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Ahmed Ben Bella’s Visit to Cuba in 1962

La visite d’Ahmed Ben Bella à Cuba en 1962
La visita de Ahmed Ben Bella a Cuba en 1962
Salim Lamrani
Cet article est une traduction de :
La visite d’Ahmed Ben Bella à Cuba en 1962 [fr]
Autre(s) traduction(s) de cet article :
La visita de Ahmed Ben Bella a Cuba en 1962 [es]

Résumés

Cet article analyse la visite d’Ahmed Ben Bella à Cuba en octobre 1962, au lendemain de l’indépendance algérienne et à la veille de la crise des missiles. À partir d’archives diplomatiques françaises et étasuniennes, de la presse et des discours officiels, il met en lumière la manière dont l’Algérie indépendante affirme sa solidarité avec la Révolution cubaine en dépit des pressions étasuniennes. L’étude montre que ce choix, perçu comme une « aberration » par Washington, s’inscrit dans une diplomatie fondée sur l’idéalisme révolutionnaire, la gratitude et la recherche d’une autonomie stratégique au sein du Tiers-monde.

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Texte intégral

Introduction

1Algeria’s accession to independence in 1962 cannot be reduced to the mere dismantling of the French colonial system. It took place in a historical moment in which national liberation struggles, Cold War polarization, and the rising assertion of the Third World were profoundly reshaping the map of political and ideological alliances. In this context, the encounter between newly sovereign Algeria and Fidel Castro’s revolutionary Cuba went far beyond protocol: it inaugurated a singular relationship grounded in anti-imperialist solidarity, a shared memory of armed struggle, and a common project of social transformation. Ahmed Ben Bella’s visit to Havana in October 1962 was, in this respect, a foundational moment in what can be described as a “revolutionary friendship” between Algiers and Havana.

  • 1 Isaac Saney, « African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid  (...)

2While the Algerian War of Independence and the Cuban Revolution have been the subject of many studies, the early interactions between these two revolutionary processes remain relatively underexamined. Most analyses of South – South relations privilege the great Third World conferences, from Bandung to the Non-Aligned Movement, while leaving in the shadows the concrete dimension of bilateral solidarities, their timing, and their political costs. Yet Cuba’s support for the FLN during the war, followed by independent Algeria’s public engagement alongside Havana in the midst of the missile crisis, offers a privileged laboratory for understanding how a newly decolonized state sought to articulate sovereignty, gratitude, and autonomous diplomatic choices in the face of great-power injunctions. This article thus builds on research into Cuba’s internationalist commitments and Algiers’ role as a crossroads of Third World revolutionary networks.1

3This article analyzes the origins and significance of this revolutionary friendship through a pivotal moment: Ahmed Ben Bella’s 1962 visit to Cuba, immediately after his trip to Washington and the United Nations. Drawing on a corpus composed of French and U.S. diplomatic archives, Western and Cuban press coverage, and speeches by Algerian and Cuban leaders, it aims, first, to reconstruct the political and ideological conditions that made this accelerated rapprochement between Algiers and Havana possible; and second, to highlight the contrasting perceptions held by former colonial powers and the United States. This analysis shows that Algeria’s choice in favor of Cuba, seen in Washington as an “aberration”, stemmed less from opportunistic calculation than from a set of structuring principles: revolutionary idealism, solidarity with peoples in struggle, and the uncompromising affirmation of sovereignty.

1. Algiers – Havana, a Shared Ideal

  • 2 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Accord d’Évian », Université de Perpignan, Marc (...)
  • 3 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Référendum sur l’indépendance de l’Algérie », U (...)
  • 4 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Référendum d’autodétermination en l’Algérie », (...)
  • 5 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Déclaration du 3 juillet 1962 portant sur l’ind (...)
  • 6 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Algérie coloniale », Université de Perpignan, 5 (...)

4The armed struggle of Algerian independence fighters ultimately forced France to sit down at the negotiating table and accept the idea of a sovereign Algeria, which took concrete form with the signing of the Evian Accords on March 18, 1962, between General de Gaulle and the GPRA. A ceasefire was declared throughout the territory the very next day.2 On both sides of the Mediterranean, a unanimous desire prevailed: emancipation. In France, the population voted overwhelmingly, 91%, in favor of independence in the national referendum of April 8; in Algeria, on July 1, the people chose self-determination by 99%.3 France recognized Algeria’s independence on July 3, 1962.4 For their part, Algerians chose July 5, 1962,5 to coincide with the 1830 capitulation treaty of Dey Hussein, as a reminder that Algeria belonged to all Algerians.6

  • 7 Jean Lacouture, « Le chemin du pouvoir », Le Monde, September 28, 1962 ; The New York Times, « The (...)
  • 8 Le Monde, « La République algérienne sera aux Européens autant qu’à nous. Elle sera orientée vers u (...)
  • 9 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Déclaration Ministérielle », Journal Officiel de la République Algérienne, Septe (...)

5Ahmed Ben Bella, who had spent six years in French prisons between 1956 and 1962, was elected President of the Council of Ministers in September 1962 by the Constituent National Assembly, by a very large majority.7 The Assembly declared, through the voice of its president Ferhat Abbas, that Algeria would belong to all Algerians, without distinction of origin, on the basis of equal citizenship: “I turn in particular to our colleagues of European origin to solemnly affirm to them, in the name of the Algerian people, that this Algerian Republic which we shall build together will belong to them as much as to us, and that no one on our land will be a diminished citizen.”8 In his inaugural speech, Ben Bella saluted the contribution of the friends of Algerian independence, among whom was Cuba: “May all those who enabled the Algerian people to rise up and triumph receive here the moving tribute of the homeland restored in its rights and dignity.”9

  • 10 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville (...)
  • 11 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville (...)

