Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilNuméros19.21. Relating / L’Écosse en relatio...Scots and France As Seen through ...

Résumés

L’article étudie les Écossais présents dans les alba amicorum des années 1540 aux années 1720 en regroupant ces Écossais par catégories socio-professionnelles. Les relations nouées par ces contributeurs écossais avec les possesseurs d’album sont difficiles à percer au niveau personnel dans le cadre strict de ces dédicaces. Cependant, quelques enseignements permettent d’apprécier et de cerner les contours de ces contacts qui évoluèrent selon l’identité même de ces individus mais aussi selon leurs messages, contextes, croyances religieuses, sexe, statut, et autres relations sociales pour ne citer que quelques facteurs. La notion même de relation ou plus précisément celle de l’amitié, propre à ces livres d’amitié de par leur nom, atteint ses limites tant sur le plan chronologique qu’en terme d’intensité, traitant aussi bien des relations profondes et superficielles. Le recoupement de documents semble une des pistes prometteuses afin d’étudier la nature de ces relations ainsi établies ou entretenues. En fait, la question de la relation dans les alba semble être conçue de manière trop restreinte et se doit d’être élargie. Ces dédicaces intègrent pleinement ces Écossais à la France et à ses différents milieux, qu’ils soient estudiantins, professionnels, ecclésiastiques, diplomatiques ou scientifiques et soulignent leurs relations entretenues avec ces environnements, activités ou professions.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 Friends and colleagues have generously helped with a number of these alba entries, with particular (...)

1The historical connection between Scotland and France goes a long way back and can be traced to the ‘Auld Alliance’ at least in a formal militaro-diplomatic sense. This link encouraged, but also merely existed in parallel with, ad hoc and more informal exchanges visible in trade and education. The historiography of the ties between the two nations has blossomed since Michel’s early work on the topic in the second half of the nineteenth century (Michel 1862). More recently, scholars have deepened our understanding of the nature of that relation by exploring the military service of Scots in France or their commercial ventures and businesses there to name but a few (Glozier 2004; Talbott 2016).

  • 2 Klose 2001, showing that an analysis of 1,556 alba of the sixteenth century containing 24,139 entri (...)
  • 3 See for instance Courant 2012; and on feminine relationships Reinders 2016.

2French scholars have not paid much attention to alba amicorum as a source in general. Part of the reason must lie in the fact that the custom of album-keeping was predominantly foreign. There were relatively few Frenchmen who did so in comparison to the Germans, Dutchmen, and Scandinavians (Nickson 1989).2 But there is a growing interest on that theme amongst the French academic community, spearheaded by the livres d’amitié’s correlated scholarship, that of emblem studies (Boureau 1987; Cazes 2001, 2015; Adams 2003). In conjunction, the engouement for our modern social media has prompted a research drive into older forms of social networks and of relating. Friendship books have been a key component of that modelling over the long term.3

  • 4 The present writer has failed to uncover any entry made by Scottish women within this French contex (...)

3Two good introductions on alba are now available in French, including by one of the leading world experts in the field (Ludwig 2008; Balsamo 2019). They discuss the tradition of album-keeping and trace its evolution from its German origin and its expansion across northern and eastern Europe. As a genre itself, alba emerged in the mid-sixteenth century (1540s) in Germany and more particularly within the student communities at Protestant universities there. However, the practice soon spread to Catholic institutions and also beyond the student world. The practice was particularly marked amongst students during their tour of European universities collecting encomia from fellow students, teachers, and local potentates, thus truly grounding the genre in the apodemic culture. It rapidly expanded (still in the sixteenth century) geographically and was embraced in the Netherlands, Scandinavia, and parts of Eastern Europe. Socially also, a greater diversity of people took to collecting signatures be they teachers, officials, musicians, soldiers, clergymen, physicians, or craftsmen. A number of women, especially from the gentry and nobility, possessed their own albums.4 Dutch scholars have been at the forefront of research on women’s alba. The practice of album-keeping developed more or less simultaneously among male and female owners and women took the idea from each other, though some might have been influenced by looking at the album kept by their male relatives. Women’s alba varied from men’s in that they reflected women’s lesser propensity to travel, spending a long time in the family home or visiting relatives. As a result, women’s friendship albums were used more as guestbooks and/or personal songbooks, depicting the female networks of family, friends and acquaintances who came to visit occasionally or regularly the family home as opposed to men’s alba recording brief encounters when travelling. The world of women’s alba is one of closer contacts and/or house guests (Delen 1989; Reinders 2016).

4As a genre, album ownership never took off in any meaningful way in either Latin Europe (France, Spain, and Italy) or Britain. Today, the largest collections of alba can still be found in Germany, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia and also, artificially in a way, in the British Library following its acquisition in the mid-nineteenth century from a pre-existing collection in Germany. A large number of these friendship books, however, still remain in private collections.

5The article will study the Scots found in alba amicorum from the 1540s through to the 1720s along socio-professional lines. The time frame covers the emergence of the tradition of album keeping right through to the first third of the eighteenth century, that is towards the end of its first decline prior to its strong revival from the mid-eighteenth century. The relationships developed by these Scottish contributors with the album owners are usually hard to decipher at the personal level within the strict confines of these entries. Through these socio-professional groups, certain findings emerge to appreciate and delineate the contours of these contacts which evolved according to the identity of these individuals themselves but also their messages, environments, religious persuasions, gender, status, and social interactions to name but a few. The conclusion will address the limits of studying relations through the livres d’amitié alone, despite their very name, and expand on the notion of relating itself.

1. Scottish students

  • 5 Cairns 2015, pp. xiv-xv, 17, 65, 75-81; Cairns 1994, 178-83; Cairns 1998, 168-70; Watt and Murray, (...)

6The presence of Scottish students in France has long been noted and draws upon solid yet scattered scholarly work. But at times, this tertiary education of Scots in France, whether in terms of students or professors, can appear confessionally delineated (Tucker Professeurs et régents; McInally 2012). At some level, alba help bridge relationships between the confessional divide. The appearance of a William Skene in Bourges in 1557/8 in a friendship album makes him one of the earliest Scots on record within the genre. Skene was the second son of notary James Skene in Bandodle (in Aberdeenshire) and Janet Lumsden. In 1540, Skene was admitted a notary by the bishop of Aberdeen and in 1549 entered King’s College, Aberdeen, as a theology student. In all likelihood, Skene obtained his licence in both the laws at Bourges. In March 1556/7 or afterwards, he was incorporated into St Mary’s College, St Andrews, and later became professor of law at St Andrews from 1558 until his death in 1582. He rapidly embraced the Protestant faith. On several occasions, Skene was elected dean of the university’s faculty of arts (1565, 1578-81). His legal acumen and robust academic education were sought after and he acted before various courts as procurator and consultant.5

7Up until now, Skene’s presence in Bourges had never been confirmed. This is possible thanks to the Stammbuch, or friendship album, of Josias Marcus. Marcus was born in Torgau in 1527, the son of a local physician, but the family moved to Jena at some point afterwards. After his academic education in Germany, he went to study law for nearly four years in France (1555-8) and in Italy. In 1562, Marcus settled back home and served as professor and rector in Jena (1573). He took up positions at numerous princely courts and died in Jena in 1599 (Ludwig 2015, 110-11, 114-19). In terms of denominations, the majority of his album signatories were Lutheran, but not much fewer were Catholic, with an additional handful of inscriptions composed by Calvinists, although the Christian denomination was not openly articulated as a rule. Indeed, the contributor’s denomination cannot always be clearly established and, in individual cases, it may have changed during their lifetimes (Ludwig 2015, 124). Marcus’ relationships thus did not evolve along confessional lines.

  • 6 The Emblemata edition of 1557 apparently appeared in the first months of the year, for the buyer of (...)
  • 7 Douglas was re-elected rector on 29 February 1551/2 and continued to hold the office without furthe (...)
  • 8 Skene’s name appears first on Douglas’ list. His lists of students might not have been compiled chr (...)

8Among these new acquaintances was William Skene. In Marcus’s Stammbuch, Skene’s entry is undated. However, Marcus’ use of the 1557 edition of Alciato’s Emblemata means that signatories were only able to inscribe it after that date.6 Also, it is worth bearing in mind that Skene’s matriculation in St Mary’s College occurred during John Douglas’ seventh rectorship, which ran from late February/early March 1556/7 to late February/early March 1557/8.7 This means that Skene would have signed Marcus’s album on 27 April 1557, like many fellow students, or thereafter and returned shortly afterwards to Scotland prior to late February/early March 1558.8 The fact that the inscriptions on the leaves were made only after their insertion into the book rules out the possibility that Marcus already had Skene’s earlier signature at hand. Once in Scotland, Skene does not seem to have left the country again, nor is Marcus on record to have ever visited it for that matter.

  • 9ex asse tuus”.
  • 10Adde catis mures mulieris co[m]prime lingua[m] qua[m] cesset n[ost]rae zelus amicitiae”. The autho (...)

9Skene’s contribution is not related to any emblem or text in the book but rather faced Alciato’s preface addressed to Conrad Peutinger of Augsburg found in Alciato’s book of emblems. Skene seems to have deliberately entered himself on the white sheet that precedes the emblems per se and may have been asked to do so. This position in the volume obviously denotes a place of honour. On the page, “gulielmus Skene[u]s Scotus” signed off with the Latin for “all yours”9 and left a protestation of friendship. He used either directly or indirectly a shorter variation on an epigram of French Renaissance humanist scholar and rhetoric professor Jean Tixier de Ravisi. Stereotype is apparent in the choice of this elegiac couplet in that “You can place mice in among cats and restrain a woman’s tongue sooner than the ardour of our friendship will abate” (Private collection, Stammbuch des Josias Marcus, fo. 3r).10

10Amongst these aspiring youths going to France to study can be found peers of the realm. Francis Stewart, first earl of Bothwell (1562-1612), belongs to this category. He was the son of James Stewart, Lord Darnley and commendator of Coldingham, an illegitimate child of King James V. By the time he left Scotland to study on the continent in 1578 and so before he turned sixteen, Bothwell had already been made a commendator of Culross and Coldingham, been elevated to the peerage (as earl of Bothwell), and got married to Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of David Douglas, seventh Earl of Angus. He first resorted to Paris (1579) then matriculated at the Catholic university of Angers (c. 1580), despite being committed to Protestant ideals. It is possible that Bothwell even pushed further south to Italy, in the footsteps of the earl of Crawford. Bothwell was back in Paris by early June 1582 and towards the end of July boarded a ship in Rouen bound for Edinburgh. Subsequently, he pursued a tumultuous career as a courtier and politician. (Macpherson 2004; Macpherson 1998, 124-35).

  • 11 Schachman kept a separate album during his travels, distinct from this Gdańsk one he possessed duri (...)
  • 12Initium Sapientiae timor Domini”. Günther, ‘Westpreußische Stammbücher’, 45-50, and p. 48 for Both (...)

11However, unknown to Scottish historians is the fact that whilst on the continent Bothwell actually travelled east. In April 1582, he was in Strasbourg. There, the Scot befriended Bartholomaus Schachman. Born in Gdańsk in 1559 to Caspar Schachman, a councillor of the Right Main City, the chief authority in Gdańsk, and Elisabeth Brandt, the daughter of the city’s mayor, Bartholomaus received an excellent education locally. He polished it off abroad in Strasbourg (1582), Basel (1586-7), and Siena (1588), travelling extensively in Europe, the Middle East (1588-9) and North Africa, as disclosed by his album amicorum, which he began in 1580, and a separate travel album. Schachman returned to his home city and settled down as an art patron, a city councillor (1594) and city mayor (1605) until his death in 1614 (Nefedova and Frąckowska 2012, 41-61).11 As with Marcus’ Stammbuch, Schachman’s album reveals contacts with both the Catholic and Protestant milieus (Pietrzyk 1999, 140-4). Leaving Poland, he was most likely drawn to Strasbourg because of its renowned Protestant school. There, on 20 April 1582, “franciscus Steuardus Comes A Bothuell Scotus” put pen to paper and advised his reader in the words of the Latin incipit of Psalm 111:10 “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom” (Polska Akademia Nauk Biblioteka Gdańska, MS 2501, fo. 12r).12

  • 13 Shearman 1955; Halloran 2003, 11-16; McCoog 2002, 145-54, 178; Anderson 1906, 3.

