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Special issue

Adam Smith's Colonial Thought on South America

Les écrits d'Adam Smith sur l'Amérique du Sud
Shinji Nohara

Résumés

Les positions d'Adam Smith vis-à-vis de l'Amérique du Sud méritent attention. Nonobstant les nombreux travaux sur les écrits de Smith sur la colonisation, l'influence des récits de voyage sur sa pensée demande clarification. Il est en effet intéressant de noter que Smith n'a pas nécessairement suivi la description des sociétés indigènes qu'il a pu lire dans les récits de voyage qu'il a pu consulter. Bien au contraire, il a parfois déformé les récits originaux pour les adapter aux effets de la colonisation. En effet, pour évaluer ses effets, Smith part du présupposé que les sociétés d'Amérique du Sud n'étaient pas civilisées. Ainsi, les sociétés colonisées peuvent être considérées comme faisant partie du processus de civilisation. Cependant, il ne dévalorise pas les sociétés précoloniales, soulignant la qualité morale des peuples dits sauvages. Dans cet article, je propose d'explorer les deux critères dont il disposait pour évaluer toute société. Outre le développement économique, Smith identifiait également la dégradation morale comme faisant partie du développement social. Ceci signifie que s'il considérait une civilisation comme prospère, il s'en suivait que la société était moralement dégradée. En tant que moraliste, Smith se préoccupe des conséquences morales de la civilisation dont les processus sont à la fois synonymes de progrès et de dégradation.

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Introduction

  • 1 Mizuta, Hiroshi. Adam Smith's Library : a Catalogue, (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 2000).

1Many Enlightenment thinkers collected information on world societies. While they still referred to ancient classical books, they also investigated societies based on travel books. Especially since the Age of Exploration, many European people had travelled almost all over the world and collected information. Some wrote travel books, which were new sources of knowledge about world societies; the books told European readers what they did not know from the ancient texts. Many Enlightenment thinkers were eager to read travel books to update their view of the world. Adam Smith was also enthusiastic about collecting travel books. Adam Smith's library held a significant number of travel books on North and South America, China, the Middle East, and other world countries.1

2By referring to travel books, Smith developed his view of civilization. Civilization for Smith was related not only to Europe but also to world countries. By analysing world countries, he created his vision of social transformation from savagery to civilization. He then considered civilization not only as a product of economic development but also of moral degradation.

3We can understand this ambivalence by focusing especially on how Smith researched each region, including South America. When examining that region, he compared the merit and demerit of each society.

4This perspective is also essential for understanding how Smith examined European encounters with non-European people. His explanation of South American societies is also worth studying because it enabled him to consider the effects of colonization. He saw Spanish colonies in South America as one of the worst examples of colonization. Indeed, he also criticized other colonies in North America, India, and other places. He, however, emphasized the beneficial effects of colonization in North America.

5Although Smith criticized British colonization in India, the British presence was fully established only after the Seven Years' War (1756-63), and the effects of colonization were still not yet fully seen in Smith's age. South America was different. Colonization on the continent began at the end of the fifteenth century and had a long history that followed. Some travel books included descriptions of the colonization of South America. Smith read these travel books and cited them in his Wealth of Nations (hereafter WN). Accordingly, by considering travel books on South America, he was able to analyse the consequences of colonization.

  • 2 Fairchild, Hoxie Neale, The Noble Savage: a study in Romantic Naturalism (New York: Russell & Russe (...)

6When Smith investigated the impact of colonization in the Americas, he saw some societies in South America as bad examples in that colonization did not completely incur social progress. Although scholars have examined the intellectual impact of European encounters with the Americas,2 they still need to sufficiently clarify this.

  • 3 Winch, Donald, Classical Political Economy and Colonies (London: G. Bell, 1965), Chap. II ; Stevens (...)
  • 4 Keen, Benjamin, The Aztec image in Western thought (New Brunswick: Rutgers U. P., 1971), pp. 272-3) (...)

7More attention needs to be given to Smith's view of South America. Indeed, scholars have elucidated Smith's idea of imperialism3 and his view of South America.4 These studies needed to fully clarify how Smith examined colonies in South America.

8In addition to colonization, Smith investigated the history of civilization in writing about South America. He did not necessarily follow the original description of societies in South America. Instead, he sometimes too oversimplified or distorted the original. This was because he tried to create a view of history that complied with an evolutionary theory of transition from savagery to civilization in which South America was one case; he then did not simply rehearse original reports but elaborated his view of civilization.

  • 5 Meek, Ronald L. Social Science and the Ignoble Savage (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1976); Meek, Ron (...)
  • 6 Sagar, Paul. Adam Smith Reconsidered : History, Liberty, and the Foundations of Modern Politics (Pr (...)

9Secondary literature, indeed, has examined Smith's view of developmental history. It might be supposed that Smith had a four-stage framework for this theory, which says that society develops from hunting to pastoral, agricultural, and commercial ones. Although this theory has been studied,5 recently, Paul Sagar and Maria Pia Paganelli insisted that this theory of development or progress does not easily fit into Smith's description of each society and its history.6 Indeed, the societies in South America were also not easy to categorize according to this development theory.

10What needs to be researched more fully is how Smith also considered historical processes as including both progress and degradation, although this ambivalence was left to explore. We can understand this by considering how Smith evaluated some societies in South America that were difficult to categorize within the theory. Because some indigenous societies, such as the Aztecs and Inca, were sometimes seen as civilized, they could not be easily seen as savage. South American indigenous societies offer the opportunity to understand what Smith focused on in his evaluation of a civilized society, yet they were not obvious cases for making clear judgements about their degree of civilization. Smith considered the degree of civilization of each society from the viewpoint of such absolute evaluation as economic development but also of relative evaluation by which he compared one society to another. Smith evaluated societies absolutely, or according to what manner of subsistence each society had. He also adopted the relative evaluation in investigating the level of civilization of Peru and Mexico, both of which were not fully civilized nor savage. Smith also used the relative evaluation in examining the moral quality of each society.

