. “Lived Religion.” Contemporary American Religion, edited by Wade Clark Roof, 2007, Cengage: Encyclopedia.com Web. 9 Mar. 2020.

Lowe, Ben. “A Short Reformation: A Case for Recalculating the Chronology of Religious Change in Sixteenth-Century England.” Anglican and Episcopal History, 82.4 (December 2013): 409-447.

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MacCulloch, Diarmaid. Thomas Cromwell: A Life. Allen Lane, 2018.

Marshall, Peter. The Catholic Priesthood and the English Reformation. Clarendon Press, 1994.

Marshall, Peter. Heretics and Believers: A History of the English Reformation. Yale University Press, 2017.

de Mézerac-Zanetti, Aude. “A Reappraisal of Liturgical Continuity in the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Henrician Innovations and the First Books of Common Prayerr.” Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique 22.1 (2017). Openedition. Web. 20 Nov 2019.

de Mézerac-Zanetti, Aude. “Reforming the Liturgy under Henry VIII: The Instructions of John Clerk, Bishop of Bath and Wells (PRO, SP6/3, fos 42r–44v).” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64.1 (2013): 96-111.

Pfaff, Richard. The Liturgy in Medieval England. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Richet, Isabelle. “Review of David D. Hall, Lived Religion in America. Toward a History of Practice.” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 110 (2000): 81-2.

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Notes

1 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms Barlow 5, fo. 2v. In modern English this would read: You shall pray for the good man and the good wife that this day brought the loaf and candle and for all of them that first it began and longest hold on (that have done so since it began and who will continue it). And for all women who are in Our Lady’s binds (pregnant), that God for his mercy may unbind them as it be best to life and soul. And for all those that truly pay their tithes and make their offerings to God and to the holy Church. And for all that do not, that God for his mercy send them his grace to come to amendment.

2 The performance of the bidding prayers was subject to much variation and should not be oversimplified (Walker 38; Duffy Stripping of the Altars 124-5, 334-5, 445).

3 Salisbury Cathedral, MS 148 fo. 11v. For a modern printed edition see C. Wordsworth (22). Dickinson has included the bidding prayers in his edition of the Sarum missal, with rubrics and prayers taken from the processional suggesting that the ritual was used after the Sunday procession when the priest reached the rood while Thomas Frederick Simmons argues that in some parishes it took place after the offertory with the priest in a pulpit or standing before an altar (Dickinson, 38* and Simmons 317). That the place and time of the bidding prayers varied is confirmed by Sinclair Keith Val (336) and Richard Pfaff (419).

4 Manuscript examples of “bidding of the bedes” can be found bound in a variety of volumes, e.g. Cambridge, UL, MS Ee. 4. 19, fo. 89-92 (manuscript missal from York hospital); Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Barlow 5, fo. 1-3 (a missal used in the diocese of Worcester); York minster MS 1 (added in the 11th century to a 10th century gospel book); London, Lambeth Palace, MS 216, fo. 111 (Oculi Sacerdotis ) and BL, MS Harley 335, fo. 19-20 (statute book from the diocese of London).

5 Cambridge, UL, MS Ee. 4. 19, fo. 90.

6 This represents a very significant proportion of the entire corpus of surviving massbooks. I have examined all surviving copies held in England, Scotland and France as well as copies from the Huntington and Folgier Library made available through EEBO. Orders to destroy liturgical books were repeatedly issued under the reigns of Edward VI and Elizabeth I. Under Mary I, “defaced books” were to be destroyed and replaced by new copies. Readers wishing to examine such books may consult missals, manuals and other liturgical sources on EEBO or a manuscript missal of Sarum use recently digitized by the Wren Library, Trinity College Cambridge (see in particular fos. 1-6, 13r, 33v, 101v, 107r, 123r, 218r, 274v, 313v). Available at https://mss-cat.trin.cam.ac.uk/viewpage.php?index=100&history=1&index=100&history=1

7 BL C 41 g 2.

8 Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B 11.3. See the entire page here: https://trin-digital-library.trin.cam.ac.uk/iiif/2/B.11.3%2F110_B.11.3_f106v-f107r.jpg/full/5327,/0/default.jpg

9 Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97, the words in brackets were later pumiced out of the vellum again.