12Protestant Bothwell’s tumultuous career can be matched by that of Catholic Alexander Macquhirrie. Born around 1557, he was the son of Edinburgh burgess Gilbert Macquhirrie and Jonet Cornwall, matriculating at St Salvator’s College in St Andrews in 1575 and graduating two years later. In 1583, he undertook to further his studies at Pont-à-Mousson. As a secular priest, he returned to Scotland with fellow priest William Crichton in 1587 just after the latter’s release from the Tower of London. Macquhirrie entered the Jesuit novitiate in France in 1588 and visited his native Scotland in 1592 and was back to the continent by 1594. Resolute in his faith and despite threats and deprivation, the missionary travelled back to Scotland in late 1596/early 1597 where he worked to advance the needs of the Scottish Jesuit mission. The repressive Scottish environment in which Macquhirrie operated meant that he adopted a series of aliases for his work, such as John Burnett, John Black and Robert Dickson. He ultimately died in Scotland in 1606.13

  • 14 On the two types of alba, manuscripts and interleaved printed works, read Nickson 1970, 9-13; Schna (...)

13Whilst in France, the Scotsman befriended a fellow student from Germany. Cologne youth Christian Wickrath (Wickrodt) has not left much trace for his biography. In his early years, he travelled to France and registered at the University of Orléans in August 1582. In the following year (1583), he visited Paris but also returned to Orléans. He ultimately settled back in Cologne where he became a local councillor (Ridderikhoff, Ridder-Symoens, and Heesakkers 2013, 452; Schieckel 1986, 21-2). Wickrath’s album is interesting in that it shows the alternative early alba tradition, namely to use printed works and interleave these with blank pages to gather signatures.14 In Wickrath’s case, however, the title of the work cannot be identified. Yet the Scots present in the album actually expand our knowledge of its contents and, almost undoubtedly, point to Wickrath having travelled to Pont-à-Mousson. Indeed, the few pages found nowadays in the archives at Oldenburg must be but a fragment of Wickrath’s former album or alba as can be seen from his other loose sheets (Klose 1988, 122).

  • 15 virtus repulsae nescia sordidae intaminatis fulget honoribus nec ponit aut sumit secures Arbitrio (...)

14Macquhirrie signed his entry in 1583 and although unlocated, it seems very likely that it was in Pont-à-Mousson where he was a student at the Scots College at the time. The “Edinburgensis Scotus” sought his inspiration in Horace’s Odes recommending unfailing courage/virtue in that “a man’s true worth does not acknowledge a demeaning rebuff, but shines forth with its glory undimmed; it does not take up or lay down the axes of authority at the people’s whim” (Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, Best. 297 J Nr. 7, fo. 11r).15

  • 16 Anderson 1906, 2; Bryce and Roberts 1997, 906; Ross 1972, 41; Tayler 1987, 297. For Douai’s attract (...)
  • 17Tota licet veteres exornent vndique cerae / Atria, nobilitas sola est atque vnica virtus”; Juvenal (...)

15Similarly, although undated and unlocated, William Forbes’ contribution to Wickrath’s volume can be associated with that of Macquhirrie as it turned out that William Forbes was a fellow student at Pont-à-Mousson, having entered the novitiate there in 1582, that is a year before Macquhirrie. Forbes was known as William Forbes of Corsindae. He ultimately left the college without proceeding to the priesthood and changed course and became a trader in Scotland. The family however continued to patronize the Scots College at Douai in the mid-seventeenth century and his relative, James Forbes, although entering the Jesuit college in Rome in 1602 became a Dominican.16 When presented with the German’s album, William Forbes “Marrianus Scotus” reminisced about Juvenal as he penned the following elegiac couplet, sourcing the fount of true virtue and nobility governing an individual’s life in oneself: “Though you adorn your entire atrium with ancient wax portraits in every direction, the one and only nobility is personal excellence” (Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, Best. 297 J Nr. 7, fo. 19r).17

  • 18 Mijers 2012, 69-70; Sweet, Verhoeven, and Goldsmith 2017, 48, 55, 85, 90, 92-3, 95-6; Ridder-Symoen (...)

16Contrary to some expectations, the relations built among students might not have been cultivated over years of university curricula but during a somewhat much more limited period, illustrating a widespread phenomenon within the early-modern peregrinatio academica, namely attending some classes without matriculating or graduating or alternatively enrolling shortly before graduating.18 From these Scottish entries, the youthful camaraderie appears to have been enjoyed over a shorter duration without precluding their true sentiments of friendship or their intensity, whether these relationships were merely superficial or deeply felt as in Skene’s case whose contribution’s prime position in the book seems to indicate. Indeed, this affinity was not ruled out on the basis of religious persuasion, underlining a heartfelt common student fellowship binding these individuals.

2. Scottish educators

17The second largest group of Scots found in alba in relation to France were Scottish professors. One of the key reasons for such a numerically important presence lies in the Protestant academies that were gradually founded at the time across the kingdom (Tucker Professeurs et régents). Having said that, Catholic incomers enjoyed alternatives with the presence of Scots Colleges and French academic institutions themselves. George Crichton belonged to that second category. Although born in Scotland c. 1555, his strong attachment to the Catholic faith drew him to France where he spent his entire career. The classicist, orator and legal scholar initially studied in Paris and Toulouse (1577-82). Teaching positions brought him back to the French capital where he remained for the rest of his life, first at the Collège d’Harcourt (1583), then the Collège de Boncourt (1586) and lastly the Collège Royal as professor of Greek (1595). Later on in life, he became a doctor of canon law at the Collège de Lisieux (1609) shortly before his death (1611). Within that environment, Crichton certainly thrived and was a prolific writer, notably for and about the royal court (Reid 2017, 32-5).

  • 19 Darcel 1859, 90; Ridderikhoff, Ridder-Symoens, and Heesakkers 2013, 633, 635; BNF, Latin 11398, fos (...)
  • 20 Colin was back in Paris in April 1586.
  • 21 παρἐλπίδος ἐπἐλπίδα”; “Quantulacunque damus tibi pignora, magna putato / Parua licet, nam sint (...)

18During his short tenure at the Collège de Boncourt, Crichton taught students but also received visits from other academic colleagues, including one Valère Colin. Colin studied in Orléans and became a doctor of both laws. Thereafter, he resorted to Arras where he entered into the service of the powerful Sainte-Aldegonde-Noircames noble family, as tutor to the young Maximilian, baron of Rieulay and later governor of Arras. Whilst still in his youth, Colin embarked on an educational tour to accompany his protégé. Between 1583 and 1586, the pair visited France, Italy, and Spain.19 Contrary to previous statements, Colin was not from Orléans but actually from Ghent as revealed through his album. After this scholarly peregrination, Colin returned to France and seemingly became regent at the University of Paris but met an untimely death by 1590 (BNF, Latin 11398, fo. 18r; Bacquet 37). It was in these circumstances that the pair met George Crichton at Collège de Boncourt. Although not dated, the meeting must have taken place in September-October 1585 and in all likelihood around 15-17 October, given the other contributions in the album especially from Crichton’s colleagues at the Collège.20 “Georgius Crichtonius” noted in Greek “from hope to hope”, perhaps in a dialogic interaction with Romans 4:18. The lettered Scot freely added an elegiac couplet of his own composition in Latin: “No matter how small the tokens of love I give you, think them to be great. For although they may be small, my love is huge” (BNF, Latin 11398, fo. 33r).21

  • 22 His brother, Edward Scot, studied medicine at Montpellier (1598-1600) and died at Dôle prior to 161 (...)

19Crichton’s co-religionist Alexander Scot hailed from Aberdeenshire, being the son of George Scot of Kininmonth and Margaret Fraser, daughter of the Philorth chief. After his instruction at home by Jesuit priest Edmund Hay, Alexander attended the local King’s College and graduated M.A. From there, he left Scotland for religious reasons along with his brother Edward and the pair resorted to France for studies. Alexander continued his education, initially theology at Tournon (on the Rhone River) then taught by Scot Jesuit John Hay. Alexander Scot returned to Scotland but fell foul of the Kirk session for his Catholicism and entertaining priests in his home. Following a fracas with the local minister, Scot fled through England back to France. His interest then turned to law which he studied in Bourges (c. 1580-84) under the renowned French legal humanist Jacques Cujas. After his doctorate in both laws, Scot set out to publish scholarly works in Latin and Greek, such as Ciceronian literature and a Greek grammar book in the late 1580s-early 1590s. The period also saw in print his thesaurus for lawyers, Vocabularium utriusque juris (1591). In May 1594, he settled in Carpentras as principal regent of the college. Having left the college by 1608, he took up a post as an ordinary judge and presided over the town’s council. In addition, he worked as advocate and general procurator of diocesan works. The latter post he still held at his death in 1616 (Kennedy 1906, 242-3; Durkan 2002, 120-4).22

  • 23 Spera in deo et ipse faciet”.
  • 24 McInally 2020, 23, contrary to the assertion that Scot and Strachan “were simply renewing their fri (...)
  • 25Iteratô Ex tempore Vincula virtutis pietas: pax vincit amore”; “Judex vasionis et primaru[m] Appel (...)

20It was during his time in Carpentras that Catholic humanist Alexander Scot met fellow Scotsman and Catholic George Strachan. Strachan is remembered for a remarkable career in the Middle East and Persia but at the time he was seeking patronage and preferment (McInally 2020). Strachan was in town to visit Scot William Chisholm, Bishop of Vaison. On 13 September 1601, Scot couched on the page the Psalmist call for Hope (Psalms 37:5) intreating the reader to “trust in the Lord, and he will act”.23 A few months later, on 12 May 1602, the Scottish regent saw Strachan once more, this time about twenty miles further north in the Roman town of Vaison-la-Romaine. At the time, Scot was about to head for Rome. Indeed, in August 1602, he received his letter of introduction and commendation from the Paris nuncio when on his way to his papal visit to promote his work. Travelling back to Scotland, Strachan was thus crossing path with his Eternal City-bound compatriot (Durkan 2002, 123).24 Doctor of law “Al. Scott[u]s” wrote this single dactylic hexameter “Repeated extemporaneously: Piety supplies the bonds of virtue, Peace prevails by means of love” and noted his position as “Judge of Vaison and of the First Appellate Court of the Comtat Venaissin”. Scot might also have drawn out his coat of arms on the page himself (Aberdeen University Library, Scottish Catholic Archives, CB57/12, fo. 84r; Johnstone 1924, 7-8, pl. V).25 That the two friends deeply appreciated each other is evident in the Latin epigram Strachan composed in praise of Scot’s learning and piety in the latter’s 1602 Lyon edition of his Apparatus latinae locutionis (Dellavida 1956, 4-5).

  • 26 . Contrary to assumptions, there was a degree of interaction and collaboration between the two comm (...)
  • 27 In his detailed study of Avercamp’s album, Uitterdijk mistook the identity of this royal college’s (...)

21These reasonably well documented careers of both Scot and Strachan cannot be perceived as a norm. At times, information is crucially lacking, which alba can partially filled in. One such instance concerns educator John Peirson, principal of the Chauvet college in Loudun. This institution, the Chauvet college, was new and owed its existence to Guy Chauvet, a Parliamentary lawyer, who in 1610 bequeathed a sum of money towards its foundation. The college struggled to flourish, due to the competition of its Protestant rival at a time when most local notables belonged to that denomination. There is virtually no information concerning this Peirson, except that from Loudun he seems to have then relocated to nearby Saumur. Saumur had a royal college established under the patronage of King Henry III. By 1607, the college was in a dire situation and, in a similar situation to Loudun, faced the competition of the new Protestant academy (established in 1599/1600). In 1624, the town council decided to transfer the college to the Oratorians. It is within this transitional context that the name of John Peirson appears as the last principal of the college being replaced by three Oratorian regents. So, this John Peirson having initially served for a while in Loudun left to take up his post at Saumur’s Catholic college, acting as principal, at least for a while, until its transfer to the Oratorians in 1624 (Noyelle 2010; Denécheau).26 His subsequent career cannot be traced.27

22When in post at Loudun, Peirson became acquainted with Everardus Avercamp (d. 1666), son of Kampen town apothecary, Barend Avercamp, and brother of the famous Dutch genre painter Hendrick Avercamp. In August 1619, Avercamp was in Rotterdam where he embarked on a study trip to France that took him four years. He travelled extensively across western and southern France, with recorded visits at Nantes, Angers, and Saumur, then Orléans and Paris before heading south to Valence and Orange, where he stayed for two years. Then, Avercamp went to Montpellier and admired the Roman antiquities before heading back to Angers and Nantes from where he sailed back to the Netherlands. In 1640, Avercamp followed in his father’s footsteps and became Kampen’s town physician and later practiced in Meppel (in Drenthe province, in the Netherlands’ northeast) (Uitterdijk 1880; Dibon 1963, 21-3).