  • 7 Armitage, David. 'The new world and British historical thought : from Richard Hakluyt to William Ro (...)
  • 8 Marshall, P. J. and Williams, G., Great Map of Mankind: British Perceptions of the World in the Age (...)
  • 9 Berkhofer, Robert F. Jr., The Whiteman's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the (...)
  • 10 Sebastani, The Scottish Enlightenment, pp. 96, 101.
  • 11 As Maria Pia Paganelli and Michele Bee ('Adam Smith, Anti-Stoic', History of European Ideas, 45 (4) (...)

11By considering the case of the indigenous people in South America, we can reconsider Smith's developmental history given the distinction between savagery and civilization. Indeed, as scholars have elucidated, in the eighteenth century, American indigenous people came to be seen as uncivilized because of their lack of private property or settlements, etc.7 In the eighteenth century, Enlightenment thinkers increasingly adopted a dichotomy in which savagery was representative of economic backwardness8 or a lack of progress.9 Some even regarded savage people as ignoble. Nevertheless, the Aztecs and Inca were not efficiently fit to be categorized as savages. They were seen as refined in comparison with other American societies.10 Smith found that the economic development of civilization and its moral evaluation had some tension.11 By examining the case of South America, Smith came to see the Aztecs and Inca as not fully civilized and as only relatively civilized, compared to other societies in America. He, nonetheless, admired these so-called savage people, including Amerindians, because of their virtuousness. Despite this recognition, when evaluating indigenous societies, Smith also considered the effects of colonization. As I suggest in this paper, Smith's dichotomy between savagery and civilization included not only the perspective of economic development but also that of moral degradation. Smith was not only a political economist who examined economic progress but also a moralist who lamented moral degradation. We can understand this moralist aspect when considering his view of savagery and civilization.

12This paper is an attempt to understand how Smith discussed South America by elucidating how travel books on South America influenced Smith, how he recognized the impact of colonization through these books (Section II), and how this perspective was relative to his view of civilization (Section III). Smith then transformed the image of people and societies in South America.

Smith on South America

13In his WN, Smith analysed the effects of colonization on South America. He examined both the negative and positive impacts of colonization. In reviewing it, he referred to the profits from mining, the impact of colonial government, and economic progress, the progress that was especially relevant to his evaluation of indigenous people in South America. In his analysis, he mentioned travel literature on South America and sometimes transformed his views of societies on the continent.

  • 12 Brading, D. A., The first America: the Spanish monarchy, Creole patriots, and the liberal state 149 (...)
  • 13 Smith, Adam, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. by R. H. Campbell, (...)
  • 14 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

14To study the effects of colonization in South America, Smith investigated travel books. He especially mentioned George [Jorge] Juan and Antonio de Ulloa's Voyage historique de l'Amérique méridionale fait par Ordre du roi d'Espagne (1752), Amédée François Frézier's A Voyage to the South Sea, and along the coasts of Chili and Peru, in the years 1712, 1713, and 1714: Particularly describing The Genius and... (1717) and Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri's A Collection of Voyages and Travels, some now first printed from original manuscripts, others translated out of foreign languages, and now first... (1704). George [Jorge] Juan (1713-1773) was a Spanish mathematician and seaman who visited South America with Antoine de Ulloa (1716-1795), another Spanish mathematician. Philip V (1683-1746), the Spanish king, ordered them to write about their expedition to South America, titled Relación Histórica del viaje a la América Meridional (1748), a book that was translated into various European languages. Amédée François Frézier (1682-1773) was a French naval captain who visited Lima in 1712-14. While Frézier saw Creoles, the descendants of Spanish colonizers in America, as 'profligate, idle and superstitious' and commented on the bitter rivalry between American and European Spaniards, Ulloa chose to emphasize the magnificence of the churches, the wealth of the nobility, the beauty and exotic attire of the women, and the splendor of the ceremonies.12 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri (1651-1725) was an Italian adventurer. Although Smith described Careri as ‘a pretended traveller,' he also wrote that he 'seems everywhere to have written upon extreme good information,' so Smith relies on his information on Mexico.13 Smith, nonetheless, more frequently cited Juan and Ulloa's book and Frézier's book. As Smith mentioned, both Ulloa and Frézier lived in Peru14. Smith considered who could be considered reliable as a source of information about South America, indicating that some informants were not trustworthy. This selective usage of research literature implies that he did not affirm some particular prevailing visions of South America.

  • 15 Smith, WN, I. xi. c. 25.

15First, Smith considered the influence of the colonization of South America from the viewpoint of the profits of its mines. Smith referred to Juan and Ulloa's book and Frézier's book to illustrate that the mines in South America were not profitable. For instance, Smith said, 'In the silver mines of Peru, we are told by Frezier and Ulloa, the proprietor frequently exacts no other acknowledgement from the undertaker of the mine, but that he will grind the ore at his mill, paying him the ordinary multure or price of grinding. Till 1736, indeed, the tax of the king of Spain amounted to one-fifth of the standard silver, which till then might be considered as the real rent of the greater part of the silver mines of Peru, the richest which have been known in the world.'15 Smith also insisted that the prospectors of the mines did not make a profit. He said:

  • 16 Smith, WN, I. xi. c. 26.

Neither are the profits of the undertakers of silver mines commonly very great in Peru. The same most respectable and well-informed authors acquaint us that when any person undertakes to work a new mine in Peru, he is universally looked upon as a man destined to bankruptcy.16

16Smith again referred to Frézier, Juan and Ulloa.

17Smith, nonetheless, presented only one side of the story. Indeed, in his book, Frézier wrote, 'according to the nature of the mines, and the richness of the veins, every caxon, or 50 quintals, that is, hundred weight, yields four, five, or six ounces: when it yields but two, the miner does not make good his charges, which often happens.' He also said,

  • 17 Frézier, Amédée François. A Voyage to the South-Sea, and along the coasts of Chili and Peru, in (...)

He [the miner] also sometimes good amends made him, when he meets with good veins: for the gold mines are, of all those which produce metals, the most unequal [...] they [veins] have sometimes made a man wealth at once; and this same inequality sometimes ruins then, which is the reason that is more rare to see a gold miner rich than a silver miner, or of any other metal, tho' there be less expence in drawing it from the mineral.17

18While he admitted that the miners did not always make a profit, he acknowledged that they could be wealthy in cases other than gold mines. This suggests that the silver miners did not necessarily fail in every instance.

