Introduction

1In what Saskia Sassen (1991, 1994) calls the global city, stark disparities can be observed between neighboring districts, some impoverished and others wealthy. This phenomenon is embedded in a networked society (Castells, 1996), where economies and politics are "entangled" (Aragón Falomir & Cárdenas, 2020) within a context of uncontrolled and decentralized globalization.

2Globalization is understood as the search for new plantations and cheaper labor through outsourcing (Theroux, 2015). For Milanovic (2020), capitalism is a system where "labor is voluntary, capital is primarily in private hands, and production is coordinated in a decentralized, profit-oriented manner." This fosters the new capitalist spirit of the neoliberal era, defined as "the ability to grow capital through economic investment or economic placement" (Boltanski & Chiapello, 1999: 21). It is characterized by: 1) "an imperative of unlimited capital accumulation through formally peaceful means" and 2) wage labor (Boltanski & Chiapello, 1999:38). Neoliberalism, meanwhile, is understood as the moment when power is restored in favor of the dominant classes, that is, the (inter)national political-economic elite (Cárdenas, 2014), which accumulates capital at the cost of dispossession (Harvey, 2005:31) and the "depoliticization" of social life (Errejón, 2012:1).

3Indeed, according to Saskia Sassen, the global city is a center of economic, cultural, financial, and political power that harbors profound inequalities among its inhabitants. These global cities are large and influential in world affairs, serving as "symbols of global capitalism" (1994). In her work, Sassen argues that the emergence of uncontrolled urbanization over the past decades, coupled with the circulation of capital and people, has solidified these cities as major nodes of global violence. As a result, inequalities worldwide have been exacerbated or made more visible in these urban centers, analyzed through numerous methodologies and disciplines (Piketty, 2013; Stiglitz, 2012; Milanovic, 2020). Although Sassen originally focused on major capitals (New York, Tokyo, and London), in the second decade of the 21st century, we observe the rise of new semi-peripheral global cities. While they may lack financial or stock market significance, they have become economic power hubs, creating new spaces and actors within transnational networks—sometimes even linked to illicit activities (Aragón Falomir, 2019).

4However, it is in physical, cartographic, or illustrative spaces that the fracture between social groups is most visible, revealing the depth of socio-spatial segregation. For Wacquant, segregation is the continuation of a prior process: slavery, post-industrial city ghettos, and the prison system—all of which carry connotations of stigmatization, restricted access, confinement, and imprisonment (2002:50). Urban spaces thus serve as a means to study and compare a subject through a dichotomous lens: rural or urban, developed or underdeveloped, dynamic or stagnant, unequal, violent, etc. (Coquard, 2019). These spaces also allow us to observe two social groups that, according to Milanovic (2015), are the consequence of globalization: the winners (hegemonic capitalist culture) and the losers (traditional culture). These two groups coexist and depend on each other, but this does not prevent the constant existence of tensions and conflicts (Jouault, González & Sabatini, 2020).

5This article seeks to highlight these contrasts through the analysis of socio-spatial segregation in an urban space belonging to the Global South but operating within the capitalist dynamics of the Global North: the city of Cancún, in the Mexican Caribbean. Historically, enclaves of modernity have developed in the Global South from the power centers of the Global North to satisfy the needs of Western citizens that cannot be met elsewhere. We can trace this back to colonization, conquest, gold exploitation, plantations, slavery, extractivist models, outsourcing (Milanovic, 2015), and more recently, through tourism and its multiple corollaries. In Cancún, the urban core is marked by all the contradictions of the late 20th and early 21st centuries: inequalities (Hernández, 2022), illicit trafficking (Aragón Falomir, 2024; Jacobo, 2020), transnational networks (Aragón Falomir, 2019), gender-based violence (Aragón Falomir, 2022), leisure fantasies (Román, 2020), extreme luxury (Dehoorne & Theng, 2015), environmental destruction and territorial appropriation (Marín, 2012), and real estate speculation (López & Marín, 2010). This article seeks to explore one of the defining features of Cancún as both a Caribbean and a global city: segregation.