  • 28M J Pyersonus Scotonissensiae Caluorum collegii Juliodunensis Primarius”. To date, the second elem (...)
  • 29Militia est vita hominis super terram”.

23When the Dutch medical student Avercamp travelled throughout western France in late 1619, he stopped at Loudun. There on 13 December, Avercamp approached Peirson for an inscription in his album, and the Scotman duly obliged, signing in his professional capacity as principal of the Chauvet college in Loudun.28 Peirson adopted a combative stance with Job (7:1) declaring “Has not man a hard service upon earth” (Bibliotheek Rijksuniversiteit, Groningen, Hs. 210, fo. 78r; Uitterdijk 1880, 240).29 The two men were not able to build upon this brief budding friendship, as Avercamp was already in Saumur two days later.

  • 30 The long view about Scottish connections with Bordeaux is adopted in Murdoch 2007.

24These brief stays, favoured by Avercamp during his academic tour, were not an isolated case. Other European students opted for these short visits to university towns. It was during one of them that Robert Balfour (died in or after 1621) is encountered. He matriculated at St Andrews University in 1571 and initially taught there but subsequently travelled to France to pursue his studies. Initially settling in Paris, Balfour then proceeded to Bordeaux, probably before 1580, and taught at the city’s leading institution, the Collège de Guyenne, where he remained until his death. There, he taught Greek, held the chair of philosophy and was later the first holder of that of mathematics. In 1602, he became principal of the college until 1621 (Todd 2004; Tucker 2006, 275).30

  • 31 Groos 1981, 10-17; Podavka 2016, from the English abstract p. 5; Hartmann-Franzenshuld and Weittenh (...)

25The college had enjoyed a great reputation owing to the quality of the teaching staff which drew students from far and wide. One of these was the Moravian Protestant noble Zdeněk Brtnický z Valdštejna, known as baron Waldstein, who was born in 1581 and was the nephew of the Moravian Chief Justice. Waldstein studied at Moravian and Silesian Latin schools (1591-6) and then at Strasbourg University (1596-1599). In 1599, he embarked on a tour of western and southern Europe (1599-1602) that saw him travel through France, the Netherlands, back to France, England, then back to France once again, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, and lastly Italy before his return home to Moravia in the summer of 1602. Wealthy and owner of large estates, Waldstein vigorously supported the Protestant cause and became a member of the directors’ government (in 1619) and chamberlain to the ‘Winter King’ Frederick V during the Estates’ uprising. After the battle of White Mountain, the baron was arrested, among other rebellious leaders, condemned to life imprisonment, and had his property confiscated. He died in the prison of Špilberk castle at Brno in 1623. He used this European grand tour to collect mementoes during his numerous stop-overs that neatly complement his largely unedited travel diary.31

  • 32 “R. Balfour Burdigalensis doctor regens”.
  • 33 Τὸ τέχνιον πᾶσα γῆ τρέφει”; Podavka 2014, 130; Erasmus Adagiorvm, col. 939. The quote, however, mi (...)

26When in Bordeaux, the young Moravia baron approached Robert Balfour. Although undated, the meeting took place at some time during Balfour’s principalship of the college as he signed in that capacity.32 Balfour used a Greek quote at the top of the page. The inspiration is taken from Erasmus quoting a proverb of Ancient Greece for a good work ethics in that “Every land lends its support to craftsmanship” (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Cod. series nova 2607, fo. 1r).33 However, the inscription can clearly be dated to 4 May 1600, as Podavka suggests, or the 3rd-4th May according to Odier, as Waldstein travelled from Toulouse to Bordeaux and onwards towards Saintes (Odier 1926, 156-7). Then, Balfour’s appointment as regent needs to be corrected at least to that year, if not earlier. Indeed, after his return to Moravia, Waldstein does not seem to have ever visited France again.

  • 34Patrick Peebles qui Norimberga venit Francofurtum et Duræum compellavit vt in Galliam iret in comi (...)

27Actually, later that month, Waldstein travelled to Saumur where he met the town’s governor Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, one of the leaders of the Huguenot party. The town also boasted its own Protestant academy. Within a few years of fellow Scot Ninian Campbell’s resignation, Patrick Peebles arrived at the Loire institution. Peebles seems to be the student of that name who matriculated at Glasgow University in 1623 (Innes 1854, iii, 76). An insight of his stay in Germany in 1631 is gained by the Hartlib papers which revealed that from Nuremberg Peebles went to Frankfurt and that at John Durie’s instigation Peebles subsequently headed to France (Sheffield University Library, Hartlib Papers, Ephemerides 1634 Part 2, 29/2/16B).34 Arriving from Paris with positive appraisals from the pastors in the French capital, Peebles joined the professoral corps in Saumur in 1634 and taught philosophy and eloquence until 1642. Peebles took ill and died soon afterwards (Tucker ‘Philosophy Teachers’, 54, 59, 63-4; Tucker 2017, 59, 66, 68).

28Peebles’ friendship with German Johannes Fredericus Gronovius is interesting in that it can be traced over time, highlighting deeply felt and long-lasting sentiments. Gronovius belonged to a patrician family of Hamburg. He took up a cursus in law initially at Bremen, then in Altdorf, and afterwards in Holland. Yet in Altdorf, Gronovius also developed an interest in literature. Back in Hamburg, leading Dutch humanist Hugo Grotius encouraged him to pursue in that field. Gronovius embarked on a new course of study at Groningen, Leiden, and in The Hague while still keeping an interest in law. In 1639, he entered the service of the bourgeois Gerard family of Amsterdam as pedagogue for the two youths Laurens and Steven, nephews to the entrepreneur Louis de Geer, during their grand tour of England, France, and Italy. For Gronovius, the aim was to obtain a law degree to assist his future career. This he did in Angers in 1640, and offers of academic work and personal secretaryship ensued. In 1643, he was appointed professor of rhetoric and history at Deventer and secured the Greek chair at Leiden in 1658 until his death in 1671 (Dibon and Waquet 1984, 1-36).

  • 35 olim in Germania contractae nunc uero in Gallia confirmatae”.
  • 36 Dii boni quam male extra legem viuentib[us] semper id quod expectant metuunt”. Petronius Satyricon(...)

29In Saumur, Gronovius caught up with his old acquaintance Peebles, the pair having first met whilst in Germany nine years previously, that is about 1631. During this renewed friendship, Peebles was with Moses Amyraut, the Huguenot theologian and metaphysician and theology professor in Saumur, who wrote an entry for Gronovius on the same day. On 4 January 1640, Peebles paid tribute to that friendship formerly contracted in Germany and now in fact confirmed in France.35 “patricius piblis” signed in his capacity as “eloquentiae professor” and wrote a quote which he self-identified as from first century AD Roman courtier Petronius “Oh heavens, outlaws have a hard life; they are always waiting to get their just desserts” (Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, 130 E 32, fo. 163r).36

30These professorial alba contributions underscore the need to study relationships over time and in conjunction with other documents to reveal a deeper sense of friendship or, in Peebles’ apposite words, to confirm a budding friendship. These would then serve as essential markers to understand more fully these mutual relationships and contextualize published elegies and epigrams. When these professorial encounters were brief, as with Peirson and Balfour, the relationship from the students’ perspective seems to shift towards a more utilitarian, pragmatic type of learned friendship. This politicization of social friendly relationships and of learning seen in the livres d’amitié could be capitalized upon later on for one’s career, by showing these mementoes to a potential employer, and for court or official positions (Giese 2008; Kurras 2005; Keller 2011). From these professors’ point of view, addressing bon mots to their students reflect on these educators’ guiding principles in life that they wanted to impart to their students. The relationship thus shaped was more of a paternal or counselling nature.

3. Scottish clergymen

  • 37 Foster 1891-2, iii, 1214; Venn and Venn 1922-7, iii, 399; Tulot 2011, 12-14, 15, 18, 73, and pp. 94 (...)

31Given the highly confessional context of the time, it seems surprising that studies of Scottish churchmen in France have not been produced. This short section will focus on a few of them in their relations with travelling Europeans. David Primrose (1599-1650) was the son of the well-known ecclesiastical figure Gilbert Primrose, a preacher of the Protestant church in Bordeaux and of the French church in London as well as chaplain to both King James VI and Charles I. Born in France, David Primrose graduated with an M.A. from Bordeaux and studied abroad in Geneva (theology), Basel, and Leiden. He was admitted at Oxford University in 1623 and received a B.D. from Exeter College in April 1624. That same year, he was incorporated at Cambridge and laureated with another B.D. Likewise in 1624, the Reformed church of Bordeaux approached him for a post, but he refused for fear of potential opposition he might face from the same quarters that had challenged his father’s ministry. The following year (1625) the Reformed church in Rouen offered him a pastoral post when he was in Scotland (from September 1624 to February 1625). Returning to France, Primrose exercised his ministry in Rouen up until his death in 1650.37

32Early in his clerical role in Normandy, Primrose befriended Johann Jacob Frey. A native of Basel and son of a local merchant, Frey studied locally and graduated with an M.A. in 1624. Having completed a theological disputation in 1625, he picked up a New Testament in Greek, a (now seemingly lost) travel diary, and a Stammbuch and left his hometown in the summer. His itinerary first through Switzerland (Lausanne, Geneva) took him to Savoy (Thonon, 1626) and onto France (Lyon, Orléans, Paris 1626-7, Rouen) prior to crossing from Dieppe into England (London, Oxford, Cambridge, Eton). In 1628, Frey resorted to Ireland founding employment with Richard Boyle, first Earl of Cork, as tutor to his eldest son Richard, Lord Dungarvan. Frey then returned home by way of England (1629-30), where he conformed to the Church of England and was ordained a deacon, ministering near Basel. Later, he resumed his tutoring service to Dungarvan travelling with him on the continent for a while and in 1635 took up the Greek professorship at the university of Basel prior to his death in 1636 (Staehelin 1941, 133-41).

  • 38 V[erbi] D[ei] M[inister]”; “בְּכָל־עֵ֭ת אֹהֵ֣ב הָרֵ֑עַ”; “Hic cum fulgescant magnoru[m] inscripta (...)

33In Rouen on 12 April 1627, preacher Primrose addressed his Swiss peripatetic visitor in writing in Hebrew from the felicitous incipit of Proverbs 17:17 “A friend loves at all times” and in composing two elegiac couplets in Latin: “Since the names of great men shine forth inscribed (in this book), I am surprised you wish to add mine. But this is because you aren’t hunting for men distinguished by Pallas’ arts, but rather for those whom faithful affection joins to yourself” (Universitäts-Bibliothek, Basel, Mscr. Frey-Gryn. V 19, no. 111).38

34Staying with Primrose, a decade later, during his ministerial role in Rouen, he was visited in 1638 by Johann Rudolf Wettstein (d. 1684). Wettstein was the son of Johann Rudolf Wettstein senior, burgomaster of Basel formerly in Venetian service. Wettstein junior studied philosophy and theology in Basel (1631-4) and entered the local ministry in 1634. In 1636/7, he was appointed professor of Greek language and literature and, from 1637, embarked on a tour of various university towns across France, England, and the Netherlands. After his return to Basel, he obtained a chair of philosophy (1643) and was made librarian (1651). In 1649, he was made doctor in theology and later professor of dogmatics and polemics and New Testament, additionally holding the rectorship of the University twice (1656-7, 1669-70). As an irenic theologian, he defended Protestant orthodoxy against its rigid dogmatism (Chaudon, Delandine, and Goigoux 1821-23, xxvii, 205-6).

  • 39V[erbi] D[ei] M[inister]”; “Inuia virtuti, nulla est via”; Ovid Metamorphoses 308-9.