  • 18 Juan, George [Jorge] and De Ulloa, Antoonio de, Voyage Historique de l'Amérique méridionale fait (...)

19Furthermore, Smith also cited Juan and Ulloa to illustrate how the miner failed to make a profit. Indeed, Juan and Ulloa mentioned, 'When a person expresses his intention of working in some mine, others look upon him as a man running headlong to his destruction, and who risks certain ruin for remote and uncertain hopes.' Nevertheless, they also wrote, 'This occupation, for want of being sufficiently acquainted with it, is universally dreaded' in Rio Bamba, which 'is full of mines of gold and silver.' However, 'in the southern provinces of Quito, it is quite otherwise; the celebrated miners being men of great power, vast fortunes, and the most eminent families in the country.'18

20Smith ignored the information that the mines could be profitable because Smith's theory of political economy presupposed that the mines were not promising. Because he supposed that the mines produced low profits, he viewed prospecting for gold and silver as disadvantageous. If the mines had been worthwhile, his theory of colonial political economy could not have been supported. Instead, he selected information that was favourable for his economic theory, which denied the profitability of mines.

  • 19 Smith, WN, IV. i. 32.

21The low profits of the mines were also significant for supporting his insistence that gold and silver could not be the source of wealth. He said, 'It is not by the importation of gold and silver that the discovery of America has enriched Europe. By the abundance of American mines, those metals have become cheaper.'19 The abundance of gold and silver did not make people wealthy, as Smith insisted. Smith seems to insist that when referring to the miners in South America, even the miners could not be wealthy, much less their European colonizers. Smith then ignored the information in the travel books of South America that presented the possibility that the miners could be wealthy. Even though he did not necessarily deny the claim that the abundance of gold and silver was not the source of wealth, it suggests that he overemphasized the failure of the miners.

22Second, Smith also argued the harmfulness of colonial government in South America. He wrote:

  • 20 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 52.

Absolute government of Spain, Portugal, and France, on the contrary, take place in their colonies; and the discretionary powers which such governments commonly delegate to all their inferior officers are, on account of the great distance, naturally exercised there with more than ordinary violence [...] But the European colonies in America are more remote than the most distant provinces of the greatest empires which had ever been known before.20

23He then thought of British colonies in America as an exception. He wrote,

  • 21 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 52.

The government of the English colonies is perhaps the only one which, since the world began, could give perfect security to the inhabitants of so very distant a province. The administration of the French colonies, however, has always been conducted with more gentleness and moderation than that of the Spanish and Portuguese. This superiority of conduct is suitable both to the character of the French nation, and to what forms the character of every nation, the nature of their government, which though arbitrary and violent in comparison with that of Great Britain, is legal and free in comparison with those of Spain and Portugal.21

  • 22 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 51.

24This suggests that a colonial government could have been advantageous to its inhabitants because of the nature of the mother government (liberty and legality) and the character of the nation. Smith admitted the positive impact of colonization in British America because of its governance. He, indeed, said, 'Except their foreign trade, the liberty of the English colonies to manage their own affairs their own way is complete. It is in every respect equal to that of their fellow citizens at home and is secured in the same manner by an assembly of the representatives of the people, who claim the sole right of imposing taxes for the support of the colony government.' Furthermore, 'In none of the English colonies is there any hereditary nobility [...] there is more equality [...] among the English colonists than among the inhabitants of the mother country. Their manners are more republican, and their governments [...] have hitherto been more republican too.'22 This passage suggests that republican self-governance without hereditary nobility is the cause of good governance, resulting in the prosperity of its society.

25Smith did not necessarily deny the positive effects of colonial government. Because America and the West Indies were distant from Europe, he wrote:

  • 23 Smiith, WN, IV. vii. b. 6.

Their great distance from Europe has in all of them alleviated more or less the effects of this dependency. Their situation has placed them less in view and less in the power of their mother country. In pursuing their interest their own way, their conduct has, upon many occasions, been overlooked, either because not known or not understood in Europe [...] Even the violent and arbitrary government of Spain has, upon many occasions, been obliged to recall or soften the orders which had been given for the government of her colonies, for fear of a general insurrection.23

26Although Smith criticized imperialism, including British imperialism vehemently, this did not necessarily mean that there were no good effects of colonization. He analysed both the positive and negative impacts of colonization. He referred to colonies in South America to illustrate the harmfulness of bad colonial governance on colonial societies.

  • 24 Frézier, A Voyage, p. 145.
  • 25 Frézier, A Voyage, pp. 263, 265-266.

27Travel books sometimes pointed out the evils of the colonial government in South America. Frézier argued that the Spanish colonial government in South America adopted the encomienda system, which forced the native people there to pay tributes to or serve the governors. Frézier insisted that this system was against the orders of the Spanish king, who prohibited the governors from adopting such a system. Because of this system, a war was waged between the Spanish and the indigenous people. The Spanish governors in Peru ordered some indigenous people to work in the mines, including the one at Potosi.24 Not only governors but also curates, members of the cloth, forced indigenous people to work without payment. Although the Spanish king prohibited work without compensation, both governors and curates did not pay the indigenous people for their work nor did they even supply subsistence wages or provisions. Similarly, merchants and travellers also robbed the indigenous people of their goods.25 Smith's reference to "violence" in Spanish America might include such cases.

  • 26 Smith, WN, IV. i. 32.

28If so, we can insist that when Smith opposed imperialism, the opposition was because of not only its effects on European people but also on indigenous people in colonized societies. Indeed, he wrote, 'The savage injustice of the Europeans rendered even [the discovery of America], which ought to have been beneficial to all, ruinous and destructive to several of those unfortunate countries.'26

  • 27 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.
  • 28 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

29Third, citing Frézier and Juan and Ulloa, Smith illustrated the increase in the population in South America. Indeed, he wrote, 'The Spanish colonies are under a government in many respects less favourable to agriculture, improvement and population.'27 As I argue, Smith considered violent, arbitrary (unlawful), and nonfree government in South America harmful for society. Despite that, 'they seem [...] to be advancing in all these much more rapidly than any country in Europe. In a fertile soil and happy climate, the great abundance and cheapness of land, a circumstance common to all new colonies, is, it seems, so great an advantage as to compensate many defects in civil government' (Smith 1981, I. xi. g. 26). Smith then wrote that Frezier, who visited Peru in 1713, represented Lima as containing between twenty-five and twenty-eight thousand inhabitants. In addition, 'Ulloa, who resided in the same country between 1740 and 1746, represents it as containing more than fifty thousand.' Accordingly, the population 'marks which is scarce inferior to that of the English colonies.'28

  • 29 Frézier, A Voyage, 218. (On this point, see also Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26n.)