6To do so, we rely on different theoretical frameworks that form our analytical approach. First, we incorporate cultural and tourism studies that establish the "cultural and entertainment industry," in Adorno’s terms, as a leisure fantasy that has expanded over the past decades (Blàzquez & Cañadas, 2011; Cañadas, 2017; Marin, 2012 & 2020; Oehmichen, 2010 & 2020). Second, we draw from postcolonial and decolonial theories to examine and analyze the Caribbean context (Dussel, 2016; Grosfoguel, 2012; Gómez, 2021; Toumson, 1998). Third, while we advocate caution in the use and abuse of the metaphor of slavery in Caribbean societies (Taylor, 2014), it allows us to identify the situation not of the descendants of enslaved people but of Indigenous communities in the Mexican context (Marín Marín, Palafox, Zizumbo, 2020; Gómez Bruera, 2020; Blàzquez & Cañadas, 2011). Finally, we engage with studies on labor in the neoliberal era from the 1990s to the present (González Damián, 2020; Hardt & Negri, 2019; Harvey, 2005), with a particular emphasis on its feminization.

1. Cancún: A Divided City – Power, Wealth, and Inequality

1.1. Corporate Power and Social Divide

7Cancún is a city shaped by a corporate-driven vision, where economic elites and multinational businesses dictate urban development, often at the expense of local residents. Power here is not just about wealth but about the ability to shape policies, urban planning, and even social norms. Those who control the economy influence every aspect of the city, creating a stark division between winners—global investors and tourism moguls—and losers—local workers struggling with precarious jobs and limited access to resources (Jouault et al., 2020).

8Urban space in Cancún is not neutral; it is molded by corporate interests. Public policies favor large-scale investments, reducing costs for businesses while offering little protection for workers. This model, described by Delfín and Acosta (2016), prioritizes profit over people, relying on cheap labor and increasing economic vulnerability. Whether labeled as “manufacturing exoticism” (López & Marín, 2010) or a “tourism brand” (Macías & Pérez, 2009), Cancún is essentially a product—designed, marketed, and sold to the highest bidder.

1.2. A city of contrasts: luxury vs. precarity

9This corporate model has led to extreme socio-spatial segregation. Social class determines where people live, where they shop, what schools they attend, and even what recreational activities they can access. The city is physically divided between exclusive, high-end zones and impoverished, underserved neighborhoods. Gated communities, luxury resorts, and private beaches stand in stark contrast to areas lacking basic infrastructure like drainage, lighting, or security (Flores, 2021; Calderón & Orozco, 2009).

10Cancún’s urban design reinforces these divisions. Some spaces are physically enclosed—protected by security, walls, and restricted access—while others are symbolically inaccessible due to financial barriers, discrimination, or poor infrastructure. While millions of tourists enjoy world-class resorts, over 250,000 local residents struggle with inadequate public services. The result is a city with rigid social borders, where economic privilege dictates access to urban life (Jouault, 2018; Glaeser, Resseger & Tobio, 2009).

1.3. The Influence of economic elites

11Economic elites in Cancún wield significant political influence. Their power extends beyond business, shaping government policies and even circumventing legal boundaries when necessary (Wedel, 2014). These elites are often detached from the realities of the working class, reinforcing a system that prioritizes their interests over social equity (Aguayo, 2018).

12Research has shown that Latin American business elites are increasingly securing political power, solidifying a corporate-dominated governance model (Serna, 2018; Serna & Botinelli, 2017). Scott (2008) describes these elites as small groups of actors who, due to their positions and networks, hold disproportionate power. Their influence is exercised within what Tirado (2012) calls "arenas of conflict," where they dictate the rules of the game, often to the detriment of local communities.