35His educative travels in France took Wettstein to Rouen. There on 12 June 1638, David Primrose, or “D. Primirosius”, minister of the word of God, congenially inscribed a few words on a page towards the end of the manuscript, noting as a motto the forceful Ovidian precept of virtue in that “There is no way denied to virtue”. (Bibliothèque de la société d’histoire du protestantisme français, Paris, MS 852, p. 619).39 Later on, in 1662, Wettstein instilled the same passion for album keeping to his son Johann Rudolf junior for him to gather friendly mementoes, as the latter took his own volume when he set about on his travels across Europe (Pannier 1929, 61).

36As with Primrose’s latter encomium, contributors at times couched their benevolent messages in their twilight years or at least after a rich life experience, as can be seen in the case of Alexander Morus. Morus was actually the son of an unnamed French woman and Alexander Morus senior, who was principal of the college at Castres in Languedoc, where Morus junior was born in 1616. Morus senior (d. 1651) then went on to teach Greek at the academy of Orange from 1638 to 1649 and officiated as its principal (Tucker ‘Philosophy Teachers’, 53, 61). Morus younger (d. 1670) began his education locally at Castres and in 1634 headed to Geneva for his theological studies. In 1639, aged twenty-three he was appointed professor of Greek. Ordained in 1641, he became suspected of being under Arminian influence. The following year, Morus took up the post of professor of theology at Geneva yet, with persistent accusations of Arminianism and of unchastity, resigned in 1648 and seized a professorial post in Middelburg alongside pastoral work. In 1653-54, he was involved in a war of tracts with English poet and Latin secretary John Milton initially for pro-Royalist views but descending into personal attacks. In 1655, Morus visited Italy. After his return to the Netherlands with a personal scandal lingering on, he resigned his professorship in 1659, having been expelled by the Walloon synod. He finally settled as pastor of the Protestant church of Charenton near Paris where he died in 1670, after having been examined again for Arminian heresies in the 1660s (Sellin 1995; Sellin 2001; Gasper 2004).

  • 40Ecclesiastes Parisiensis”.

37In this latter position, as minister of the Protestant church of Charenton near Paris40, Morus met the twenty-six-year-old François-Antoine Rognon (d. 1715). Rognon was born in the family of notary Guérard Rognon who also served as local lieutenant in a municipality in the canton of Neuchâtel. In 1658, he embarked on lengthy theological studies initially in Basel then in Geneva (1659) and Paris (1666). The following year (1667), he entered the ministry and was a preacher in Basel in 1668 prior to coming back home in 1674 and settling as minister in various municipalities of the canton of Neuchâtel until his death in 1715 (Clottu 1958, 29).

  • 41 “A[nno] τñs Οἰκονομίας”; “S. theologiae Ex professora”.
  • 42 “Θεοῦ μή διδόντος, οὐδὲν ἰσχύει πόνος, Θεοῦ διδόντος οὐδὲν ἰσχύει φθόνος”; “Fratribus τοῖς νησιώται (...)

38In his contribution, dated in Paris on 1 October “in the year of grace” 1666, Morus, by then an aged churchman and former theology professor41, felt inspired by the dodecasyllable prayer of Church Father Gregory of Nazianzus: “Without the help of God, working hard is not useful, With the help of God envy has no power” before concluding gloomily on human relationships: “to the brothers on the islands who are rushing through rocks and fires towards mutual destruction, alas doomed”, which encapsulated his life marred by persistent allegations of personal misconducts and unorthodox views (Bibliothèque publique et universitaire de Neuchâtel, Fonds Famille Chaillet, FCHA-105-2.1, fo. 2r).42

39During their formative years, the gathering of signatures enabled these European youths to receive friendly spiritual guidance from seasoned Scottish churchmen based in France. Theirs was a relationship defined by paternalistic wisdom and advice given to young men to establish a virtuous conduct in life spurred not only by religious but also humanist or classical quotes. As one of Primrose’s dedications makes it clear, the reading of other signatories’ entries enabled connections with the other writers’ erudition, linguistic or drawing skills but also with these individuals themselves even if only by name, encouraging emulation or inspiration as well as dialogical interaction. The relationship thus created was not confined or limited to two individuals (the album owner and the signatory) but opened up to a wider network including contributors and readers of the album (Klose et al. 1999, i, 14; Schnabel 2003, 115-7, 226).

4. Scottish diplomats and political activists

40British diplomat Sir Henry Wotton’s (in)famous definition of an ambassador as “an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his Country” was first incautiously imparted in private confidence in an album amicorum (Schlueter and Dubischar 2016, 677-8). But Wotton was not the only British diplomat or political activist to engage with the genre, as opposed to his relationship with the album owner which proved to be so temporarily calamitous for Wotton which rarely applied to this type of relationship.

  • 43 He was probably the same Mr John Menteith in Paris who in April 1567 organized boarding for the son (...)

41After his birth in Stirlingshire in the early 1550s, John Menteith, from the Menteith of Kerse branch, migrated to Heidelberg for his studies in 1568. In the 1570s, he became involved in diplomatic and political activities and, in 1573, seemingly participated in the organization of a Scottish military expedition to defend the Protestants in the Netherlands. In 1575, he travelled through Germany visiting Heidelberg and Frankfurt, meeting English diplomat Sir Philip Sidney along the way. That same year, Menteith settled in Strasbourg and resided there until 1583. In the late 1570s-early 1580s, he acted as a spy for the English under Sir Francis Walsingham, capitalizing on a useful cover as, at that time (1577-82), he became tutor to the younger sons of the late François de Coligny d’Andelot, nephews of the French Protestant Admiral Gaspard de Coligny. In 1582, King James VI and the Duke of Lennox summoned him to return to Scotland. Menteith continued his role as a political agent, including for his adopted city of Strasbourg. In late January 1583, from Sedan, Menteith warned the Strasbourg magistrates about malevolent attempts fomented against the city. Later on that year, he acted as messenger between Jean Sturm, rector of the Strasbourg academy, and the Prince de Condé. In the 1580s, the Scotsman acquired lands in Burgundy and in 1594 married Suzanne Hotman, daughter of the famous Swiss jurist François Hotman. He died around 1606 (Audcent 2014; Archives municipales de Strasbourg, série AA, liasse 736, pièces nos. 65, 67).43

  • 44 Helk 1974, 29, 41; Helk 2001, 345; Helk 1976, 377; Klose 1988, 101.
  • 45 Καλῶς ἀκούειν μᾶλλον πλουτεῖν θέλε”; “ΜΟΝΩ [ΤΩ] ΘΕΩ ΔΟΞΑ”; Edmonds 1961, 924-5; McAndrew 2006, 1 (...)

42In 1579, John Menteith became acquainted with Georg Pakebusch. The Leipzig youth had undertaken a tour across Europe, taking with him a copy of a 1569 edition of Hadrianus Junius’ Emblemata to collect his encomia. After his studies in Leipzig and Strasbourg, he entered Swedish service and became royal secretary, travelling from Stockholm to Lübeck.44 Early on his study tour, Pakebusch saw the spy-tutor Menteith in Strasbourg. There on 18 August 1579, the “scotus” “Joannes de Menteth” stuck to his cherished classical author Menander and enjoined his reader to aspire to honour and “Seek to be thought well of, not well to do”. Above his quote can be found Menteith’s coat of arms with his Greek motto “Glory to God alone” surrounding the bottom of his blazon bearing the familiar chequered bend of Menteith (Det Kongelige Bibliotek Copenhagen, Thott 448 8°, fo. 36r).45

43Menteith’s fellow Protestant James Colville was more militant. Colville (d. 1629) was the son and heir of Sir James Colville of Easter Wemyss and Janet Douglas. In his youth, he served in the Huguenot army under Henry, King of Navarre. In 1571, Colville assisted in the defence of Stirling Castle for King James VI against Regent Lennox. After his appointment as master of the household in 1579, he joined Crown service as Scottish ambassador until 1582. In that year, he took part in the “Raid of Ruthven”, a political conspiracy aimed against King James to reform the government of Scotland, which caused his temporary forfeiture. Later, he resumed his military activities for French King Henry IV and for whom he held the governorship of St Valéry (1592-4). From 1594, Scotland sent Colville on diplomatic missions to England and France. In 1604, he was created Lord Colville and was granted lands in Ireland ten years later (Young 1992-3, i, 139-40).

44During his ambassadorial missions in France and before he was raised to the peerage, Colville travelled to Orléans. In 1603 in the Loire valley town, he saw Philipp Schad von Mittelbiberach. Schad was from Speyer in the Rhineland-Palatinate, the son of a supreme court assessor and councillor. In his youth, he travelled throughout Europe as a student, matriculating at a number of Swiss and German universities (Basel, Heidelberg, Marburg, and Tübingen). He took a Stammbuch with him and began collecting signatures in Marburg in 1600-1, before visiting Giessen (1600), Heidelberg (1601-2, 1604), Ulm (1601, 1604, 1606), and Frankfurt (1602, 1604-22). From Germany, he headed to Switzerland (Basel, 1602-3) and crossed into France. The French tour led Schad to Montbéliard, Lyon and Orléans (1603) and in the following year (1604) to Paris and Nancy. Schad later returned to Germany and established himself in Frankfurt, being admitted to the corporation of Frankfurt patricians (Haus Limpurg) in 1605, until his death in 1622 (Krekler 1992, 700; Hansert and Stoyan 2012, 1169, 1172).

  • 46Les gens de bien font tousiours bien, ont tousiours bien, sont tousiours bien”; Krekler 1992, 106, (...)
  • 47 Fato prudentia Maior”; Virgil Georgics 128-9.
  • 48 The preciousness of time is reminiscent of the work of Scottish Renaissance poet and Franciscan fri (...)

45During his stay in Orléans, Schad became the procurator of the German nation at the university. The meeting with Scotsman James Colville took place on 25 November 1603. Dedicating a few words of affection to the German procurator in French, “Jaques Coluill Escossois” left him witty lines in three languages. In French, Colville used a contemporary proverb which praised moral integrity in that “Upright men always do good, always live prosperously, and always rejoice” (Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, Stammbuch des Philipp Schad, Cod. hist. 2° 888-22, fo. 69v).46 Then in Latin, echoing Virgil, the Scottish diplomat advised that “Prudence is greater than fate”.47 Colville closed his contribution in Scots underlining the preciousness of time and for his audience to appreciate the moment: “Tak tyme in tyme for tyme will away”.48

46As seen previously in the section on educators, travellers’ relations were at times politically motivated. During their formative years, travels were for them part of a state-building process with educational ideals and their implementation within and outside the kingdom and whose study journeys were justified by the gathering of “political wisdom”. This utilitarian function of the genre of alba had a very pregnant force when album owners navigated through diplomatic circles and upon which they could capitalize once they returned to occupy functions as town or Crown officials. These networks and the political culture they tapped into served to fulfil careerist aspirations (Keller 2011). To these aspiring public servants, Scottish diplomats and activists underlined – through words rather than actual deeds – key traits of a successful career, notably moral probity.

5. Scottish scientists

  • 49 Although European training is noted for early-modern physicians, more could be said about these for (...)

47The world of early-modern Scottish science has drawn scholarly interest but more along each particular field than across these scientific disciplines. Even within each discipline, the focus has understandably been on realizations within Scotland itself. Yet, alba show that these Scottish scientists ventured out abroad for their training or career, fully immersing themselves in a broad European humanist culture of exchange and interaction.49

48One such scientist who seized on European opportunities was William Davisson (d. 1669). Born in Aberdeen, he was the son of Duncan Davisson of Ardmachron (north of Cruden Bay) and Janet Forbes. In the aftermath of his father’s death, relatives seized the maternal holdings. After her early death, legal suits for restitution plagued William’s life for many years. In 1614, he enrolled at Marischal College in Aberdeen and graduated with an M.A. in 1617. Given the family’s difficulties, Davisson emigrated to France and married Charlotte de Thynny. There he qualified as a doctor of medicine, likely in Montpellier, and became physician to Claude Dormy, Bishop of Boulogne. After Dormy’s death in 1626, Davisson went to Paris to lecture on chemistry and published his important work on chemistry, Philosophia pyrotechnica (1633-5). He enjoyed a high reputation and was in much demand as a physician by both the English and Scottish communities in Paris. In 1644, through the patronage of Queen consort Henrietta Maria and François Vautier, King Louis XIII’s physician, Davisson was appointed royal physician to King Louis XIV. In 1647, at Vautier’s recommendation, he received the first ever chair of chemistry in France, at the Jardin du Roi, also becoming the Jardin’s intendant that year. In 1651, assisted by the Polish queen consort Marie-Louise, Davisson took up his post in Warsaw as first physician to King John II Casimir and his family and as keeper of the royal garden. At her death in 1667, Davisson briefly returned home to Aberdeen, continuing to publish in the medical field. By 1669, he was back in Paris and had his patent of nobility ratified by Louis XIV. Davisson died in early 1673. The Scot is credited for having turned the Jardin to a social outlet not only for the scientific community but also the literary circles in the mid-seventeenth century (Read 1961; Kahn 2014; Martin 1979).