30The travel writers, indeed, supported the population. According to Frézier, 'The number of Spanish families in Lima may make up about 8 or 9000 Whites; the rest are only Mestizos, mulattos, blacks, and some Indians; tho', in the whole, there are about 25, or 30000 souls, including the friars and nuns.'29 Juan and Ulloa wrote, in Lima,

  • 30 Juan and Ulloa, Voyage historique, i. 443-5, trans. John Adams, ii. 53-55. (On this point, see also (...)

The Spanish families are very numerous; Lima, according to the lowest computation, containing sixteen or eighteen thousand whites [...] The negroes, Mulattoes, and their descendants, form the greater number of the inhabitants [...] The third, and last class of inhabitants, are Indians and Mestizos, but these are very small in proportion to the largeness of the city, and the multitudes of the second class.30

31Although Juan and Ulloa did not indicate the specific size of the population, it seems that they regarded Lima as populous.

32This view presupposed that societies in South America did not make much progress before colonization. Smith selected some of these views of indigenous societies in South America. He wrote,

  • 31 Smith, WN, IV. i. 33.

The discovery of a passage to the East Indies, by the Cape of Good Hope [...] opened, perhaps, a still more extensive range to foreign commerce than even that of America [...] There were but two nations in America, in any respect superior to savages, and these were destroyed almost as soon as discovered. The rest were mere savages. But the empires of China, Indostan, Japan, as well as several others in the East Indies, without having richer mines of gold and silver, were in every other respect much richer, better cultivated, and more advanced in the arts and manufactures than either Mexico or Peru, even though we should credit, what plainly deserves no credit, the exaggerated accounts of the Spanish writers, concerning the ancient state of those empires.31

  • 32 Smith, WN, IV. vii. c. 100.
  • 33 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

33Smith recognized that the Aztecs and Inca were not savage and were superior to that, whereas he saw other societies in South America, such as those in Brazil, as savage. He, indeed, wrote, "the natives of every part of America, except Mexico and Peru, were only hunters.'32 He also said, while 'New Granada, the Yucatan, Paraguay, and the Brazils were, before discovered by the Europeans, inhabited by savage nations, who had neither arts nor agriculture,' Mexico and Peru 'cannot be considered as altogether new market', and 'the Peruvians' were 'the more civilized nation of the two.' He did not think of them as fully civilized because 'in arts, agriculture, and commerce, their inhabitants were much more ignorant than the Tartars of the Ukraine are at present.'33 For Smith, the Aztecs and Inca, unlike other societies in America, were relatively civilized, and had some agriculture and commerce. Despite his recognition that both industries in the two nations were only rudimentary, Smith also recognized that they had not only agriculture but also commerce.

  • 34 Sagar, Adam Smith Reconsidered; Paganelli, Adam Smith and Economic Development.

34For Smith, the two societies were not fit to be categorized according to his four stage theory. For the two nations were not seen as agricultural society, nor commercial one properly . As Sagar and Paganelli argued, Smith recognized that the four-stage theory was not necessarily appropriate for categorizing every society.34 The two nations, however, can be categorized according to the developmental theory from savagery to civilization. Smith thought of the two nations as relatively civilized compared to other societies in South America, but also did not see them as fully civilized. To evaluate the degree of civilization, he used two standards. One is relative evaluation by which he judged the degree of civilization of one society compared to another; another is absolute evaluation by which he saw the level of civilization of society from the perspective of the manners of subsistence. In view of the manners of production, the Aztec and Inca were not civilized as having fully-developed commerce and agriculture, but the two nations were civilized as having them in their early stage compared to other societies which had not such industries.

35Because both societies in America were not fully ‘civilized’, abundant undeveloped lands remained. As a result, colonization became the moment to enhance societies in South America through land cultivation.

36These three points on the mines, colonization, and population are essential for considering Smith's theory of political economy.

37First, Smith did not think gold and silver mines were the sources of development in South America. As I argued, Smith negated this view. His political economy assumed that the abundance of gold and silver did not lead to economic growth, so he needed to negate the development of prosperity through mining.

  • 35 Smith, WN, IV. vii. c. 80.
  • 36 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 49.
  • 37 Smith, WN, VI. vii. b. 52.

38Second, Smith's political economy denied economic affluence by colonization. Smith illustrated the attempt as unsuccessful by referring to the case of the colonies in North America. Although Smith recognized economic growth in British North America, this does not mean that he affirmed colonization itself. On the one hand, the indigenous people in America suffered from 'dreadful misfortunes' by European colonization.35 For the colonists in North America, due to the monopoly of trade by the British merchants, they were forced to buy commodities at higher prices than otherwise.36 Nevertheless, Smith saw British colonies in North America as more successful than Spanish colonies in South America because the government of the former was less oppressive and more liberal than that of the latter. He saw 'the government of the English colonies' as 'perhaps the only one which, since the world began, could give perfect security to the inhabitants of so very distant a province.'37 Despite that, the British colonies could have been more successful if the colonies had been emancipated. Colonies in general harmed both colonists and the colonized. Smith's political economy contained these political implications of anti-imperialism. Smith's political economy did not necessarily concentrate on economic analysis but also reviewed the economic impact of political institutions. Economic prosperity was dependent on these institutions.

39Third, Smith saw the indigenous societies in South America as uncivilized, and this description was important for understanding how Smith grasped societies with abundant resources such as land. In Asia, where a great amount of land was cultivated, Smith saw it as relatively civilized. On the other hand, Smith saw as uncivilized societies in South America where there remained abundant undeveloped land. This presupposes that the unutilized land was not in use in any other way and implies underdevelopment. Based on this perspective of political economy, Smith assigned a degree of civilization to South America.