6Cuba continued to support Algeria after independence by contributing to the training of its military personnel. The French ambassador in Havana, Roger Robert du Gardier, reported the presence of “2,000 Algerians, in A.L.N. field uniform” at the Triscornia camp southeast of the capital.10 In the conflict between Cuba and the United States, far from maintaining a neutral position, the French representative had chosen his camp: what he called the “internal resistance,” namely the counterrevolutionary groups armed and financed by the CIA, opposed to Fidel Castro. When he learned from various sources that a general uprising by armed factions was planned for late August 1962, he worried about their fate and intervened with his superior to prevent “a collective suicide, unless the United States is ready to support it immediately and energetically,” which was highly unlikely. He therefore suggested recommending to Washington that it “make every possible effort to calm… the leaders of the Cuban opposition or resistance with whom they have contacts.”11

  • 12 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville (...)

7The French ambassador saw his wish granted and celebrated it in a telegram of September 3, 1962. The “suicide-insurrection” being prepared in Cuba for the end of August had been canceled, due in particular to President Kennedy’s statements to the press on August 29, in which he said that “it would be a grave mistake to invade Cuba.” The armed groups, unable to rally the people to their cause, whose loyalty remained with the Revolution and its leader, hoped “vaguely that the United States would decide at the last minute to come to their rescue,” the ambassador noted. But their fate was sealed in advance. Without popular support, no victory was possible. The French representative faced reality and described an “atmosphere of pessimism and discouragement deeper than ever” within the opposition and a “gloomy despair spreading day by day” in its ranks.12

  • 13 Ibid.

8The head of the French mission, attached to a certain social order and established privileges, could not conceal his contempt for a people that largely supported the revolutionary process. He lamented the disappearance of the “last vestiges of individualism” on the island, where “soon only government people and the faceless ‘mass’ with no hierarchy, the most miserable and fanatical rabble, will have the right of citizenship.” He emphasized the dramatic situation of the armed groups, whom he called “our Cuban friends, the last defenders here of a classic representative democracy.” He expressed all the ill he thought of the island’s authorities, describing a “totalitarian regime, cynical, with no generosity of spirit and no scruples of any kind.” Clearly, the diplomat, of aristocratic descent, cared deeply about the maintenance of social hierarchies.13

  • 14 Ibid.

9Above all, however, the representative of Paris feared the influence of the Cuban Revolution on the continent and shared his concern: “I have the feeling that this can be extremely serious in practical terms, if only because of the perfect demonstration already constituted by the ‘Cuban case,’ before all of Latin America, of the relentless effectiveness of the communist system, and this, ninety miles from the American coast.” The total sanctions imposed by the United States had indeed caused “real and painful” economic difficulties for the island, “but they will not be sufficient, I am certain, to make this government capitulate,” he regretted. The danger was all the greater because Cuban resistance to the state of siege imposed by its powerful neighbor generated respect and admiration across the hemisphere, as the diplomat underlined: “It is very much to be feared that all its admirers in Central and South America will see in it yet another opportunity to praise the Fidelista experiment.”14

  • 15 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre de (...)

10The aura of the Cuban Revolution extended beyond the continent’s borders and also worried France, which did not fail to supply the United States with intelligence on the island’s situation.15 Indeed, Cuba and Algeria shared another common point: agrarian reform. Ahmed Ben Bella also declared that the establishment of an “Algerian socialism” was the country’s “immediate objective.” According to The New York Times, it would be “based on the collectivization of agriculture along lines similar to those Prime Minister Fidel Castro had put in place in Cuba.” The Algerian leader explained why:

  • 16 Arnaldo Cortesi, « Goal Is Socialist State », The New York Times, August 14, 1962.

The poor peasants were the principal victims of land speculation and of colonialist exploitation. They are the force that stands at the bottom of the revolutionary transformation of society. The revolutionary masses are fundamentally peasant. The Cuban revolution arose from a similar situation: peasant masses in arms for independence and agrarian reform.16

  • 17 Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires algériennes, « Orientations du gouvernement algérien », Octobe (...)

11France worried about Algeria’s agrarian projects and the direction taken by Ben Bella’s government, inspired by the Cuban example. “The ‘plowing operation’ appears as the first phase of an agrarian reform in fact, carried out outside the procedures provided for by the Evian Accords,” noted the Minister of State in charge of Algerian Affairs. The plan was to entrust vacant lands belonging to former settlers to management committees. Paris, which feared the “spoliation” of its nationals, nevertheless recognized the necessity of such a measure: “No doubt such provisions can be explained by economic considerations not without merit.”17

12Before traveling to Cuba, President Ben Bella made a trip to the United States on the occasion of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly.

2. Ahmed Ben Bella’s Visit to the United States

  • 18 Michel Goué, « M. Benbella part jeudi pour New York afin d’assister au débat sur l’admission de l’A (...)
  • 19 Philippe Ben, « L’Assemblée générale des Nations unies accueillera lundi son cent neuvième membre : (...)
  • 20 Le Monde, « M. Benbella déclare : ‘La liquidation du colonialisme sera le credo de notre action pol (...)
  • 21 Le Monde, « Le Président Dorticos dénonce l’hystérie anticubaine qui existe aux États-Unis », Octob (...)