10 Ushaw College, MS 5.

11 Ampleforth College, CV144.

12 Kew, National Archives, SP 1/101, fo. 7 r-v.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1
Légende Durham Cathedral MSS MS A III. 32 in use in St Nicholas, Durham (incipit of the canon of the mass)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-1.jpg
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Titre Fig. 2
Légende Durham Cathedral MSS MS A III. 32 in use in St Nicholas, Durham (incipit of the canon of the mass)
Crédits Reproduced by permission of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Durham
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-2.jpg
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Titre Fig. 3
Légende Oxford, Brasenose College UB S II 97 (obit added in the calendar)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,4M
Titre Fig. 4
Légende Oxford, St John College Cupb 2.1 (manuscript addition on page of votive masses)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the President and Fellows of St John’s College, Oxford
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-4.jpg
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Titre Fig. 5
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Fichier image/png, 58k
Légende BL C 41 g 2, Missal of the College of Westbury upon Trym, Gloucs. (Exultet jam angelica)
Crédits Screenshot from EEBO. Reproduced by permission of the British Library
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-6.png
Fichier image/png, 26k
Titre Fig. 6
Légende Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B 11.3 (Exultet jam angelica, Easter Vigil, fo. 107r)
Crédits Photograph downloaded from the digital copy of the missal on the Wren Library website. Reproduced with kind permission from The Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 589k
Titre Fig. 7
Légende Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97, “Sutton missal”, possibly in use in Macclesfield (Exultet jam angelica)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 98k
Titre Fig. 8
Légende Oxford, Brasenose College, UB S II 97, “Sutton missal”, possibly in use in Macclesfield (Office of St Thomas of Canterbury)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the Principal and Fellows of Brasenose College, Oxford
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 527k
Titre Fig. 9
Légende Oxford, Bodleian, Douce B 241, missal in use in the diocese of Salisbury (canon of the mass)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced with licence of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (2020)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 127k
Titre Fig. 10
Légende Oxford, Bodleian, Douce B 241, missal in use in the diocese of Salisbury (Good Friday collects)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced with licence of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (2020)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 220k
Titre Fig. 11
Légende Oxford, St John College, Cupb B 2.1, missal of Bodenham (Herefordshire) parish church (manuscript addition of the mass for king)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by kind permission of the President and Fellows of St John’s College, Oxford
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,8M
Titre Fig. 12
Légende Worcester MS F161: probably in use in Hereford CathedralThe mass for the king starting Quesumus has been added to the missal. At the bottom of the page, the beginning of the first collect is rewritten to read: Quesumus omnipotens & misericordis deus ut famulus tuus rex noster hencicus octavus in terris ecclesie anglicanos sup(re)mium caput qui tua miseracione.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-13.jpg
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Titre Fig. 13
Légende Ushaw College, MS 5: missal used in Esh Laude chapel (a dependent chapel of Lanchester collegiate church, co. Durham)
Crédits Photograph by the author. Reproduced by permission of Durham University Library and Collections
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 786k
Titre Fig. 14
Légende Ampleforth College, CV 144: breviary used in Lanchester collegiate church (co. Durham)
Crédits Photograph provided by Anselm Cramer, OSB. Reproduced by kind permission of the Ampleforth Abbey Trust
URL http://journals.openedition.org/erea/docannexe/image/10357/img-15.jpg
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Aude DE MÉZERAC-ZANETTI, « “Lived religion” in Henry's Reformation: the evidence from mass books », E-rea [En ligne], 18.1 | 2020, mis en ligne le 15 décembre 2020, consulté le 26 janvier 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/erea/10357 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/erea.10357

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Auteur

Aude DE MÉZERAC-ZANETTI

Univ. Lille, ULR 4074 - CECILLE - Centre d’Études en Civilisations Langues et Lettres Étrangères, F-59000 Lille, France
Aude de Mézerac-Zanetti is a Lecturer in early modern history of the British Isles at the University of Lille. Her research focuses on early modern religious history in England with a particular interest for popular practices and the liturgy. She has guest-edited a volume for Etudes Epistémè entitled 1517, and all that: dating the beginning of the Reformation in Early Modern Britain and France (https://doi.org/10.4000/episteme.1794) and co-edited with Rémy Bethmont a special issue on the Book of Common Prayer for Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique (https://doi.org/10.4000/rfcb.1210). She is currently writing a monograph on liturgical change under Henry VIII and leading TRANS_HYB, an international and interdisciplinary project exploring corporate transitions and ritual hybridity in Reformation Europe.

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