  • 38 On this point, see Fairchild, The Noble Savage; Sebastiani, The Scottish Enlightenment.
  • 39 Keen, The Aztec Image, pp. 217, 249.
  • 40 Keen, The Aztec Image, pp. 260-270.

40In considering civilization, Smith also used the perspective of moral qualities. Indeed, he did not then adopt the idea of the noble savage because he also pointed out the deficits of savage people. Some authors, such as Bartolomé de las Casas (1474-1566), insisted that savages in America were virtuous and morally noble38. Smith implicitly denied this view of the nobility of savagery. As Keen argued, whereas some such as Jesuits emphasized the virtues of the indigenous people, as did the earlier writers, 'the intellectuals of the Enlightenment wrangled bitterly about the capacity, character, and achievement of the Indian.' George Louis Leclec Buffon (1707-1788) 'appeared to condemn the Indian to physical, mental, and moral inferiority.'39 Cornelius de Pauw (1739-99), the Dutch philosopher and geographer, refuted the traditional view of Mexico as having created a written language such as hieroglyphics and saw the indigenous people as short of coined money.40 The negative image of the indigenous people by Buffon and de Pauw was received affirmatively in Britain, including Scotland. He, however, admired their moral qualities, as I argue in the next section.

  • 41 Keen, The Aztec Image, p. 272.

41As Keen insisted,41 it might be argued that Smith saw the indigenous people in America as having no civilization. Indeed, for Smith, they were not civilized, but he also respected and evaluated their moral quality.

The Ambivalence of Civilization

42This section argues that when Smith adopted the development model that moved from savagery to civilization, Smith also found historical realities that deviated from this model. This was not necessarily an anomaly but sometimes coherent with his other model of civilization using moral quality in society. For Smith, moral quality differs not only from person to person but also from society to society.

  • 42 Sagar, Adam Smith Reconsidered; Paganelli, Adam Smith and Economic Development.
  • 43 On this point, see also Paganelli, Anti-Stoic, although this section focuses on another viewpoint S (...)

43Despite Keen's view, Smith argued for the moral goodness of indigenous people in America. This meant that when judging society, Smith had two criteria, the degree of civilization and that of moral quality. Indeed, as Sagar and Paganelli suggested, Smith's view of each society did not necessarily follow the four-stage theory.42 Smith, however, used the theory only in Book V of WN and Lectures on Jurisprudence. In WN especially from Book I to IV, and The Theory of Moral Sentiments (hereafter TMS), Smith liked to use the dichotomy between savagery and civilization. As I argued, Smith reviewed the degree of civilization of each society according to the relative as well as absolute evaluation. Whereas the absolute one was fit for judging society from the viewpoint of economic development, Smith adopted relative evaluation in considering the level of civilization when he examined the moral quality of each society. He especially paid attention to moral degradation when discussing the moral quality of people and society.43

44Indeed, in TMS, Smith saw the Amerindian people as virtuous. He said:

  • 44 Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, ed. by D. D. Raphael and A. L. Macfie (Indianapolis : Libert (...)

The savages in North America, we are told, assume upon all occasions the greatest indifference, and would think themselves degraded if they should ever appear in any respect to be overcome, either by love, or grief, or resentment. Their magnanimity and self-command, in this respect, are almost beyond the conception of Europeans.44

  • 45 On this point, see Griswold, Charles L., Adam Smith and the Virtues of Enlightenment (Cambridge: Ca (...)
  • 46 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 1.
  • 47 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 2.

45Smith here evaluated societies morally. Although this point has been studied extensively,45 what needs to be researched more sufficiently is that in addition to civilization as an outcome of development, morality also involves historical processes. Smith investigated indigenous societies in North America from the viewpoint of the degree of civilization. First, in the WN, Smith supposed that savage societies such as those of North America did not advance economically; he saw this kind of society as 'a waste country, or of one so thinly inhabited.'46 Second, the societies did not develop politically; when arguing the impact of colonization, he thought that colonists brought the colonized societies into the knowledge of 'the system of laws [...]and of a regular administration of justice.'47 Smith, nevertheless, did not think that the degree of civilization was the only standard to evaluate societies. Although Smith supposed that indigenous societies in North America were not economically and politically advanced, he still considered them morally so; in reality, he admired the self-command of the indigenous people in North America.

  • 48 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 2.

46When Smith judged societies morally, he saw moral sentiments influenced by customs. Although the sense of moral approbation and disapprobation was so strong in human nature that local customs did not alter their prevalence, they still affected the sense of right and evil. He said, "When custom and fashion coincide with the natural principles of right and wrong, they heighten the delicacy of our sentiments, and increase our abhorrence for every thing which approaches to evil.'48

  • 49 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 7.

47Smith insisted that societies could differ in moral character. He wrote that like the variety of characters dependent on individual professions, 'the different situations of different ages and countries are apt [...]to give different characters to the generality of those who live in them, and their sentiments concerning the particular degree of each quality, that is either blamable or praise-worthy, vary according to that degree which is usual in their countries and their own times.'49

  • 50 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 8.
  • 51 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.
  • 52 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.
  • 53 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

48Smith then contended that moral character could differ from savage to civilized societies. He wrote, 'Among civilized nations, the virtues which are founded upon humanity, are more cultivated than those are founded on self-denial and the command of passions.' In contrast, 'among rude and barbarous nations, it is quite otherwise, the virtues of self-denial are more cultivated than those of humanity'. He explained this difference from the viewpoint of social situation. He wrote, 'The general security and happiness, which prevail in ages of civility and politeness, afford little exercise to the contempt of danger, to patience in enduring labour, hunger, and pain. Poverty may easily be avoided, and the contempt of it therefore almost ceases to be a virtue.' In civilized societies, 'the abstinence from pleasure becomes less necessary, and the mind is more at liberty to unbend itself.'50 Among 'savages and barbarians it is quite otherwise. Every savage underdoes a sort of Spartan discipline, and by the necessity of his situation is inured to every sort of hardship.'51 Because of the hardships in their society, savage people were required to accustom themselves to an insensitivity to the passion. Although, to be unaffected, savage people tended to lose sympathy towards others, so that they are, in almost every situation, calm and free from strong emotions.52 He wrote, 'When a savage is made prisoner of war, and receives, as is usual, the sentence of death from his conquerors, he hears it without expressing any emotion'.53 This means that Smith evaluated societies according to their moral character. First, Smith emphasized the effects of social security. Unlike savage societies, in civilized societies, people could enjoy peace and security, resulting in their moral character. In addition, he also focused on economic development. Because savage nations suffer from the shortage of necessaries and conveniences, they are forced to endure a state of lack, resulting in changes to their moral codes.