13On October 8, 1962, President Ahmed Ben Bella went to New York to attend the debate on Algeria’s admission to the United Nations and to raise the national flag at the organization’s headquarters.18 The newly independent nation thus became the UN’s 109th member.19 In his speech, he recalled the doctrinal principle that would guide his country’s foreign policy: “Our struggle has been a struggle for human advancement, for national emancipation, for progress. … The liquidation of colonialism will be the creed of our political and diplomatic action.”20 When Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticós took the floor, his first words paid tribute to Algeria, saluting the advent of its independence and its integration into the UN family.21

  • 22 Le Monde, « M. Benbella compte se rendre à Cuba après avoir rencontré M. Kennedy », October 8, 1962 (...)
  • 23 Le Monde, « M. Benbella : je n’ai pas l’intention de jouer un rôle de médiateur entre les États-Uni (...)
  • 24 Le Monde, « Un Algérien à La Havane », October 17, 1962.

14Before leaving for the United States, Ahmed Ben Bella had announced that he intended to go to Cuba at the invitation of the Havana government.22 In an interview on American television, he specified that he had no intention “of playing a mediator role between the United States and Cuba” and that his visit fell “within the framework of Algeria’s friendly relations with all countries.”23 Le Monde drew a parallel between the Cuban and Algerian leaders, recalling that Havana was by no means a satellite of Moscow: “We find the same concern to keep an even balance between the two great ideological and economic systems competing for the world.”24

15Ben Bella later reflected on this historic trip:

  • 25 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Ainsi était le ‘Che’ », Le Monde diplomatique, October 1997, p. 3.

Algeria had just won independence, its first government had just been formed, and as head of that government I had to attend, in September 1962 in New York, the UN session for the symbolic raising of the Algerian flag above the United Nations headquarters, a ceremony consecrating the victory of our national liberation struggle and Algeria’s entry into the concert of free nations. The FLN Political Bureau decided that this trip to the United Nations should be followed by a visit to Cuba. More than a visit, it was above all an act of faith marking our political commitments. Algeria wished to publicly underscore its total solidarity with the Cuban Revolution, especially at those difficult moments in its history.25

  • 26 The New York Times, « Algerian, at U.N., Decries Any Effort To Overturn Castro », October 13, 1962.

16At the United Nations, Algiers expressed support for Cuba. Mohamed Khemisti, the foreign minister, denounced attempts to overthrow the island’s government. The Western press reported his remarks: “Efforts to attack and undermine the political regime chosen by the friendly people of Cuba were a threat to international peace.” Khemisti pointed to the conflict’s asymmetry and emphasized that Havana “had no aggressive intentions.” He insisted on the principle of peaceful coexistence, which forbids interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. As for Algeria, the country would also follow “a socialist road.”26

  • 27 Michel Goué, « M. Benbella serait reçu le 15 octobre par le président Kennedy », Le Monde, October (...)
  • 28 J. Anthony Lukas, « Ben Bella Calls on Cuban President », The New York Times, October 8, 1962.
  • 29 Peter Braestrup, « Colorful Ceremony Greets Ben Bella At White House », The New York Times, October (...)
  • 30 Robert W. Komer, « Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to Presid (...)

17It was therefore with full awareness that John F. Kennedy officially received Ahmed Ben Bella at the White House on October 15, 196227, one week after Ben Bella’s meeting with the Cuban president at the United Nations.28 The Algerian leader received full honors, and the welcome was “warm,” according to the American press.29 In a memorandum, the National Security Council described him as “much more pragmatic than doctrinaire” and noted that the meeting’s objective was “to lay the groundwork for U.S. influence on him.”30

  • 31 Ibid.
  • 32 Peter Braestrup, « Colorful Ceremony Greets Ben Bella At White House », The New York Times, October (...)

18Washington had clearly told Ben Bella that it was not in Algeria’s interest to travel to the island: “He’s now heard from many sources how sensitive we are on this issue.” Direct pressure had also been applied to Minister Khemisti: “The U.S. government was deeply disturbed by press reports thatBen Bella planned to visit Cuba immediately after being received by President Kennedy.” But these warnings did not have the desired effect, and Washington regretfully emphasized the reason, namely the popularity of the Cuban Revolution worldwide: “Many Algerians still seem to look at Castro through rose-colored glasses.”31 The New York Times offered a more grounded explanation: “Dr. Castro supported Algeria’s seven-year fight for independence from France.”32

  • 33 Dean Rusk, « Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Algeria », October 23, 1962, F (...)

19The conversation with Kennedy was frank, and Ben Bella showed clear political courage. The Algerian president stated that his country was “against imperialism, colonialism, racial discrimination, nuclear tests, armements races, and spheres of influence”, which sounded very much like an indictment of the United States. Regarding the conflict between Washington and Havana, he called for dialogue and said there “must be adequate measures other than attempting destroy Cuban regime.” When Kennedy noted that Cuba had allied itself with the communist camp, Ben Bella replied that Fidel Castro had not “any other choice.”33

  • 34 Thomas P. Ronan, « Ben Bella Links Two ‘Injustices’ », The New York Times, October 14, 1962.