49In the Parisian capital, the Scottish scientist was approached by Paul Moth (d. 1670). Moth was the son of Matthias Moth, a surgeon at the emperor’s court in Prague and later in Flensburg, receiving training as a surgeon from his father. In the late 1620s-early 1630s, he studied medicine and anatomy at German and Dutch universities. Moth returned home and began his grand tour, enrolling again in Leiden in June 1635. He then visited England, France, Italy, and Switzerland. In 1640, he undertook the journey home, initially working as a city physician in Kiel prior to settling as a doctor in Flensburg. Due to the war, he moved to Lübeck in 1644 and to Odense in 1646/47. Afterwards, he received a call to the court of the King of Denmark in Copenhagen in 1651 and became Frederick III’s personal physician. There he also supervised the education of the future king Christian V, performed other tasks, overseeing for instance the fleet’s finances in 1659, and died a distinguished physician (Lohmeier 1982).

  • 50 The album has been studied by Lohmeier 1981; Helk 1971, 114-15, 187; Helk 2001, 339; Helk 1975-6, 5 (...)
  • 51 Martin 1979, 346-51, for a few anecdotes of Davisson’s clinical activities at the time.
  • 52 Scotus medicinae [doctor philoso]phiae et med[icinæ] profe[ssor] D. [??]”.
  • 53Fortunam humili memento f[igere] Saxo”; Boethius Consolation 198-9 “Humili domum memento Certus fi (...)

50In his youth and during his travels, Moth kept not one but two albums. Unfortunately, his second album contains torn pages, including the one on which Davisson signed.50 Nevertheless, part of his contribution can still be read. The few details still available show that Davisson, whose first name only partially appeared on the torn leaf (“Williel[mus]”), was in Paris (“lute[tiae]”) on an unspecified date. Yet, from the album, Moth’s presence in Paris and so his meeting with Davisson can be circumscribed to two short periods, January-April 1636 and April-August 1639.51 Davisson signed as a Scottish doctor of medicine and professor of medicine.52 At the top of the page, he penned his Latin motto, adapted from Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy, enjoining his audience to “Remember to anchor your fortune on a humble rock [i.e. on the rock of humility]”, with which the researcher can positively identify him despite this fragmentary entry (Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen, NKS 600 8°, II, fo. 93r).53 Davisson actually used this motto elsewhere for his portrait and in his major publication and should be set within the alchemical thought and reasoning which tinged his career. This “humble rock” no longer appears humbly but can be read as the philosophers’ stone (Read 1961, 100 and ill. no. 5).

  • 54 BL, Add. MS 23105, fo. 67r, for Primrose’s contribution to de Glarges’ album.
  • 55 Macintyre and MacLaren 2005, 23-4, 311; Furdell 2002, 26, 37, 63, 175, 200, 203, 237. James is not (...)

51A more orthodox colleague of Davisson’s was physician James Primrose (died 1659), son of Gilbert Primrose (d. 1642) who left France and got established in London in 1623 as a minister of the French and Walloon refugee church in London which he held until his death (Littleton 2004; Scouloudi 1985, 329).54 James Primrose was born at Saint-Jean-d’Angély in Charente-Maritime and was the grandson of King James’ serjeant-surgeon, or principal surgeon, Gilbert Primrose. After his studies at Bordeaux, James pursued medical studies first in Paris and then Montpellier (matr. 1615) where he received his M.D. in 1617. Unlike Davisson, Primrose then returned to Britain and became known as an opponent of William Harvey’s theory of the circulation of the blood with several publications refuting such theory.55

  • 56 For his livre d’amitié, consult Catalogus 1783, ‘Alba Amicorum’ no. 22; Nickson 1970, 21; Catalogue (...)

52Belonging to this medical world was student Philips de Glarges (d. 1669), son of Gilles de Glarges, advocate at the Court of Holland and pensionary (legal adviser) of Haarlem. The Haarlem youth first studied in Leiden (1634) and was on the move across his country from 1636, at the latest, gathering encomia on the way in the Netherlands and later France. On his return to his home town, he worked as a doctor. In addition, de Glarges engaged in local politics and sat as alderman and councillor (Biesboer 1989, 33, 42).56

  • 57Non est in medico semper relevetur vt aeger”; Ovid Ex Ponto 280-1; “Laudes quas Medicis cum sacra (...)

53Towards the end of his recorded journey in his album, de Glarges crossed the North Sea to England and was in London in May and June 1641. There, de Glarges would have rejoiced in getting to know a fellow physician. On 8 June 1641, medical doctor James Primrose penned a few dedicatory lines for him. Although in keeping with the medical theme, Primrose instead chose Classical literature and rallied behind Ovid in declaring a doctor’s powerlessness in that “’Tis not always in a physician’s power to cure the sick”. Primrose added his own thought in criticizing academic physicians and praising medical practitioners instead, highlighting that “The praise that both the Holy Scripture and secular authors give to doctors only fits those who cure diseases, not those who only fight about them in the schools” (BL, Add. MS 23105, fo. 17r).57

54In alba amicorum, the relationships built by aspiring savants who connected with established professionals opened up opportunities to access expertise and scientific developments and new practices, including unorthodox ones. These were formidable occasions for cross-fertilization as these travelling students were able to impart the latest teachings to these physicians either from their studies at European medical institutions or through discussions with members of the scientific community. At the same time, the broad spectrum of scientists encountered during these meetings meant that some of these inscribers questioned or refuted these new scientific developments, disparaged of their academic colleagues, or engaged in the risky alchemical science.

Conclusion

55These entries by Scots in travelling Europeans’ alba amicorum question the very inclusion of the genre as part of ego-documents, for out of necessity album owners had to relate and present their volumes to other people to collect their contributions (Dekker 2002, 7-20; Griškaitė 2013). They are as much about writing about the self as about others, visible in the signatories’ encomia to these possessors. This dialogical nature is manifest in the interaction thus created between inscribers and owners but also between inscribers themselves and between owners and viewers/readers.

56On another level, the very notion of relating or rather that of friendship, inherent in these livres d’amitié (friendship albums, vriendenboeken...) through their name, is stretched to its limits both chronologically speaking and in terms of the intensity of these relationships, covering both deep sentiments but also superficial feelings. The briefest encounter seen for instance in Peirson’s and Balfour’s case merits an inclusion in these volumes just as much as the entry of an album owner’s long-term correspondents or year-long fellow traveller in Flemish humanist Bonaventura Vulcanius’s album can be found alongside contributions from fleeting acquaintances made at inns during travel or at a graduation dinner (Ommen and Cazes 2010, 16-38). In the nature of a relationship, this issue of time is intimately linked with that of intensity or depth of the friendship or antipathy for that matter. That gradation is personal and difficult to gauge for the historian confronted with the sometimes formulaic character of these dedications.

57The collation of documents seems to be one avenue to investigate that nature of the relationships thus formed or cultivated. Further research needs to be done to edit the correspondence of early-modern European humanists. An analysis of the continuation of correspondence between an album owner and signatory has been shown to be a sign of true affection (Hamilton 1985, 42-3). Gronovius’s letters have helped flesh out the extent of his relationship with Peebles sealed in France as revealed in the latter’s album contribution. Along the same lines, scholarly work on early-modern epigrams in manuscript and print would greatly assist in the understanding of relationships during that period. Indeed, they testify to strong bonds of friendship formerly delineated in alba amicorum, as transpired in Scot’s relation with Strachan. This is all the more relevant as newly edited sepulchral verses contained within Strachan’s volume offers a lens through which to view the construction of Scottish Catholic identity as well as kinship and friendship networks (Williams 2020).

58Actually, the issue of relating within alba seems to be too restrictively construed and the question needs to be opened up from ‘relating to whom?’ to ‘relating to what?’. What is striking about these alba is that on one level they reveal much more about their separate components (owner and contributors) than the sum of their parts (the relations between owner and contributors). In the present instance, these entries firmly ground these Scots within France and its various milieus, whether student, professional, clerical, diplomatic, or scientific. They illustrate how these Scots related to their surrounding environments as well as to their activities or professions and the contacts they enjoyed with the people inhabiting these environments whether in a transitory way (travellers, students...) or a more stable one (work colleagues...).

Haut de page

Bibliographie

Unpublished primary sources

Aberdeen University Library, Scottish Catholic Archives, CB57/12.

Archives municipales de Strasbourg, série AA, liasse 736.

Bibliotheek Rijksuniversiteit, Groningen, Hs. 210.

Bibliothèque de la société d’histoire du protestantisme français, Paris, MS 852.

Bibliothèque publique et universitaire de Neuchâtel, Fonds Famille Chaillet, FCHA-105-2.1 (formerly MS 1846).

BL, Add. MS 23105.

BNF, Latin 11398, https://gallica.bnf.fr/. Accessed 19 September 2015.

Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen, NKS 600 8°, II, https://www.kb.dk/. Accessed 1 May 2016.

Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen, Thott 448 8°.

Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, 130 E 32, https://www.kb.nl/. Accessed 21 August 2020.

Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, Oldenburg, Best. 297 J Nr. 7.

Orientalist Museum, Doha, OM.749.

Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Cod. series nova 2607.

Polska Akademia Nauk Biblioteka Gdańska, MS 2501.

Private collection, Stammbuch des Josias Marcus.

Sheffield University Library, Hartlib Papers, Ephemerides 1634, https://www.dhi.ac.uk/hartlib/index.html. Accessed 19 August 2020.

Universitäts-Bibliothek, Basel, Mscr. Frey-Gryn. V 19.

Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, Stammbuch des Philipp Schad, Cod. hist. 2° 888-22.

Printed primary sources

Anderson, James M., editor. Early Records of the University of St Andrews: The Graduation Roll, 1413-1579 and the Matriculation Roll, 1473-1579. Edinburgh, Scottish History Society, 1926.

Anderson, Peter J., editor. Records of the Scots College at Douai, Rome, Madrid, Valladolid and Ratisbon. Aberdeen, New Spalding Club, 1906.

Bacquet, Jean. Œuvres. Paris, l’Angelier, 1608.

Blaeu, Joannis. Theatrum orbis terrarum sive atlas novus, pars quinta. Amsterdam, Blaeu, 1654.

Boethius, The Theological Tractates. Edited by Hugh F. Stewart, Edward K. Rand, and Stanley J. Tester. The Consolation of Philosophy. Edited by Stanley J. Tester, London, Harvard UP, 1973.

Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum, in the Years MDCCCLIV-MDCCCLX, London, British Museum, 1875-7. 2 vols.

Catalogus van twee uitmuntende verzaamelingen welgeconditioneerde boeken [collection of C. A. van Sypesteyn]. Haarlem, Cornelis van der Aa, [11 November 1783].

Chaudon, Louis-Mayeul, Antoine-François Delandine, and Jean-Daniel Goigoux, editors. Dictionnaire Historique, Critique et Bibliographique. Paris, Ménard et Desenne, 1821-23. 30 vols.

Edmonds, John M., editor. The Fragments of Attic Comedy, vol. III B. Leiden, Brill, 1961.

Erasmus, Desiderius. Adagiorvm chiliades juxta locos communes digestae. Frankfurt, heirs Andreas Wechel et al., 1599.

Foster, Joseph, editor. Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714. Oxford, Parker, 1891-2. 4 vols.

Grahame, Simion. The Anatomie of Humors and the Passionate Sparke of a Relenting Minde. Edited by Robert Jameson, Edinburgh, Bannatyne Club, 1830.

Groos, G. W., editor. The Diary of Baron Waldstein: A Traveller in Elizabethan England. London, Thames and Hudson, 1981.