  • 54 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 10.
  • 55 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

49Smith then did not think of savagery as inferior to civilized societies. In contrast, he admired the self-denial of savagery as this 'heroic and unconquerable firmness,' although this self-denial, 'which the custom and education of his country demand of every savage, is not required of those who are brought up to live in civilized societies.'54 Smith also wrote, 'Every savage is said to prepare himself from his earliest youth for this dreadful end’, such as torment when captured by enemies. The savage 'composes, for this purpose, what they call the song of death, a song which he is to sing when he has fallen into the hands of his enemies and is expiring under the tortures which they inflict upon him [...]The same contempt of death and torture prevails among all other savage nations.'55 Smith admired this moral quality. He supposed that savage people had moral qualities that were not inferior to civilized people but, in a sense, superior to them.

50Smith also recognized this point when examining the process of colonization. He wrote,

  • 56 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

There is no negro from the coast of Africa who does not, in this respect, possess a degree of magnanimity that the soul of his sordid master is too often scarce capable of conceiving. Fortune never exerted more cruelly her empire over mankind, than when she subjected those nations of heroes to the refuse of the jails of Europe, to wretches who possess the virtues neither of the countries which they come from, nor of those which they go to, and whose levity, brutality, and baseness, so justly expose them to the contempt of the vanquished.'56

51Smith was impressed by the savages' virtues, which ceased to be seen in civilized societies. Although Smith did not think their virtues were necessary for civilized people, the virtues were still moral qualities that Smith approbated. Although he did not perceive all civilized people as morally degraded, at least some of them fell short in virtue and attacked savage people who had 'magnanimity' and were from 'nations of heroes.' In this sense, Smith supposed that the course of civilization, in reality, involved a process of moral degradation because of colonization. Colonization for Smith had moral implications. Smith, as a moralist, lamented the morality of colonizers.

  • 57 Smith, TMS, VI. iii. 1.

52Smith deepened his concern about the moral qualities of civilized people, especially in the sixth edition of TMS. Smith then increasingly emphasized the importance of self-command. He insisted that without self-command, people could not control their sentiments, which might make them avoid their moral duties. It is demanding for them to follow moral obligations owing only to the rules of prudence, justice, and benevolence.57 Smith did not change his stance on the importance of self-command but changed the focus, resulting in the view that self-command is also essential for performing moral actions. In this regard, Smith thought of the indigenous people in America as the model of a people in self-command.

  • 58 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

53Indeed, despite this emphasis on self-command, this did not mean that extreme self-command, self-denial, is necessary for civilization. In contrast, he insisted that in civilized society, people cultivated virtues based on humanity than those based on self-denial. In contrast, in savage nations, people cultivated the virtues of' self-denial more than those of humanity. Smith considered that the reason for this difference was 'the general security and happiness which prevail in ages of civility and politeness'.'58 Smith kept these sentences in the sixth edition of his publication. He did not think that self-denial was essential for people in a civilized society. Civilization made people aware of their economic wealth and security, resulting in the relaxation of sentiments. Self-denial, then, is not necessarily essential for survival, unlike savagery and barbarism. Smith evaluated the degree of civilization from the perspective of economic development and social security.

  • 59 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 1.
  • 60 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 2

54Smith, nonetheless, became increasingly critical of the moral effects of civilization in the sixth edition. In civilized society, people saw the rich and the great as respectable and not the virtuous. In contrast, they despised the poor, not the vicious.59 He wrote, 'This disposition to admire, and almost worship, the rich and the powerful, and to despise, or, at least, to neglect persons of poor and mean condition, though necessary both to establish and to maintain the distinction of ranks and the order of society, is, at the same time, the great and most universal cause of the corruption of our moral sentiments.' This suggests that a society that holds many riches, that is, a civilized one, was morally problematic. Although Smith, from the first to the sixth editions of TMS, continued to regard sympathy towards the rich and great as the cause of social order,60 in the sixth edition, he changed the point of emphasis and focused on the moral deficits of civilized societies.

55In this sense, Smith became skeptical of improving morality in civilized society. In contrast, as I argued, Smith re-evaluated the moral quality of the people he identified as savage or barbarous. Smith then considered the self-control of indigenous people in the Americas an excellent example of moral goodness. Smith continued to think about the effects of civilization. Although Smith's political economy supposed that the degree of civilization depended upon economic development and social security, this does not mean that savagery or barbarism were morally inferior to civilization. Smith posed the problem of the ambivalence of civilization, by which civilizing processes were not necessarily affirmative but were ambivalent.

  • 61 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 4.
  • 62 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 6.

56We can understand Smith's negative evaluation of civilization in the sixth edition, especially when considering the moral degradation of the upper class. He wrote, 'The profligacy of a man of fashion is looked upon with much less contempt and aversion than that of a man of meaner condition.'61 Smith then criticized 'the superior stations of life' because 'in the court of princes, in the drawing-rooms of the great […] success and preferment depend, not upon the esteem of intelligent and well-informed equals, but upon the fanciful and foolish favour of ignorant, presumptuous, and proud superiors.' Finally, he denounced 'the external graces, the frivolous accomplishments of that impertinent and foolish thing called a man of fashion.'62 Although Smith did not make clear what society he had in mind, this was a civilized society in which the great and the rich became powerful from the prosperity of society. Despite economic wealth, some people lost their moral qualities in this society, and many people tried to follow them. Smith, as a moralist, lamented this degradation. Smith accordingly saw civilization not only as economic progress but also as moral degradation.