20Having experienced it personally, Ben Bella was sensitive to the issue of racial discrimination in the United States. He wanted to meet Martin Luther King Jr. to express his sympathy and solidarity in the struggle against the treatment of Black Americans. For the Algerian head of state, “there was a direct relationship between the injustices of colonialism and the injustices of segregation.”34

  • 35 Jean Knecht, « M. Kennedy invite M. Benbella à ‘reconnaître la main de l’amitié’ que les États-Unis (...)
  • 36 The New York Times, « Ben Bella Pledges in U.N. Help to Fight Colonialism », October 10, 1962.
  • 37 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Ainsi était le ‘Che’ », Le Monde diplomatique, op. cit.

21President Kennedy publicly urged Ben Bella “to recognize the hand of friendship” extended by the United States, but Ben Bella did not abandon his trip to Cuba.35 He recalled the assistance Cuba had provided and stressed that Havana had been among the first capitals to send a diplomatic mission to Algiers after independence.36 Ben Bella remembered the moment: “Kennedy tried insistently to dissuade me from going to Cuba by direct flight from New York, even going so far as to mention the possibility of an attack on the Cuban Air Force plane that was to transport me by the Cuban opposition based in Miami.” But the Algerian president, hardened by war, was immune to such rhetoric: “To those barely veiled threats, I replied that I was a fellaga and that threats from Algerian or Cuban harkis did not intimidate me.”37

22The next day, he boarded a plane for Cuba.

3. Ahmed Ben Bella’s Visit to Cuba

  • 38 Le Monde, « ‘Nos deux révolutions sont irréversibles’, déclare M. Fidel Castro en accueillant à La (...)

23On October 16, 1962, the Algerian president arrived in Havana, where he was welcomed in a fraternal atmosphere, fostered by shared experience and a shared vision.38 Fidel Castro explained why:

  • 39 Fidel Castro Ruz, « Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Primer Secretario del (...)

Between the Algerians and us – that is, between the Algerians and the Cubans – the encounter was easy, understanding was easy, unity was easy, simply because we are two revolutionary peoples, because we are two peoples who won our freedom with weapons in hand, because we are two peoples who fought for more than a century to obtain complete independence. That is why we understand each other.39

24The Cuban revolutionary leader praised Ahmed Ben Bella’s courage for not renouncing the trip despite pressure, thereby expressing support for the Cuban cause:

  • 40 Le Monde, « ‘Nos deux révolutions sont irréversibles’, déclare M. Fidel Castro en accueillant à La (...)

To visit Cuba at a moment when the rich and powerful Yankee empire doubles down on hostility and hatred toward our homeland, and tries through threats, blackmail, and corruption to impose an economic and commercial blockade, hoping to crush the Cuban revolution through hunger; to visit Cuba when Yankee imperialists threaten to attack our country at any moment and to drown in blood the creative work of our peoples – this is, on your part, an act of bravery and political determination that defines your character, and a gesture of friendship we will never forget.40

  • 41 Ibid.
  • 42 Ibid. See also: Jean Lacouture, « Le prestige du ‘fidélisme’ ne pèse pas sur la diplomatie de M. Ah (...)

25On October 17, 1962, Algiers and Havana formally established diplomatic relations. Ahmed Ben Bella expressed Algeria’s solidarity with the Cuban Revolution: “Our two countries have followed the same path and will never be separated.” He also bestowed a decoration on the Cuban leader: “Comrade Fidel Castro, until now the National Liberation Front has awarded only one medal of honor. No Algerian has received it: it is to you that we award it.”41 Ben Bella reiterated his “gratitude for the help you gave us despite your enormous difficulties.” Cuba had declared itself socialist on April 16, 1961, following the air attacks that served as the prelude to the Bay of Pigs invasion. In Cuba, Ahmed Ben Bella stated the principles that would guide his country’s policy: “Socialism is the path to freedom and progress.” 42

  • 43 Le Monde, « M. Benbella est rentré samedi à Alger », October 22, 1962.
  • 44 Le Monde, « Le communiqué commun algéro-cubain réclame l’évacuation de la base américaine de Guanta (...)

26Algeria did not merely express its points of convergence with Cuba, its “perfect identity of views on the unconditional abolition of colonialism, imperialism, and on peaceful coexistence.”43 It did not maintain a neutral position in the conflict between the island and the United States. On the contrary, the Algerian president expressed “the full support of his revolutionary government for the Cuban Revolution” and emphasized that “Cuba had the right and the duty to defend its independence and national sovereignty.” Algiers demanded “the evacuation of troops and the dismantling of foreign bases, including the Guantanamo naval base.”44

  • 45 Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires algériennes, « Orientations du gouvernement algérien », Octobe (...)
  • 46 Le Monde¸ « M. Benbella : l’Algérie, dans le malheur comme dans la prospérité, se tiendra aux côtés (...)

27France, which maintained a military presence in Algeria under the Evian Accords, paid particularly close attention to this point condemning “the principle of maintaining foreign military bases in an independent state,” and underscored the fraternal relationship between the two leaders: “The atmosphere of the Ben Bella – Castro meeting shows that this was not merely a courtesy visit.”45 On the day of his departure, October 18, 1962, Ben Bella reaffirmed his country’s solidarity with Havana: “Algeria, in misfortune as in prosperity, will stand by Cuba.”46

  • 47 The New York Times, « Algerians Express Support for Cuba », October 25, 1963.