Günther, Otto, editor. Katalog der Handschriften der Danziger Stadtbibliothek, Bd. 3. Danzig, Kommissions-Verlag der L. Saunierschen Buch- und Kunsthandlung, 1909.

Horace. Odes and Epodes. Edited by Niall Rudd, London, Harvard UP, 2004.

Innes, Cosmo, editor. Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis. Glasgow, Maitland Club, 1854. 4 vols.

Juvenal and Persius. The Satires of Persius – The Satires of Juvenal. Edited by Susanna M. Braund, London, Harvard UP, 2004.

Klose, Wolfgang, editor. Corpus Alborum Amicorum – CAAC – Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der Stammbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1988.

Klose, Wolfgang, et al., editors. Wittenberger Gelehrtenstammbuch: Das Stammbuch von Abraham und David Ulrich. Benutzt von 1549-1577 sowie 1580-1623. Halle, Mitteldeutscher, 1999. 2 vols.

Krekler, Ingeborg, editor. Die Autographensammlung des Stuttgarter Konistorialdirektors Friedrich Wilhelm Frommann (1707-1787). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1992.

Mazal, Otto, Franz Unterkircher, and Rosemary Hilmar, editors. Katalog der abendländischen Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, ‘Series Nova’ (Neuerwerbungen). Vienna, Prachner and Brüder Hollinek, 1963-97. 5 vols.

Memoriae excelentissimi et consultissimi viri, dn. Iohannis Person i. u. d.... Wittenberg, Crato, 1599.

Migne, Jacques-Paul, editor. Patrologia Graeca. Paris, Garnier, 1857-66. 161 vols.

Nicot, Jean. Le Grand Dictionnaire François-Latin. Geneva, Stoer, 1603.

Ovid. Metamorphoses Books IX-XV. Edited by Frank J. Miller and George P. Goold, London, Harvard UP, 1984.

Ovid. Tristia – Ex Ponto. Edited by Arthur L. Wheeler and George P. Goold, London, Harvard UP, 1996.

Petronius. Satyricon – Seneca. Apocolocyntosis. Edited by Gareth Schmeling, London, Harvard UP, 2020.

Ridderikhoff, Cornelia M., Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, and Chris L. Heesakkers, editors. Troisième livre des procurateurs de la nation germanique de l’ancienne université d’Orléans 1567-1587. Leiden, Brill, 2013.

Schieckel, Harald, editor. Findbuch zur Stammbuchsammlung 16.-18. Jh. mit biographischen Nachweisen. Oldenburg, Holzberg, 1986.

Schwarzenberg, Karl, editor. Katalog der kroatischen, polnischen und tschechischen Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Vienna, Brüder Hollinek, 1972.

Scouloudi, Irene, editor. Returns of Strangers in the Metropolis 1593, 1627, 1635, 1639: A Study of an Active Minority. London, Huguenot Society of London, 1985.

Tossanus, Daniel. Oratio panegyrica in obitum Reverendi & Clarissimi Viri, Domini M. Jo. Jacobi Frey, Professoris Graeci in Academia patria, & Designati Decani Armachani, in Hibernia. Basel, Decker, 1636.

Unterkircher, Franz, editor. Inventar der illuminierten Handschriften, Inkunabeln und Frühdrucke der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Teil I: Die abendländischen Handschriften. Vienna, Prachner, 1957-9. 2 vols.

Venn, John, and John A. Venn, editors. Alumni Cantabrigienses, Part 1: From the Earliest Times to 1751. Cambridge UP, 1922-7. 4 vols.

Virgil. Eclogues – Georgics – Aeneid I-VI. Edited by Henry R. Fairclough and George P. Goold, London, Harvard UP, 1999.

Watt, Donald E. R., and Athol L. Murray, editors. Fasti Ecclesiae Scoticanae Medii Aevi Ad Annum 1638. Edinburgh, Scottish Record Society, 2003.

Young, Margaret D., editor. The Parliaments of Scotland: Burgh and Shire Commissioners. Edinburgh, Scottish Academic Press, 1992-3. 2 vols.

Secondary sources

Adams, Alison. Webs of Allusion: French Protestant Emblem Books of the Sixteenth Century. Geneva, Droz, 2003.

Balsamo, Jean. “Une Pratique de la sociabilité humaniste à l’épreuve de l’Europe: L’album amicorum au XVIe siècle.” L’Humanisme à l’épreuve de l’Europe, XVe-XVIe siècles: Histoire d’une transmutation culturelle, edited by Denis Crouzet et al., Ceyzérieu, Champ Vallon, 2019, pp. 136-51.

Biesboer, Pieter. “The Burghers of Haarlem and Their Portrait Painters.” Frans Hals, edited by Seymour Slive, London, Royal Academy of Arts, 1989, pp. 23-44.

Boureau, Alain. “Les livres d’emblèmes sur la scène publique: Côté jardin et côté cour.” Les usages de l’imprimé, XVème-XIXème siècles, edited by Roger Chartier, Paris, Fayard, 1987, pp. 343-79.

Bryce, Ian D. B., and Alasdair Roberts. “Post-Reformation Catholic Symbolism: Further and Different Examples.” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. 126, 1997, pp. 899-909.

Cairns, John W. “The Law, the Advocates and the Universities in Late Sixteenth-Century Scotland.” Scottish Historical Review, vol. 73, 1994, pp. 171-90.

Cairns, John W. “Academic Feud, Bloodfeud and William Welwood: Legal Education in St Andrews, 1560-1611, part I.” Edinburgh Law Review, vol. 2, 1998, pp. 158-79.

Cairns, John W. Law, Lawyers, and Humanism: Selected Essays on the History of Scots Law, volume 1. Edinburgh, Edinburgh UP, 2015.

Cazes, Hélène. “Démonstrations d’amitié et d’humanisme: alba, adages et emblèmes chez les petits-enfants d’Erasme.” Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Monasteriensis, edited by Astrid Steiner-Weber and Karl A. E. Enenkel, Leiden, Brill, 2015, pp. 18-49.

Cazes, Hélène. “Le Livre et son objet: une poétique selon Henri Estienne dans les Parodiae Morales.” Poétiques de l’objet: L’objet dans la poésie française du Moyen Âge au XXe siècle, edited by François Rouget and John Stout, Paris, Champion, 2001, pp. 185-200.

Clottu, Olivier. “Armoiries des Liber Amicorum Neuchâtelois.” Archives héraldiques suisses, vol. 72, 1958, pp. 26-32.

Courant, Stéphane. “Les Alba amicorum, du témoignage amical à la constitution d’un réseau social.” Revue d’histoire de l’université de Sherbrooke, vol. 5, 2012, https://rhus.historiamati.ca/volume5/les-alba-amicorum-du-temoignage-amical-a-la-constitution-dun-reseau-social/. Accessed 8 August 2017.

Darcel, Alfred. “Les Livres des amis.” Gazette des beaux-arts, vol. 3, 1859, pp. 89-103.

Dekker, Rudolf. Egodocuments and History: Autobiographical Writing in its Social Context since the Middle Ages. Hilversum, Uitgeverij, 2002.

Delen, Marie-Ange. “Frauenalben als Quelle: Frauen und Adelskultur im 16. Jahrhundert.” Stammbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts, edited by Wolfgang Klose, Wiesbaden, Harrasowitz, 1989, pp. 75-93.

Dellavida, Giorgio L. George Strachan, Memorials of a Wandering Scottish Scholar of the Seventeenth Century. Aberdeen, Third Spalding Club 1956.

Dibon, Paul. Le Voyage en France des Etudiants Néerlandais au XVIIème Siècle. The Hague, Nijhoff, 1963.

Dibon, Paul, and Françoise Waquet. Johannes Fredericus Gronovius: Pèlerin de la République des Lettres. Geneva, Droz, 1984.

Dingwall, Helen M. A History of Scottish Medicine: Themes and Influences. Edinburgh UP, 2003.

Dray, John-Paul. “The Protestant Academy of Saumur and Its Relations with the Oratorians of Les Ardilliers.” History of European Ideas, vol. 9, 1988, pp. 465-78.

Dulieu, Louis. “Quelques compléments à la matricule de l’Université de médecine de Montpellier.” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, vol. 27, 1965, pp. 265-71.

Dulieu, Louis. La médecine à Montpellier, Tome III. Avignon, les Presses Universelles, 1983-6. 2 vols.

Durkan, John. “George Hay’s Oration at the purging of King’s College, Aberdeen, in 1569: Commentary.” Northern Scotland, vol. 6, 1985, pp. 97-112.

Durkan, John. “A Post-Reformation Miscellany.” Innes Review, vol. 53, 2002, pp. 108-26.

Furdell, Elizabeth L. Publishing and Medicine in Early Modern England. Rochester UP, 2002.

Giese, Simone. Studenten aus Mitternacht: Bildungsideal und peregrination academica des Schwedischen Adels im Zeichen von Humanismus und Konfessionalisierung. Stuttgart, Steiner, 2008.

Glozier, Matthew. Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King: Nursery for Men of Honour. Leiden, Brill, 2004.

Griškaitė, Reda. “‘…noriu būti Tavo Knygoje…’: XIX amžiaus pirmosios pusės moterų atminimų albumai (lietuviškieji pavyzdžiai).” Egodokumentai ir privati Lietuvos erdvė XVI-XX amžiuje, edited by Arvydas Pacevičius, Vilnius U, 2013, pp. 327-402.

Günther, Otto. “Westpreußische Stammbücher der Danziger Stadtbibliothek.” Mitteilungen des Westpreußischen Geschichtsvereins, vol. 8, 1909, pp. 25-8, 45-50, 65-8.

Halloran, Brian M. Scottish Secular Priests, 1580-1653. Glasgow, Burns, 2003.

Hamilton, Alastair. William Bedwell the Arabist, 1563-1632. Leiden, Brill, 1985.

Hartmann-Franzenshuld, Ersnt Edler von, and Moriz Maria Edler von Weittenhiller. “Stammbücher.” Jahrbuch des heraldisch-genealogischen Vereines Adler in Wien, vols. 6-7, 1881, pp. 26-66.

Helk, Vello. “Dänische Romreisen von der Reformation bis zum Absolutismus (1536-1660).” Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, vol. 6, 1971, pp. 107-96.

Helk, Vello. “Stambøger fra det 16 Århundrede i det kongelige Bibliotek.” Fund og Forskning, vol. 21, 1974, pp. 7-46.

Helk, Vello. “Stambøger fra den første Halvdel af 1600-tallet i det kongelige Bibliotek.” Fund og Forskning, vol. 22, 1975-6, pp. 39-88.

Helk, Vello. “Baltische Stammbücher und Alben mit Eintragungen aus dem Baltenland vor 1800.” Ostdeutsche Familienkunde, vol. 7, 1976, pp. 265-73, 329-36, 377-85.

Helk, Vello. “Stammbücher aus Schleswig-Holstein bis 1800.” Familienkundliches Jahrbuch Schleswig-Holstein, vol. 37, 1998, pp. 10-28.

Helk, Vello. Stambogsskikken i det Danske Monarki indtil 1800. Odense U, 2001.

Johnstone, James F. K. The Alba Amicorum of George Strachan, George Craig, Thomas Cumming. Aberdeen UP, 1924.

Kahn, Didier. “N*** Corneille, Paul Dubé, William Davisson et la vie littéraire autour du Jardin Royal vers 1650.” Dix-septième siècle, vol. 265, 2014, pp. 709-17.

Keller, Vera. “Painted Friends: Political Interest and the Transformation of Learned Sociability.” Friendship in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times, edited by Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge, Berlin, De Gruyter, 2011, pp. 661-92.

Kennedy, Neil J. D. “The Faculty of Law.” Studies in the History and Development of the University of Aberdeen, edited by Peter J. Anderson, Aberdeen UP, 1906, pp. 235-302.

Klose, Wolfgang. “Stammbucheinträger an italienischen und französischen Universitäten im 16. Jahrhundert.” Dona Melanchthoniana: Festgage für Heinz Scheible zum 70. Geburtstag, edited by Johanna Loehr, Stuttgart, Fromann-Holzboog, 2001, pp. 211-15.

Kurras, Lotte. “Vita Peregrinatio: Bildungsreise und Stammbuch.” Grand Tour: Adeliges Reisen und Europäische Kultur vom 14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, edited by Rainer Babel and Werner Paravicini, Ostfildern, Thorbecke, 2005, pp. 485-98.