57Although Smith became more critical of the effects of civilization in the sixth edition, even before that edition of TMS, this ambivalent evaluation of civilization had already existed. As I argued, especially in arguing for the moral superiority of savage people, he supposed that such moral qualities were lost in civilized societies. Smith's moralist stance enabled him to keep distance from their full affirmation.

Conclusion

58By reading travel books on South America, Smith examined the effects of colonization. He then transformed the descriptions of the societies and their people in South America to extract both positive and negative impacts of colonization. Whereas the original descriptions of people in South America were complex and nuanced, Smith simplified and abused these reports. To evaluate the positive impact of colonization, Smith supposed that some societies in South America such as Peru and Mexico were civilized compared to other societies there, but were not civilized fully, so colonized societies could be seen as their promise of progress. This view depended on Smith's perspective of political economy in which economic happiness and social security were essential for the degree of civilization. Smith then judged the level of civilization according to its degree of economic development. Despite this absolute evaluation, Smith also introduced another criterion, and considering the degree of civilization according to its relative evaluation. We can find out the relative evaluation in seeing how Smith reviewed Peru and Mexico. He also adopted the relative evaluation in understanding the moral quality of the savage people. In this sense, Smith continued to think about the ambivalent effects of civilization.

59Smith found the savage people morally superior to civilized people. Smith, as a moral philosopher, appreciated the moral quality of the former. Smith did not necessarily see European civilization as the goal of social development in every aspect and did not deeply affirm the virtues of civilization. However, as a political economist, he admired the effects of civilization, in which people could enjoy a better economic life than in savagery. Unlike the state of civilization, that of savagery was short of economic prosperity. Because of this shortage, savage people could have more self-command than civilized people. The latter tended to lose the sense of self-command because of their economic prosperity, by which they could feel safe and relaxed, resulting in lowering their degree of self-control. In this sense, economic prosperity was linked with moral damage. Smith found this tension between economic and moral evaluations.

60This tension was derived from Smith's two criteria for evaluating societies : the economic development of society from savagery to civilization and its moral transformation or degradation.

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Notes

1 Mizuta, Hiroshi. Adam Smith's Library : a Catalogue, (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 2000).

2 Fairchild, Hoxie Neale, The Noble Savage: a study in Romantic Naturalism (New York: Russell & Russell, 1961); Duchet, Anthroopoligie et histoire au siècle des lumières; Huddleston, Lee Eldridge, Origins of the American Indians: European Concepts, 1492-1729 (Austin and London: The University of Texas Press, 1972); Jennings, Francis. The invasion of America : Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest, (Chapel Hill : The University of North Carolina Press, 1975) ; Berkhofer, The Whiteman's Indian ; Mosse, George. L., Toward the final solution : a history of European racism (Madison : The University of Wisconsin Press, 1978) ; JanMohamed, Abdul R., '"Indians" : textualism, morality, and the problem of history' in Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (ed.), 'Race', writing, and difference (Chicago and London : The University of Chicago Press., 1985) ; Miller, Peter N., Defining the Common Good : Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge : Cambridge U. P., 1994), pp. 197ff. ; essays in Kupperman, Karen Ordahl (ed.), America in European consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill and London : The University of North Carolina Press, 1995) (especially, Peter Burke 'America and the rewriting of world history' and David Armitage 'The new world and British historical thought : from Richard Hakluyt to William Robertson').

3 Winch, Donald, Classical Political Economy and Colonies (London: G. Bell, 1965), Chap. II ; Stevens, D., 'Adam Smith and the colonial disturbances', in A. S. Skinner and T. Wilson (eds.), Essays on Adam Smith (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1975) ; Skinner, A. S., A System of Social Science : papers relating to Adam Smith (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1979), pp. 195-6 ; Berry, Christopher J., Social Theory of the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh : Edinburgh U. P., 1997), 109) ; Fleischacker, Samuel, On Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations : a Philosophical Companion (Princeton and Oxford : Princeton U. P., 2004), pp. 170-171, 247 ; Kennedy, G., Adam Smith : a Moral Philosopher and his Political Economy (Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 143 ; Rothschild, Emma, The Inner Life of Empires : an Eighteenth-Century History (Princeton and Oxford : Princeton U. P., 2011, pp. 81, 212-213 ; Haar, Edwin. van de, 'Adam Smith on empires and international relations' in Cristopher J. Berry, Maria Pia Paganelli, and Craig Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Adam Smith (Oxford : Oxford U. P., 2013) ; Hopkins, Thomas, 'Adam Smith on American economic development and the future of the European Atlantic empires' in Sophus A. Reinert and Pernille Røge (eds.), The Political Economy of Empire in the Early Modern World (Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).

4 Keen, Benjamin, The Aztec image in Western thought (New Brunswick: Rutgers U. P., 1971), pp. 272-3); Brown, Stewart J., William Robertson and the expansion of empire (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1997), p. 200.

5 Meek, Ronald L. Social Science and the Ignoble Savage (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1976); Meek, Ronald L., Smith, Marx, & After: the essays in the Development of Economic Thought (London: Chapman & Hall, 1977), Chap. II ; Skinner, A. S., 'A Scottish contribution to Marxist sociology ?' in Ian Bradley and Michael Howard (eds.), Classical and Marxian Political Economy : essays in honour of Ronald L. Meek (London and Basingstole : Macmillan, 1982) ; Sher, Richard B. 'From Troglydytes to Americans : Montesquieu and the Scottish Enlightenment on Liberty, Virtue, and Commerce' in David Wootton (ed.), Republicanism, Liberty, and Commercial Society, 1649-1776 (Stanford : Stanford U. P., 1994) ; Sebastiani, Silvia, The Scottish Enlightenment : Race, Gender, and the Limits of Progress, trans. by Jerermy Carden (New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) ; Berry, Christopher J. The Idea of Commercial Society in the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh : Edinburgh U. P., 2013), Chap. II.

6 Sagar, Paul. Adam Smith Reconsidered : History, Liberty, and the Foundations of Modern Politics (Princeton : Princeton U. P., 2022) ; Maria Pia Paganelli, 'Adam Smith and Economic Development in Theory and Practice : a Rejection of the Stadial Model ?', Journal of the History of Economic Thought, 44 (1), pp. 95-104.