28During the missile crisis, from October 14 to 27, 1962, despite the risks, Algeria offered unwavering support to Cuba and denounced U.S. hostile policy. The FLN Political Bureau issued a statement: “The Algerian people are aware that the aggression directed against Cuba is, in fact, directed against all peoples who are constantly struggling against colonialism in all its forms.” Following the imposition of the quarantine, the FLN denounced “the aggressive measures which the United States government has just taken against a little country, in scorn of international law.”47

  • 48 Roger Seydoux, « M. Roger Seydoux, Chef de la Mission permanente de la France auprès de l’Organisat (...)
  • 49 André Saint-Mleux, « M. Saint-Mleux, Consul général de France à Hong Kong, à M. Couve de Murville, (...)
  • 50 Jean-Paul Garnier, « M. Garnier, Ambassadeur de France à New Dehli, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministr (...)
  • 51 Maurice Couve de Murville, « M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères, à divers repré (...)

29Algeria’s position was far from isolated in the countries of the South. Indeed, the island “quarantine” decreed by President Kennedy – actually a “blockade,” as Secretary of State Dean Rusk acknowledged in his conversation with General de Gaulle – prompted rejection across the Third World.48 China condemned this act of war and reaffirmed “the full support of the Chinese people for the Cuban people for the present and the future.”49 For his part, the French ambassador in New Delhi, Jean-Paul Garnier, clarified to the Quai d’Orsay the discretion observed by India: “Without the outbreak of the conflict with China, Mr. Nehru would certainly have condemned President Kennedy’s decision,”50 alluding to the Sino-Indian war over Himalayan territories. Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville acknowledged that “the legal basis of the American action” was debatable.51

  • 52 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France à La Havane, à M. Couve de Murville (...)
  • 53 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre d (...)
  • 54 Maurice Couve de Murville, « M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères, aux représenta (...)

30In Cuba, despite the extreme danger, no wind of panic seemed to blow over the island. The French ambassador in Havana expressed surprise in a telegram of October 23, 1962: “So far, the population remains calm overall and traffic is normal in the capital.”52 The resolution of the crisis came through direct negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union, with Cuba excluded from the talks. The island’s government saw this exclusion as a betrayal: “It is clear that Castro is furious and bitterly reproaches his Russian friends for abandoning him without consultation,” reported Hervé Alphand, France’s ambassador in Washington.53 Maurice Couve de Murville also expressed surprise: “One of the most striking aspects of the crisis is that everything has happened so far as if the Cuban government had nothing to say.”54

  • 55 Roger Seydoux, « M. Roger Seydoux, Chef de la Mission permanente de la France auprès de l’Organisat (...)
  • 56 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre d (...)

31In response, Cuba categorically refused any inspection on its territory. UN Secretary-General U Thant traveled to the island to try to convince Cuban authorities, without success. They reminded him that such a measure was “contrary to international law and constituted a humiliation the Cuban people could not accept.” The Cuban leader’s firmness impressed the UN representative: “He was impressed by the will displayed by Castro to fight to the end rather than accept conditions he deemed humiliating.” Despite the difficulties, Thant “could only note how confident Castro was in his destiny,” French diplomacy emphasized.55 On the U.S. side, the government knew that Cuba would submit to “no arrangement authorizing on-site control” and welcomed the refusal of an inspection. George McBundy “rejoiced” in an exchange with Ambassador Alphand: “This opposition to one of the elements of the contract will allow the United States not to renew its guarantee not to invade the island.”56 Washington clearly had not renounced its objective of overthrowing the Cuban government by any means.

  • 57 Central Intelligence Agency, « National Intelligence Estimate: The Short-Term Outlook in Algeria », (...)
  • 58 Gonzalez, « Memorandum From the Director of the Office of Northern African Affairs (Witman) to the (...)
  • 59 Robert W. Komer, « Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to Presid (...)

32In the conflict between the United States and Cuba, Algiers had not adopted a neutral position. A U.S. intelligence report dated November 1962 noted this clearly and confirmed Ben Bella’s choice: “Already the Algerians have sided with Cuba against the U.S..”57 Washington, reasoning in terms purely centered on its own interests, struggled to understand Algeria’s support, which it called an “aberration.”58 “Reasons behing Algeria/Cuba tie are baffling,” stated a National Security Council memorandum to President Kennedy.59 In reality, Algerian policy at the time, like Cuba’s, was primarily motivated by revolutionary idealism, the principle of solidarity with all peoples struggling for emancipation, and a culture of gratitude toward those who had supported its cause.

  • 60 The New York Times, « Algerian Aid Talks Likely to Proceed », October 28, 1962. See also: Peter Bra (...)
  • 61 William Witman II, « Memorandum of Conversation », July 24, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United S (...)

33Washington held a grudge. As early as October 1962, the State Department ordered the International Development Agency “to stop general economic talks” with Algeria.60 Kennedy made it clear to Ambassador Chérif Guellal, posted in the United States, that Ben Bella’s posture would not be without consequences: “Algeria’s relations with Cuba raised difficulties for nations that wanted to help Algeria.”61

  • 62 Ibid.
  • 63 Dean Rusk, « Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Algeria », November 8, 1963, F (...)

34Moreover, Che Guevara was welcomed in the Algerian capital in July 1963 with unprecedented fervor and celebration. If Washington understood “Algerian feeling that Cuba had supported Algeria during the months and years of the war,” Algerians also had to “understand sour American feelings at the extend of the welcome to Guevara, beyond that accorded anybody else.”62 Kennedy was all the more irritated because “his friend Senator Mansfield [had been treated] lightly last July whileChe Guevara [was] singled out for all honors.”63 The reason was essentially the same: Cuba had shown great solidarity with the Algerian independence movement during its struggle against French colonialism, whereas the United States had supported Paris for more than seven years of war.