13This reality aligns with what Acemoğlu and Robinson (2012) define as extractive elites—groups that deliberately design policies to maintain economic inequality. Their goal is not accidental mismanagement but a strategic consolidation of wealth and power. These elites do not exist in isolation; they function within global economic systems that reinforce their dominance while marginalizing local populations (Delphy, 1997).

2. Global Networks of wealth and exclusion: Fractured city

14The forces shaping Cancún are not just local; they are embedded in global economic and political networks. Hardt and Negri (2019) describe these processes as part of a new world order—an interconnected system of economic and social reproduction driven by multinational corporations, financial networks, and transnational governance. Wealth flows through complex networks of tourism investment, offshore capital, and international finance, reinforcing the exclusion of local populations from economic benefits.

15Latin American elites are key players in these global systems (Cárdenas, 2014; Aragón Falomir & Cárdenas, 2020). As Sassen (in Demirdjian, 2021) argues, they accumulate wealth and power at the expense of the working class, benefiting from exploitative labor systems that perpetuate inequality. These elites operate with impunity, protected by international investment agreements and neoliberal economic policies that favor large-scale tourism developments over local businesses.

2.1. From Plantation economy to tourism empire

16The economic structure of Cancún is not new—it mirrors historical systems of exploitation. Boltanski (2009) notes that dominance is maintained by restricting access to power and resources. The tourism industry replicates colonial hierarchies, where wealth is concentrated at the top, while the majority endure poor working conditions and economic instability (Aragón Falomir, 2022).

17Research shows that profits from global tourism rarely benefit local communities. Instead, they flow back to corporate headquarters in the Global North (Escalera & Ángeles, 2020). In Cancún, international hotel chains—primarily Spanish, American, and British—control the majority of accommodations. By 2007, foreign companies owned over 78,000 of the city’s 84,000 hotel rooms, pushing out small-scale local businesses through aggressive investment strategies (Jiménez, 2011). This pattern of economic exclusion is not accidental—it is designed to benefit global investors at the expense of local populations. As Cancún continues to expand, the challenge remains: who truly benefits from its success, and at what cost?

2.2. Tourism Boom vs. urban fragmentation

18Between January and March 2022 alone, Cancun welcomed 3.2 million foreign visitors, accounting for nearly 50% of all air arrivals in Mexico. It is crucial to remember that Cancun was established in 1971 as a joint effort between public policies and private sector investment. The original plan divided the city into three main areas: an airport, a residential zone, and a hotel district (See Map: "Urban Segregation in Cancun"). The hotel zone was designed with marinas, golf courses, and shopping centers, but without permanent residents (Calderón & Orozco, 2009:25).

19Due to Cancun's success as a tourist destination, its hotel zone has attracted some of the world's most exclusive and luxurious consumer markets, giving rise to highly segregated areas (Oemichen, 2010). These exclusive neighborhoods replicate the gated communities of national and international elites: spaces where socio-economically homogeneous groups share lifestyles and livelihood opportunities (Roitman, 2010:33). Residents in these enclaves have all the necessary means to avoid interaction with the external world, replicating the security measures of their private residences. Most notably, they frequently privatize public spaces by restricting access to beaches, shopping centers, and certain areas through security controls at hotels, restaurants, and bars. This phenomenon has intensified urban segregation, reinforcing a territorial divide that prioritizes the material needs of tourists while disrupting urban routes and creating unsafe areas (Fonseca, Chávez, & Camacho, 2020:121-124).

2.3. Migration and economic attraction

20The early 21st century saw a negative image of Mexico due to rising violence, which affected most tourist destinations. However, Cancun maintained its appeal, not only as a constant tourist hub but also as a magnet for internal migration. People from rural areas moved to Cancun in search of employment and a better quality of life in one of the country's most economically prosperous cities. The economic boom attracted a significant labor force, with 94.2% of Quintana Roo's residents—where Cancun is located—having been born in another state (Cadena-Vargas, 2021:906).