Lohmeier, Dieter. “Moth, Paul.” Biographisches Lexikon für Schleswig-Holstein und Lübeck, edited by Olaf Klose et al., Neumünster, Wachholtz 1970-2011. 13 vols. Vol. 6, 1982, pp. 198-200.

Lohmeier, Dieter. “Gelehrtenleben des Späthumanismus im Spiegel des Stammbuchs: Die Stammbücher des Paul Moth aus Flensburg.” Stammbücher als kulturhistorische Quellen, edited by Jörg-Ulrich Fechner, Munich, Kraus, 1981, pp. 181-96.

Lorusso, Vito. “Locating Greek Manuscripts through Paratexts: Examples from the Library of Cardinal Bessarion and other Manuscript Collections.” Tracing Manuscripts in Time and Space through Paratexts, edited by Giovanni Ciotti and Hang Lin, Berlin, De Gruyter, 2016, pp. 223-68.

Ludwig, Walther. “Le Genre des alba amicorum.” La Société des amis à Rome, edited by Perrine Galand-Hallyn et al., Turnhout, Brepols, 2008, pp. 261-74.

Ludwig, Walther. “Deutsche Studenten in Bourges und das Stammbuch des Josias Marcus von 1557/58 innerhalb der frühen Stammbuchentwicklung.” Neulateinisches Jahrbuch, vol. 17, 2015, pp. 107-62.

Macintyre, Iain M. C., and Iain MacLaren. Surgeons’ Lives: Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh: An Anthology of College Fellows over 500 Years. Edinburgh, Royal College of Surgeons, 2005.

Macpherson, Robin G. “Francis Stewart, Fifth Earl of Bothwell, 1562-1612: Lordship and Politics in Jacobean Scotland.” PhD Thesis, Edinburgh University, 1998.

Martin, Laurence. “Sir Francis Crane Kt. and Dr. William Davison: Patient and Doctor in Paris in 1636.” Medical History, vol. 23, 1979, pp. 346-51.

McAndrew, Bruce A. Scotland’s Historic Heraldry. Woodbridge, Boydell, 2006.

McCoog, Thomas M. “‘Pray to the Lord of the Harvest’: Jesuit Missions to Scotland in the Sixteenth Century.” Innes Review, vol. 53, 2002, 127-88.

McInally, Thomas. The Sixth Scottish University: The Scots Colleges Abroad, 1575 to 1799. Leiden, Brill, 2012.

McInally, Thomas. George Strachan of the Mearns: Sixteenth Century Orientalist. Edinburgh UP, 2020.

McRoberts, David. “George Strachan of the Mearns: An Early Scottish Orientalist.” Innes Review, vol. 3, 1952, pp. 110-28.

Michel, Francisque. Les Ecossais en France Les Français en Ecosse. London, Trübner, 1862. 2 vols.

Mijers, Esther. “News From the Republick of Letters”: Scottish Students, Charles Mackie and the United Provinces, 1650-1750. Leiden, Brill, 2012.

Murdoch, Steve. “The French Connection: Bordeaux’s ‘Scottish’ Networks in Context, c.1670-1720.” Scotland and Europe, Scotland in Europe, edited by Gilles Leydier, Newcastle, Cambridge Scholars, 2007, pp. 26-55.

Nefedova, Olga, and Anna Frąckowska, editors. Bartholomäus Schachman (1559-1614): The Art of Travel. Milan, Skira, 2012.

Nickson, Margaret A. E. Early Autograph Albums in the British Museum. London, British Museum, 1970.

Nickson, Margaret A. E. “Some Early English, French and Spanish Contributions to Albums.” Stammbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts, edited by Wolfgang Klose, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1989, pp. 63-73.

Noyelle, Sylvette. “Un Épisode des affrontements religieux au XVIIe siècle: la fondation du lycée Guy Chauvet de Loudun.” Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences, Arts et Belles-Lettres de Touraine, vol. 23, 2010, pp. 257-71.

Odier, Jeanne. “Voyage en France d’un jeune gentilhomme morave en 1599 et 1600.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, vol. 43, 1926, pp. 140-73.

Ommen, Kasper van, and Hélène Cazes, Facebook in the Sixteenth Century?: The Humanist and Networker Bonaventura Vulcanius. Leiden UL, 2010.

Pannier, Jacques. “Un chapelain de l’ambassade de Hollande: Notes complémentaires: Deux album amicorum des Wetstein (suite).” Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français, vol. 78, 1929, p. 61.

Pietrzyk, Zdzisław. “Sztambuchy jako źródło do peregrynacji studenckich na przykładzie Polaków studiujących w Strasburgu.” Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce, vol. 43, 1999, pp. 139-50.

Podavka, Ondřej. “Památník Zdeňka Brtnického z Valdštejna z let 1591-1600.” Folia Historica Bohemica, vol. 29, 2014, pp. 103-32.

Podavka, Ondřej. “Zdeněk Brtnický z Valdštejna a jeho deník z let 1597-1603.” PhD Thesis, University of Prague, 2016.

Read, John. “William Davidson of Aberdeen: The First British Professor of Chemistry.” Ambix, vol. 9, 1961, pp. 70-101.

Reid, Steven J. “France through the Eyes of Scottish Neo-Latinists: Snapshots from the Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum.” Neo-Latin Literature and Literary Culture in Early Modern Scotland, edited by Steven J. Reid and David McOmish, Leiden, Brill, 2017, pp. 10-39.

Reinders, Sophie. “‘Social Networking is in Our DNA’: Women’s Alba Amicorum as Places to Build and Affirm Group Identities.” Identity, Intertextuality, and Performance in Early Modern Song Culture, edited by Dieuwke E. van Der Poel, Louis P. Grijp, and Wim van Anrooij, Leiden, Brill, 2016, pp. 150-77.

Ridder-Symoens, Hilde de. “The Place of the University of Douai in the Peregrinatio Academica Britannica.” Lines of Contact. Proceedings of the Second Conference of Belgian, British, Irish and Dutch Historians of Universities Held at St. Anne’s College Oxford 15-17 September 1989, edited by John M. Fletcher and Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, Gent U, 1994, pp. 21-34.

Ridder-Symoens, Hilde de, editor. A History of the University in Europe II: Universities in Early Modern Europe 1500-1800. Cambridge UP, 1996.

Ross, Anthony. “Dominicans and Scotland in the Seventeenth Century.” Innes Review, vol. 23, 1972, pp. 40-75.

Ryantová, Marie. “Konfessionelle und konfessionsübergreifende Netzwerke in Stammbüchern der Frühen Neuzeit.” Konfessionelle Formierungsprozesse im frühneuzeitlichen Ostmitteleuropa. Vorträge und Studien, edited by Jörg Deventer, Leipzig U, 2006, pp. 314-31.

Schlueter, June, and Markus Dubischar, “Traces of Henry Wotton in Continental Alba Amicorum.” Renaissance Studies, vol. 30, 2016, pp. 666-83.

Schnabel, Werner W. Das Stammbuch: Konstitution und Geschichte einer textsortenbezogenen Sammelform bis ins erste Drittel des 18. Jahrhunderts. Tübingen, Niemeyer, 2003.

Schnabel, Werner W. “Les Ouvrages imprimés utilisés comme livres d’amitié.” Alter ego: amitiés et réseaux du XVIe au XXIe siècle, edited by Aude Therstappen and Kerstin Losert, Starsbourg, BNU, 2016, pp. 186-200.

Sellin, Paul R. “Alexander Morus before the Synod of Utrecht.” Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 58, 1995, pp. 239-48.

Sellin, Paul R. “Some Musings on Alexander Morus and the Authorship of De doctrina christiana.” Milton Quarterly, vol. 35, 2001, pp. 63-71.

Shearman, Peter J. “Father Alexander McQuhirrie, S. J.” Innes Review, vol. 6, 1955, pp. 22-45.

Staehelin, Ernst. “Kirchlich-menschliche Beziehungen im Zeitalter der Orthodoxie und des beginnenden Pietismus nach den Stammbüchern des Frey-Grynaeischen Institutes in Basel.” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 38, 1941, pp. 133-50.

Sweet, Rosemary, Gerrit Verhoeven, and Sarah Goldsmith (eds). Beyond the Grand Tour: Northern Metropolises and Early Modern Travel Behaviour. London, Routledge, 2017.

Talbott, Siobhan. Conflict, Commerce and Franco-Scottish Relations, 1560-1713. Abingdon, Routledge, 2016.

Tayler, Alistair and Henrietta. The House of Forbes. Rev. ed., Bruceton Mills, Scotpress, 1987.

Tucker, Marie-Claude. “Les Professeurs écossais dans les académies protestantes françaises aux 16e et 17e siècles.” Les outils de la connaissance: enseignement et formation intellectuelle en Europe entre 1453 et 1715, edited by Jean-Claude Colbus and Brigitte Hébert, St Etienne U, 2006, pp. 271-86.

Tucker, Marie-Claude. “‘L’Album amicorum’: étude d’un document-témoin de l’histoire sociale des étudiants aux XVIe & XVIIe siècles.” Pouvoirs de l’image aux XVe, XVIe, XVIIe siècles: pour un nouvel éclairage sur la pratique des Lettres à la Renaissance, edited by Marie Couton et al., Clermont-Ferrand PU, 2009, pp. 457-70.

Tucker, Marie-Claude. “Scottish Masters in Huguenot Academies.” Studies in Seventeenth-Century Scottish Philosophers and their Philosophy, edited by Alexander Broadie, Oxford UP, 2017, pp. 42-68.

Tucker, Marie-Claude. Professeurs et régents écossais dans les académies protestantes en France de l’Édit de Nantes à la Révocation. Paris, Champion, 2020.

Tucker, Marie-Claude. “Scottish Philosophy Teachers at the French Protestant Academies in the Seventeenth Century.” Scottish Philosophy in the Seventeenth Century, edited by Alexander Broadie, Oxford UP, 2020, pp. 50-72.

Uitterdijk, Nanninga. “Het Album Amicorum van Dr. Everhardus Avercamp.” Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis van Overijssel, vol. 6, 1880, pp. 219-64.

Van der Stighelen, Katlijne. “Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678) als kalligrafe.” De Gulden Passer, vol. 64, 1986, pp. 61-82.

Vischer, Christoph. “Die Stammbücher der Universitätsbibliothek Basel.” Festschrift Karl Schwarber, edited by [n/a], Basel, Schwabe, 1949, pp. 247-64.

Williams, Kelsey J. “Paper Monuments: The Latin Elegies of Thomas Chambers, Almoner to Cardinal Richelieu.” Studies in Scottish Literature, vol. 46, 2020, pp. 77-99.

Online resources

Audcent, Geoffrey D. “John Menteith (alias Jean de Menteth).” 2014, http://www.audcent.com/audcent1/Jean_Menteith.pdf. Accessed 5 May 2020.

Courant, Stéphane. “Les Alba amicorum, du témoignage amical à la constitution d’un réseau social.” Revue d’histoire de l’université de Sherbrooke, vol. 5, 2012, https://rhus.historiamati.ca/revue/volume-5-reseaux-sociaux-relations/. Accessed 8 August 2017.

Denécheau, Joseph-Henri. “Le Collège des Oratoriens.” https://saumur-jadis.pagesperso-orange.fr/. Accessed 3 February 2021.

Gasper, Julia. “More [Morus], Alexander (1616–1670), Reformed church minister and writer.” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford UP, 2004, https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/19172. Accessed 27 April 2020.

Hansert, Andreas, and Herbert Stoyan, editors. Frankfurter Patrizier: Historisch-Genealogisches Handbuch. Erlangen, Hansert-Stoyan, 2012, https://frankfurter-patriziat.de/. Accessed 23 March 2021.

Innes-Smith, Robert W. “English-Speaking Medical Students on the Continent.” Edited by Harold T. Swan, 1996, https://www.rcpe.ac.uk/heritage/english-speaking-medical-students-continent. Accessed 22 June 2017.

Littleton, Charles G. D. “Primrose, Gilbert (1566/7-1642).” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford UP, 2004, https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/22796. Accessed 21 June 2017.

Macpherson, Rob. “Stewart, Francis, first earl of Bothwell (1562-1612), courtier and politician’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford UP, 2004, https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12999. Accessed 17 June 2020.