  • 64 William Witman II, « Memorandum of Conversation », July 24, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United S (...)
  • 65 John F. Kennedy, « Remarks of Senator John F. Kennedy at Democratic Dinner, Cincinnati, Ohio », Joh (...)

35Kennedy tried to minimize the scope of the Cuban Revolution by advancing an argument that did not convince the Algerian diplomat: “The action against Batista was not a serious war, with perhaps 100 killed.”64 Algerians, however, had followed closely the revolutionary war in the Sierra Maestra and above all remembered Senator Kennedy’s speech of October 1960, in which he denounced the Batista regime as “one of the most bloody and repressive dictatorships in the long history of Latin American repression.” At the time, Kennedy had presented very different figures: “Fulgencio Batista murdered 20,000 Cubans in 7 years – a greater proportion of the Cuban population than the proportion of Americans who died in both World Wars.”65

36Ahmed Ben Bella’s visit was all the more important because Cuba had felt completely abandoned during the October 1962 missile crisis. In an interview with Le Monde, Fidel Castro spoke of the loneliness his people had suffered and expressed criticisms of the USSR, illustrating that Cuba’s independence was real:

  • 66 Claude Julien, « Le socialisme cubain », Le Monde, March 23, 1963.

What support did we receive during last October’s blockade, when we were on the brink of a major conflict? Where were the great mass demonstrations in our favor? What did the “revolutionaries” of Europe and Latin America do? Only the Venezuelans reacted then. But the big parties that call themselves revolutionary did not move. They are not revolutionaries but bureaucrats. They are satellites. Every time Moscow makes a decision, whatever it may be, satellites around the world applaud. … Khrushchev withdraws his missiles from Cuba without consulting us and all the satellites cry out: “Khrushchev has served the cause of ‘peace’ well.” And when Khrushchev, at the Moscow Manege, criticizes abstract painting, satellites here ask me to ban abstract painting. And I tell them that our adversaries are capitalism and imperialism, not abstract painters.66

  • 67 Le Monde, « Le leader cubain ajourne son voyage à Alger », May 24, 1963.

37Havana did not forget the courage and generosity of the Algerians. As the French press noted, “Mr. Ben Bella had been the first and the only head of government to go to Havana after the Revolution.”67 A few years later, Fidel Castro alluded to this historic visit and paid tribute to the first president of the Algerian Republic:

  • 68 Fidel Castro Ruz, « Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Primer Secretario del (...)

It is true that our people felt great personal sympathy for President Ben Bella because we did not forget, of course, that gesture – which cannot easily be forgotten – by the Algerian revolutionary leader, by the president of the new independent state after seven years of heroic struggle, who, on the eve of the critical days of October 1962, in an atmosphere of growing tension, had arrived in the United States invited by the government of that country – the country that maintained such a high degree of hostility against us, the country that judges men and governments and adopts reprisals against them according to whether they are our friends or not – and we must not forget that the representative of that country devastated by war, ravaged by war, rejecting all the pressures of the imperialist U.S. government, with nothing to expect from us, nothing to receive from us, had spontaneously and without hesitation agreed to come to our country, to humiliate the imperialists and travel from Washington to Havana precisely in those days, those critical and very tense days.68

  • 69 Le Monde, « Pas de procès retentissant pour M. Boudiaf, déclare M. Ben Bella », 4 septembre 1963.
  • 70 The New York Times, « Ben Bella Says Cuban Visit Arose From ‘Desire for Peace’ », 4 novembre 1962.
  • 71 Peter Braestrup, « Algerian Stresses Neutrality Policy », The New York Times, 25 novembre 1965.

38Algiers did indeed place the risks of reprisals from Washington in the background in order to privilege the principles that characterized its foreign policy, namely the struggle against imperialism and colonialism. Its support for the island had cost it dearly, that is, “the absence of U.S. financial aid to the Algerian state,” as the Western press noted.69 Ben Bella was not taken in: Algeria “would allow no nation, however rich or powerful, to dictate a deviation from Algerian policy of friendship and sympathy for the Cuban revolution.”70 For his part, Algerian Foreign Minister Mohamed Khemisti reaffirmed in his UN address his country’s support for the “objectives of Cuba’s revolution.”71 Cuba, in turn, developed a debt of gratitude.

Conclusion

39Ahmed Ben Bella’s visit to Havana in October 1962 stands as a founding act in the diplomatic history of independent Algeria. More than an official trip, it expressed the young Algerian state’s determination to fully assume its revolutionary identity and to assert itself on the international stage outside traditional tutelage. By defying U.S. pressure and affirming unwavering solidarity with the Cuban Revolution, Algiers placed its external action under the sign of ideological coherence and fidelity to the values of anti-colonial struggle.

40This choice, often described as an “aberration” by Western chanceries, was in fact driven by a principled logic. Algeria, conscious of its moral debt to those who had supported its struggle, conceived its diplomacy as the natural extension of its national liberation: a diplomacy of gratitude, solidarity, and refusal of injustice. This choice also endowed Algiers with a particular symbolic capital within the Third World, placing it among the states willing to bear real diplomatic costs in the name of revolutionary principles. By standing alongside Cuba at the most critical moment in its history, the missile crisis, it affirmed that freedom won by arms could not be separated from the defense of oppressed peoples.