21This migration influx created an urgent demand for housing, infrastructure, public services, and urban planning (Kray, 2006:67). However, like many thriving cities, Cancun also developed impoverished zones characterized by "advanced urban marginality" (Wacquant, 2007:167). It is crucial to understand that poverty is not just defined by material deprivation or low income but also in relation to broader society. According to Wacquant (2007:129), living in poverty within a wealthy society "implies a status of social anomaly, lacking control over self-representation and collective identity... leading to symbolic dispossession that transforms its inhabitants into true social outcasts."

22Over the past fifty years, Cancun has become Mexico’s leading tourist hub. However, the city's original tripartite division and the lack of planning for residential areas have had lasting effects on social disparities and spatial segregation. The massive influx of national migrants was met with a disorganized and inadequate public response.

23First, the role of the state in shaping Cancun’s fractured landscape must be acknowledged. According to Calderón and Orozco (2009:29), Cancun’s urban planning and governmental intervention prioritized the tourism industry while neglecting public services and infrastructure for local residents (Castellanos & París, 2005:139). This fragmented urban fabric—whether through state action or inaction—has resulted in the emergence of marginalized areas where segregation is extreme (Castillo, 2011). The consequences include increasing "silent marginality" (Calderón & Orozco, 2009:27; Kray, 2006:81) and high homicide rates (Aragón Falomir, 2022).

24Cancun’s tripartite division is also marked by another symbolic-reality boundary: a north-south divide along Kukulcan Avenue, stretching approximately 140 kilometers (green line on the Map "Urban Segregation in Cancun"). This divide separates the coastal zones, reserved for the "global winners," from inland areas inhabited by local communities. To the east lie pristine beaches, luxury resorts, and upscale shopping centers, while to the west, residents live in precarious conditions (Oemichen & Escalona, 2020; Castillo, 2011).

25Avoiding a binary perspective, it is essential to recognize that the residential zone itself is internally segmented. The state (whether by omission or action) allowed the rapid construction of low-income housing developments in the western area. These were hastily built with substandard materials, serving as a temporary solution to the housing crisis (Kray, 2006:72). In the west (marked in red on the Map "Urban Segregation in Cancun"), neighborhoods known as "regions" have emerged, lacking sufficient schools, hospitals, or basic services such as garbage collection, drainage, asphalt roads, and public lighting (Interview 1). Nearly a quarter of the city’s population (250,000 people) resides in these regions, most of whom work in the tourist sector (marked in pink on the Map "Urban Segregation in Cancun").

26Among these areas, one stands out as Cancun’s "favela": Villas Otoch Paraíso (red with diagonal lines on the Map "Urban Segregation in Cancun"). Wacquant’s (2005:15) definition of a favela—enclaved areas, external labor reliance, social stigma—fits this case. However, these areas can also be categorized as ghettos, meeting Wacquant’s (2007:171-178) four characteristics: micro-social disparities, economic precarity, political neglect (state absence), and spatial concentration with stigmatization.

3. Fracture in Cancun

27To understand Cancun’s urban structure, it is essential to know that there are numbered supermanzanas (SM, superblocks) (from 1 to over 300) – sometimes officially recognized and named after the residential development. In fact, it was revealed to us that residents often do not know the name of the colonia (neighborhood) in which they live (Interview 1). Each supermanzana may contain one or more housing developments, or even share them. Region 107, for example, is shared by Paraíso Maya and Villas Urbi. Other regions, such as 249, consist only of Cielo Nuevo, 259 of Villas Otoch Paraíso, and 251 of Paseos del Mar. The three regions mentioned above are all completely enclosed, with a single entrance and exit, tiny houses, high rates of overcrowding, and often high homicide rates in terms of security. The hallways are so small that residents cannot place their furniture in them (Interview 1). It is important to include other regions, such as 77 and 201, which comprise Corales and Hacienda Real del Caribe, where insecurity is a daily concern. The common denominator between segregation and the rise in crime, linked to the absence of state security, is thus observable.