7 Armitage, David. 'The new world and British historical thought : from Richard Hakluyt to William Robertson' in Kupperman, Karen Ordahl (ed.), America in European consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill and London : The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 60-61.

8 Marshall, P. J. and Williams, G., Great Map of Mankind: British Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment (London, Melbourne, and Toronto: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1982), Chap. 7; Duchet, M., Anthroopoligie et histoire au siècle des lumières: Buffon, Voltaire, Rousseau, Helvètius, Diferot (Paris: Flammarion, 1971), p. 21.

9 Berkhofer, Robert F. Jr., The Whiteman's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), p. 47.

10 Sebastani, The Scottish Enlightenment, pp. 96, 101.

11 As Maria Pia Paganelli and Michele Bee ('Adam Smith, Anti-Stoic', History of European Ideas, 45 (4), pp. 572-584) suggested, this tension was related to Smith's anti-Stoicism as a defence of commerce, although this paper focused on another point of tension, that is, the European encounter with non-Europeans.

12 Brading, D. A., The first America: the Spanish monarchy, Creole patriots, and the liberal state 1492-1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1991), pp. 423-425.

13 Smith, Adam, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. by R. H. Campbell, A. S. Skinner, and W. B. Todd (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981), IV. vii. b. 7.

14 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

15 Smith, WN, I. xi. c. 25.

16 Smith, WN, I. xi. c. 26.

17 Frézier, Amédée François. A Voyage to the South-Sea, and along the coasts of Chili and Peru, in the years 1712, 1713, and 1714. Particularly describing The Genius and... (London : printed for Jonah Bowyer, at the Rose in Ludgate-Street, 1717), p. 108.

18 Juan, George [Jorge] and De Ulloa, Antoonio de, Voyage Historique de l'Amérique méridionale fait par ordre du roi d'Espagne, 2 vols. (Paris : Charles-Antoine Jombert, 1752), i. 377-378, A voyage to South America, 2 vols., trans. by John Adams (London : Printed for John Stockdale, R. Faulder, Longman and Co., Lackingston and Co., J. Harding, 1806), i. 456-457.

19 Smith, WN, IV. i. 32.

20 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 52.

21 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 52.

22 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 51.

23 Smiith, WN, IV. vii. b. 6.

24 Frézier, A Voyage, p. 145.

25 Frézier, A Voyage, pp. 263, 265-266.

26 Smith, WN, IV. i. 32.

27 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

28 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

29 Frézier, A Voyage, 218. (On this point, see also Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26n.)

30 Juan and Ulloa, Voyage historique, i. 443-5, trans. John Adams, ii. 53-55. (On this point, see also Smith, WN, 1. xi. g. 26n.)

31 Smith, WN, IV. i. 33.

32 Smith, WN, IV. vii. c. 100.

33 Smith, WN, I. xi. g. 26.

34 Sagar, Adam Smith Reconsidered; Paganelli, Adam Smith and Economic Development.

35 Smith, WN, IV. vii. c. 80.

36 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 49.

37 Smith, WN, VI. vii. b. 52.

38 On this point, see Fairchild, The Noble Savage; Sebastiani, The Scottish Enlightenment.

39 Keen, The Aztec Image, pp. 217, 249.

40 Keen, The Aztec Image, pp. 260-270.

41 Keen, The Aztec Image, p. 272.

42 Sagar, Adam Smith Reconsidered; Paganelli, Adam Smith and Economic Development.

43 On this point, see also Paganelli, Anti-Stoic, although this section focuses on another viewpoint Smith had: his moral history of societies.

44 Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, ed. by D. D. Raphael and A. L. Macfie (Indianapolis : Liberty Fund, 1982), V. 2. 9.

45 On this point, see Griswold, Charles L., Adam Smith and the Virtues of Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1999); Robertson, John. The Case for the Enlightenment : Scotland and Naples 1680-1760, (Cambridge : Cambridge U. P., 2005) ; Lisa Hill, 'Adam Smith on the Theme of Corruption,' Review of Politics, 68 (4), 2006 ; Hill, '"The Poor Man's Son" and the Corruption of Our Moral Sentiments : Commerce, Virtue and Happiness in Adam Smith,' Journal of Scottish Philosophy, 15 (1), 2017 ; Hanley, Ryan Patrick, 'Commerce and Corruption : Rousseau's Diagnosis and Adam Smith's Cure', European Journal of Political Theory, 7 (2), 2008 ; Hanley, Adam Smith and the Characters of Virtue (Cambridge : Cambridge U. P., 2009 ; Henley, Love's Enlightenment : Rethinking Charity in Modernity (Cambridge : Cambridge U. P., 2017) ; Hanley, 'Adam Smith on Living a Life,' in Adam Smith : His Life, Thought, and Legacy, ed. by R. P. Hanley (Princeton : Princeton U. P., 2016) ; Rasmussen, Dennis. C., The Problems and Promise of Commercial Society : Adam Smith's Response to Rousseau (University Park : Pennsylvania U. P., 2008) ; Rasmussen, 'Adam Smith on What is Wrong with Economic Inequality' American Political Science Review, 110 (2) ; Fleischecker, On Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations ; Berry, The Idea of Commercial Society ; Spiros Tegos, 'Adam Smith : Theorist of Corruption,' in The Oxford Handbook of Adam Smith, ed. by C. J. Berry, M. P. Paganelli, and C. Smith (Oxford : Oxford U. P, 2013)

46 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 1.

47 Smith, WN, IV. vii. b. 2.

48 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 2.

49 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 7.

50 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 8.

51 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

52 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

53 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

54 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 10.

55 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

56 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

57 Smith, TMS, VI. iii. 1.

58 Smith, TMS, V. 2. 9.

59 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 1.

60 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 2

61 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 4.

62 Smith, TMS, I. iii. 3. 6.

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Shinji Nohara, « Adam Smith's Colonial Thought on South America »Revue d’études benthamiennes [En ligne], 24 | 2023, mis en ligne le 30 août 2023, consulté le 23 juin 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudes-benthamiennes/10881 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/etudes-benthamiennes.10881

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University of Tokyo, Japan

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