41The Algerian-Cuban friendship, born from this meeting of two victorious revolutions, outlasted the Cold War’s contingencies. It inaugurated a new form of international relations founded on equality, reciprocity, and shared commitment against imperialism. In this sense, Ben Bella’s approach illustrates the ethical and universalist dimension of twentieth-century liberation struggles: a people’s emancipation finds its fullest meaning only when it is accompanied by the defense of the emancipation of others.

42History will thus remember that, in the very first days of its independence, Algeria chose political courage and fidelity to revolutionary ideals, affirming, through the voice of its first head of state, that solidarity among peoples was not a diplomatic posture, but a moral duty. More than half a century later, that conviction remains one of the noblest legacies of Algerian foreign policy.

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Notes

1 Isaac Saney, « African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid », Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 33, n°5, September 2006, p. 81–117; Piero Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions: Washington, Cuba, and Africa, 1959–1975, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2013 Piero Gleijeses, Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2013; Nelson P. Valdés, « Cuba y Angola: una política de solidaridad internacional », Estudios de Asia y África, El Colegio de México, October-December 1979, n°4, p. 609–612; Jeffrey James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2016.

2 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Accord d’Évian », Université de Perpignan, March 18, 1962. https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/france/1962-1903evian.htm (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

3 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Référendum sur l’indépendance de l’Algérie », Université de Perpignan, 8 avril 1962. https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/france/ref1962-4.htm (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

4 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Référendum d’autodétermination en l’Algérie », Université de Perpignan, 1er juillet 1962. https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/france/ref1962-4.htm (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

5 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Déclaration du 3 juillet 1962 portant sur l’indépendance de l’Algérie », Université de Perpignan, 3 juillet 1962. https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/france/ref1962-4.htm (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

6 Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques, « Algérie coloniale », Université de Perpignan, 5 juillet 1830. https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/constit/dz1830.htm#1830 (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

7 Jean Lacouture, « Le chemin du pouvoir », Le Monde, September 28, 1962 ; The New York Times, « The World. New Day In Algeria », September 30, 1962.

8 Le Monde, « La République algérienne sera aux Européens autant qu’à nous. Elle sera orientée vers une économie socialiste. Rien ne nous oppose plus au peuple français », September 27, 1962.

9 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Déclaration Ministérielle », Journal Officiel de la République Algérienne, September 26, 1962. https://www.joradp.dz/JO6283/1962/901/FP7.pdf (website accessed on November 15, 2025). See also: Le Monde, « Le discours d’investiture du Président du Conseil algérien. Le gouvernement prend l’engagement solennel de respecter les accords d’Évian. La réforme agraire, objectif fondamental de la révolution, entrera en application d’ici un an. Mon gouvernement sera celui de tous les Algériens », October 1st, 1962.

10 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », August 18, 1962, document n° 51, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 143.

11 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », August 24, 1962, document n° 56, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 148.

12 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France, à La Havane à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », September 3, 1962, document n° 66, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 170-171.

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », September 7, 1962, document n° 69, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1998, p. 186.

16 Arnaldo Cortesi, « Goal Is Socialist State », The New York Times, August 14, 1962.

17 Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires algériennes, « Orientations du gouvernement algérien », October 19, 1962, document n° 106, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1998, p. 303-304.

18 Michel Goué, « M. Benbella part jeudi pour New York afin d’assister au débat sur l’admission de l’Algérie à l’O.N.U », Le Monde, October 3, 1962.

19 Philippe Ben, « L’Assemblée générale des Nations unies accueillera lundi son cent neuvième membre : l’Algérie », Le Monde, October 4, 1962. Voir également : Thomas J. Hamilton, « Zagrulla Khan Elected As Head of U.N. Assembly », The New York Times, September 19, 1962; The New York Times, « Article 10. No Title », September 16, 1962.

20 Le Monde, « M. Benbella déclare : ‘La liquidation du colonialisme sera le credo de notre action politique et diplomatique », October 11, 1962.

21 Le Monde, « Le Président Dorticos dénonce l’hystérie anticubaine qui existe aux États-Unis », October, 10 1962.

22 Le Monde, « M. Benbella compte se rendre à Cuba après avoir rencontré M. Kennedy », October 8, 1962 ; The New York Times, « Ben Bella to Visit Cuba After Sojourn At U.N. », October 6, 1962; The New York Times, « Neutrality Reiterated », October 7, 1962; The New York Times, « Ben Bella Here For Entry in U.N. », October 7, 1962.

23 Le Monde, « M. Benbella : je n’ai pas l’intention de jouer un rôle de médiateur entre les États-Unis et Cuba », October 16, 1962.

24 Le Monde, « Un Algérien à La Havane », October 17, 1962.

25 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Ainsi était le ‘Che’ », Le Monde diplomatique, October 1997, p. 3.

26 The New York Times, « Algerian, at U.N., Decries Any Effort To Overturn Castro », October 13, 1962.

27 Michel Goué, « M. Benbella serait reçu le 15 octobre par le président Kennedy », Le Monde, October 4, 1962.

28 J. Anthony Lukas, « Ben Bella Calls on Cuban President », The New York Times, October 8, 1962.

29 Peter Braestrup, « Colorful Ceremony Greets Ben Bella At White House », The New York Times, October 16, 1962.

30 Robert W. Komer, « Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to President Kennedy », October13, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 71.

31 Ibid.

32 Peter Braestrup, « Colorful Ceremony Greets Ben Bella At White House », The New York Times, October 16, 1962, op. cit.

33 Dean Rusk, « Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Algeria », October 23, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 72.