Table 1: Superblocks (SM) and Housing Developments

SM	Housing Developments	SM	Housing Developments
-	Corales	248	Lakin
105	Tierra Maya	249	Cielo Nuevo
107	Paraíso Maya y Urbivillas	251	Paseos del Mar
200-201	Hacienda Real del Caribe	259	Villas Otoch Paraíso
246	Kusamil	260	Prado Norte
247	Villas del Mar	-	El Pedregal

28To survive in an unfavorable environment, some individuals might turn to criminal activities or illicit opportunities. This limits their ability to foresee the consequences of their actions and leads to criminogenic behavior (Gómez, 2021). These social pressures stem from poverty, decline, and social exclusion, creating psychological burdens and limited rationality (Gómez, 2021). Needless to say, anyone living in Otoch Paraíso is affected by the negative perception they have of themselves and the image others have of them. These areas foster individualism and private protection, as they do not encourage bonds based on shared experiences, as Lezama (2002) points out. Beyond these social injustices and violence, other health issues related to overcrowding arise, such as the transmission of sexually transmitted or viral diseases (dengue, COVID-19).

29Additionally, certain places have become prey to organized crime, which is also beginning to settle in the city, particularly in the Alfredo V. Bonfil neighborhood (marked in orange on the "Urban Segregation in Cancun" map). This area, located between downtown and five kilometers from the country's most important airport, lacks paving, sewage, and public lighting.

Conclusion

30The elements mentioned thus far reveal a severe social, urban, occupational, socio-spatial, symbolic, and real disparity among the population residing in Cancun. We also show how, in a global city like Cancun, the countless contradictions of 21st-century society find their culmination and fail to meet the exotic expectations of foreign travelers. In this article, we identify that the pro-business vision, tied to today’s capitalist society, has pushed most individuals to adhere to this creed. As Boltanski and Chiapello mention, it is crucial that the values of all members of society perceive such a system positively and believe that they too can benefit from it.

31The well-known trickle-down or irrigation distribution has yet to bear the promised fruits proposed by some economists and advisers, as tourism continues, with new rules, what has been called "tourist colonization." Urban space, before statistical studies on social mobility, segregation, or inequalities, is the most visible, as it involves tangible violence for both the novice and the experienced observer. Cancun is part of all these semi-peripheral global cities with a duality of infrastructure, state omission, and unresolved urban planning issues. If the priority has been to allow families belonging to the city’s economic elite to become wealthier, accumulate, and continue to offer unheard-of working conditions, it is essential that these transnational consortiums respect workers' rights in their own country. As has been studied at the national level, it seems plausible to construct the network society that has formed in Cancun to illustrate who does what, when, and where, echoing Lasswell’s expression.

32The two faces of Cancun, the different infrastructures and services, form a ticking time bomb where violence, conversely, can erupt anywhere. As Wacquant mentions, living in a wealthy city while being poor means that the individual is considered a pariah, a social anomaly suffering great symbolic dispossession. Such classification is harmful to all because, as Wilkinson and Pikett highlight, an unequal society is detrimental to all citizens, especially the wealthiest.

33The region’s residents are the result of a history of tourism development, immigration, social exclusion, state urban policies, and private real estate projects that produce segregated neighborhoods where social symptoms emerge, triggered and exacerbated by inequality, unemployment, segregation, and, above all, violence. The desire of many families to improve their lives seems to crumble as they witness their environment, living conditions, and security levels deteriorate. Is Cancun still a paradise, or has it transformed into a city of shadows?

Aragón Falomir, J. (2019). La economía ilegal y el crimen organizado en la Cuenca del Caribe: ¿México en la encrucijada? Etudes Caribéennes, n° 43-44.

Aragón Falomir, J. & Cárdenas, J. (2020). “Análisis de redes empresariales y puertas giratorias en México: Cartografía de una clase dominante público-privada”. Temas y Debates, 39. https://doi.org/​10.35305/​tyd.v0i39.458