Todd, Robert B. “Balfour, Robert (b. c. 1555, d. in or after 1621), philosopher and classical scholar.” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford UP, 2004, https://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1194. Accessed 24 April 2020.

Tulot, Jean-Luc, editor. “Correspondance de Jean-Maximilien de Langle, sieur de Baux, pasteur de Rouen.” 2011. http://dvarim.fr/Langle/Tulot_Correspondance-Langle-Rivet.pdf. Accessed 4 May 2020.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Friends and colleagues have generously helped with a number of these alba entries, with particular thanks to Prof. Dana Sutton (Latin), Prof. Marc Lauxtermann (Greek), and Prof. Dr. Ferenc Postma (Hebrew).

2 Klose 2001, showing that an analysis of 1,556 alba of the sixteenth century containing 24,139 entries only produced fifteen French entries in France and twenty-nine entries of Italians and Frenchmen in Italy.

3 See for instance Courant 2012; and on feminine relationships Reinders 2016.

4 The present writer has failed to uncover any entry made by Scottish women within this French context. But this does not mean that they do not exist.

5 Cairns 2015, pp. xiv-xv, 17, 65, 75-81; Cairns 1994, 178-83; Cairns 1998, 168-70; Watt and Murray, 2003, 427.

6 The Emblemata edition of 1557 apparently appeared in the first months of the year, for the buyer of the edition of 1557 must have purchased it at the beginning of the year and had it bound at that time, because many of the entries were made on 27 April 1557 and the blank leaves were inscribed only after their insertion into the book: Ludwig 2015, 110.

7 Douglas was re-elected rector on 29 February 1551/2 and continued to hold the office without further recorded election until 1573: Anderson 1926, pp. xxv-vi, 256, 264.

8 Skene’s name appears first on Douglas’ list. His lists of students might not have been compiled chronologically but according to social ranks, at least for some years and for the first name(s).

9ex asse tuus”.

10Adde catis mures mulieris co[m]prime lingua[m] qua[m] cesset n[ost]rae zelus amicitiae”. The author would like to thank Prof. Ludwig for the copy of Skene’s entry. Ludwig 2015, 123-4, 129-30 (under no. 2), and pp. 120, 125, 138-9, 160.

11 Schachman kept a separate album during his travels, distinct from this Gdańsk one he possessed during his university years, which is in the Orientalist Museum in Doha in Qatar, OM.749.

12Initium Sapientiae timor Domini”. Günther, ‘Westpreußische Stammbücher’, 45-50, and p. 48 for Bothwell’s entry; Nefedova and Frąckowska 2012, 48; Günther, Katalog, 327-8; Pietrzyk 1999, 140-4.

13 Shearman 1955; Halloran 2003, 11-16; McCoog 2002, 145-54, 178; Anderson 1906, 3.

14 On the two types of alba, manuscripts and interleaved printed works, read Nickson 1970, 9-13; Schnabel 2016.

15 virtus repulsae nescia sordidae intaminatis fulget honoribus nec ponit aut sumit secures Arbitrio popularis aurae”; Horace 144-5.

16 Anderson 1906, 2; Bryce and Roberts 1997, 906; Ross 1972, 41; Tayler 1987, 297. For Douai’s attractivity for British students overall, consult Ridder-Symoens 1994, with Douai playing an important role in the Catholic theological training network.

17Tota licet veteres exornent vndique cerae / Atria, nobilitas sola est atque vnica virtus”; Juvenal and Persius 324-5. An association of the “Marrianus” descriptive with St Mary’s College in St Andrews seems unwarranted in the present case. The label could be a way to express devotion to Mary or more likely actually reflect the nearby province of Mar, the “Marria” found in Blaeu’s atlas: Blaeu 1654, fo. 8r-v.

18 Mijers 2012, 69-70; Sweet, Verhoeven, and Goldsmith 2017, 48, 55, 85, 90, 92-3, 95-6; Ridder-Symoens 1996, 359-61, 370, 431-6.

19 Darcel 1859, 90; Ridderikhoff, Ridder-Symoens, and Heesakkers 2013, 633, 635; BNF, Latin 11398, fos. 2r, 3v, 20r. Maximilian’s portrait and coat of arms appear on fo. 5r.

20 Colin was back in Paris in April 1586.

21 παρἐλπίδος ἐπἐλπίδα”; “Quantulacunque damus tibi pignora, magna putato / Parua licet, nam sint pignora, magnus amor”. Confer Romans 4:18 “παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδι” “In hope [he believed] against hope”.

22 His brother, Edward Scot, studied medicine at Montpellier (1598-1600) and died at Dôle prior to 1616: Durkan 2002, 123; Dulieu 1965, 268; Dulieu 1983-6, ii, 990.

23 Spera in deo et ipse faciet”.

24 McInally 2020, 23, contrary to the assertion that Scot and Strachan “were simply renewing their friendship in Rome”, the pair thus did not meet in Rome and were instead heading in opposite directions: McRoberts 1952, 112-13.

25Iteratô Ex tempore Vincula virtutis pietas: pax vincit amore”; “Judex vasionis et primaru[m] Appellationu[m] Comitatus Venaissini”. Tucker, 2009, 461, who dates both entries to 1602 and does not locate the second entry in Vaison.

26 . Contrary to assumptions, there was a degree of interaction and collaboration between the two communities in Saumur: Dray 1988, especially pp. 470-3.

27 In his detailed study of Avercamp’s album, Uitterdijk mistook the identity of this royal college’s signatory (John Peirson) and conflated his name with that of another contributor, James Peirson, despite the fact that their signatures are quite distinctive: Uitterdijk 1880, 240, 243.

28M J Pyersonus Scotonissensiae Caluorum collegii Juliodunensis Primarius”. To date, the second element of Peirson’s identity, as Scoto-?, has still not been decrypted. It could apply to Nysa (German Neisse) in southwestern Poland. Certainly, one can find a Silesian Johann Person who died in 1599 (Memoriae excelentissimi... 1599).

29Militia est vita hominis super terram”.

30 The long view about Scottish connections with Bordeaux is adopted in Murdoch 2007.

31 Groos 1981, 10-17; Podavka 2016, from the English abstract p. 5; Hartmann-Franzenshuld and Weittenhiller, 1881, 27; Unterkircher 1957-9, i, 174; Mazal, Unterkircher, and Hilmar 1963-97, vol. 2 pt. 1, 275; Schwarzenberg 1972, 358; Ryantová 2006, 325-6.

32 “R. Balfour Burdigalensis doctor regens”.

33 Τὸ τέχνιον πᾶσα γῆ τρέφει”; Podavka 2014, 130; Erasmus Adagiorvm, col. 939. The quote, however, might have belonged to the other signatory who wrote on 4 May 1600 on the same page. This S[.] Bou[c]hard, incidentally professor of Greek at the college, can perhaps be associated with Stéphane Bouchard, Sedan preacher of that name, as opposed to biblical scholar Samuel Bochart as he was born in 1599.

34Patrick Peebles qui Norimberga venit Francofurtum et Duræum compellavit vt in Galliam iret in comitatu Marchionis”.

35 olim in Germania contractae nunc uero in Gallia confirmatae”.

36 Dii boni quam male extra legem viuentib[us] semper id quod expectant metuunt”. Petronius Satyricon 360-1; Dibon and Waquet 1984, 11, 22, 111, 172.

37 Foster 1891-2, iii, 1214; Venn and Venn 1922-7, iii, 399; Tulot 2011, 12-14, 15, 18, 73, and pp. 94-103 for Primrose’s edited correspondence with French Huguenot theologian André Rivet.

38 V[erbi] D[ei] M[inister]”; “בְּכָל־עֵ֭ת אֹהֵ֣ב הָרֵ֑עַ”; “Hic cum fulgescant magnoru[m] inscripta Viroru[m] / Nomina, te miror jungere velle meu[m] / Scilicet haud tantu[m] quos ornent Palladis artes / Sed quaeris fidus quos tibi jungat amor”; Staehelin 1941, 137; Vischer 1949, 256. See the mention of the meeting between Primrose and Frey in Tossanus Oratio panegyrica 28.

39V[erbi] D[ei] M[inister]”; “Inuia virtuti, nulla est via”; Ovid Metamorphoses 308-9.

40Ecclesiastes Parisiensis”.

41 “A[nno] τñs Οἰκονομίας”; “S. theologiae Ex professora”.

42 “Θεοῦ μή διδόντος, οὐδὲν ἰσχύει πόνος, Θεοῦ διδόντος οὐδὲν ἰσχύει φθόνος”; “Fratribus τοῖς νησιώταις per saxa perignes in mutuam perniciem ruentibus heu nimium fatali”; Migne 1857-66, xxxvii, col. 926; Clottu 1958, 32; Lorusso 2016, 256.

43 He was probably the same Mr John Menteith in Paris who in April 1567 organized boarding for the sons of the countess of Crawford and their tutor James Lawson: Durkan 1985, 106.

44 Helk 1974, 29, 41; Helk 2001, 345; Helk 1976, 377; Klose 1988, 101.

45 Καλῶς ἀκούειν μᾶλλον πλουτεῖν θέλε”; “ΜΟΝΩ [ΤΩ] ΘΕΩ ΔΟΞΑ”; Edmonds 1961, 924-5; McAndrew 2006, 136, 221, 223. The statement that Menander was Menteith’s preferred writer for album entries will be discussed in a future publication.

46Les gens de bien font tousiours bien, ont tousiours bien, sont tousiours bien”; Krekler 1992, 106, 700. The proverb found its way in Nicot’s contemporary dictionary: Nicot Dictionnaire 1009.

47 Fato prudentia Maior”; Virgil Georgics 128-9.

48 The preciousness of time is reminiscent of the work of Scottish Renaissance poet and Franciscan friar Simion Grahame: Grahame Anatomie fo. 19v.

49 Although European training is noted for early-modern physicians, more could be said about these formative years: Dingwall 2003, chs 4-6.

50 The album has been studied by Lohmeier 1981; Helk 1971, 114-15, 187; Helk 2001, 339; Helk 1975-6, 56, 80-1; Helk 1998, 16.

51 Martin 1979, 346-51, for a few anecdotes of Davisson’s clinical activities at the time.

52 Scotus medicinae [doctor philoso]phiae et med[icinæ] profe[ssor] D. [??]”.

53Fortunam humili memento f[igere] Saxo”; Boethius Consolation 198-9 “Humili domum memento Certus figere saxo”.

54 BL, Add. MS 23105, fo. 67r, for Primrose’s contribution to de Glarges’ album.

55 Macintyre and MacLaren 2005, 23-4, 311; Furdell 2002, 26, 37, 63, 175, 200, 203, 237. James is not mentioned in the list of British medical students at Montpellier: Innes-Smith 1996; but can be found in Dulieu 1983-6, i, 270, 273, 290, 297, 368, ii, 971.

56 For his livre d’amitié, consult Catalogus 1783, ‘Alba Amicorum’ no. 22; Nickson 1970, 21; Catalogue 1875-7, i, 833. The album is most famous for its entry by accomplished Dutch calligrapher Anna Maria van Schurman: Van der Stighelen 1986, 72-4, 77.

57Non est in medico semper relevetur vt aeger”; Ovid Ex Ponto 280-1; “Laudes quas Medicis cum sacra littera, tum profani tribuunt scriptores, solum iis conveniunt, qui morbis medentur, non qui de iis in scholis solum modo rixantur”.

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

Thomas BROCHARD, « Scots and France As Seen through Alba Amicorum, 1540s-1720s »E-rea [En ligne], 19.2 | 2022, mis en ligne le 15 juin 2022, consulté le 25 juin 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/erea/13289 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/erea.13289

Haut de page

Auteur

Thomas BROCHARD

University of St Andrews
tfb2@st-andrews.ac.uk
Thomas Brochard is an honorary research fellow in History at the University of St Andrews. He graduated from the Universities of Paris-IV Sorbonne (D. E. A./M. Phil) and Aberdeen (PhD). He researches Scotland’s northern Highlands in the early-modern period, with publications on governance, culture, trade, migration, witchcraft, and plantation. Additionally, his other area of investigation concerns more broadly Scots and their networks in Europe using alba amicorum (friendship albums).

Haut de page
  • Logo Laboratoire d’Études et de Recherche sur le Monde Anglophone
  • DOAJ - Directory of Open Access Journals
  • OpenEdition Journals
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search