34 Thomas P. Ronan, « Ben Bella Links Two ‘Injustices’ », The New York Times, October 14, 1962.

35 Jean Knecht, « M. Kennedy invite M. Benbella à ‘reconnaître la main de l’amitié’ que les États-Unis tendent à l’Algérie », Le Monde, October 17, 1962.

36 The New York Times, « Ben Bella Pledges in U.N. Help to Fight Colonialism », October 10, 1962.

37 Ahmed Ben Bella, « Ainsi était le ‘Che’ », Le Monde diplomatique, op. cit.

38 Le Monde, « ‘Nos deux révolutions sont irréversibles’, déclare M. Fidel Castro en accueillant à La Havane M. Benbella », October 18, 1962.

39 Fidel Castro Ruz, « Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Primer Secretario del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Cuba y Primer Ministro del Gobierno Revolucionario, en la concentración popular de despedida efectuada en la Explanada de África, Argel, Argelia », República de Cuba, May 16, 1972. http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1972/esp/f160572e.html (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

40 Le Monde, « ‘Nos deux révolutions sont irréversibles’, déclare M. Fidel Castro en accueillant à La Havane M. Benbella », October 18, 1962, op. cit. See also: The New York Times, « Ben Bella Welcomed by Castro; Visit Is Called ‘Act of Courage’ », October 17, 1962.

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid. See also: Jean Lacouture, « Le prestige du ‘fidélisme’ ne pèse pas sur la diplomatie de M. Ahmed Ben Bella », Le Monde diplomatique, December 1962, p. 7.

43 Le Monde, « M. Benbella est rentré samedi à Alger », October 22, 1962.

44 Le Monde, « Le communiqué commun algéro-cubain réclame l’évacuation de la base américaine de Guantanamo », 19 octobre 1962 ; The New York Times, « Ben Bella Backs Cuba on U.S. Base », October 18, 1962.

45 Ministère d’État chargé des Affaires algériennes, « Orientations du gouvernement algérien », October 19, 1962, document n° 106, op. cit., p. 305-306.

46 Le Monde¸ « M. Benbella : l’Algérie, dans le malheur comme dans la prospérité, se tiendra aux côtés de Cuba », October 19, 1959.

47 The New York Times, « Algerians Express Support for Cuba », October 25, 1963.

48 Roger Seydoux, « M. Roger Seydoux, Chef de la Mission permanente de la France auprès de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », October 22, 1962, document n° 109, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 310.

49 André Saint-Mleux, « M. Saint-Mleux, Consul général de France à Hong Kong, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », October 31, 1962, document n° 131, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 353.

50 Jean-Paul Garnier, « M. Garnier, Ambassadeur de France à New Dehli, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », October 24, 1962, document n° 115, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 323.

51 Maurice Couve de Murville, « M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères, à divers représentants diplomatiques de France à l’étranger », November 10, 1962, document n° 146, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 402.

52 Roger Robert du Gardier, « M. du Gardier, Ambassadeur de France à La Havane, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », 23 octobre 1962, document n° 114, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 320.

53 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », 1er novembre 1962, document n° 133, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 358.

54 Maurice Couve de Murville, « M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères, aux représentants diplomatiques de France à Abidjan, Brazzaville, Cotonou, Dakar, Fort-Lamy, Libreville, Lomé, Niamey, Nouakchott, Ouagadougou, Tananarive, Yaoundé », 1er novembre 1962, document n° 134, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 361.

55 Roger Seydoux, « M. Roger Seydoux, Chef de la Mission permanente de la France auprès de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », 2 novembre 1962, document n° 137, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 364-366.

56 Hervé Alphand, « M. Alphand, Ambassadeur de France à Washington, à M. Couve de Murville, Ministre des Affaires étrangères », 27 novembre 1962, document n° 168, in Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Commission de publication des documents diplomatiques français, Documents diplomatiques français 1962, Tome II, 1er juillet– 31 décembre, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1999, p. 452.

57 Central Intelligence Agency, « National Intelligence Estimate: The Short-Term Outlook in Algeria », November 7, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 74.

58 Gonzalez, « Memorandum From the Director of the Office of Northern African Affairs (Witman) to the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs (William) », November 7, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 75.

59 Robert W. Komer, « Memorandum from Robert W. Komer of the National Security Council Staff to President Kennedy », July 15, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 84.

60 The New York Times, « Algerian Aid Talks Likely to Proceed », October 28, 1962. See also: Peter Braestrup, « Algeria and U.S. to Resume Talks », The New York Times, November 27, 1962. Celles-ci reprendraient en 1963 : Hedrick Smith, « U.S. and Algeria Agree on Terms of Aid Program », The New York Times, January 24, 1963; Peter Braestrup, « Envoy Will Report », The New York Times, January 24, 1963.

61 William Witman II, « Memorandum of Conversation », July 24, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 85. Regarding Che Guevara’s second trip, see also: The New York Times, « Guevara Leaves Algeria for Second African Tour », January 30, 1965.

62 Ibid.

63 Dean Rusk, « Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Algeria », November 8, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 89.

64 William Witman II, « Memorandum of Conversation », July 24, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, Volume XXI, Africa, document 85, op. cit.

65 John F. Kennedy, « Remarks of Senator John F. Kennedy at Democratic Dinner, Cincinnati, Ohio », John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, October 6, 1960. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/speech-senator-john-f-kennedy-cincinnati-ohio-democratic-dinner (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

66 Claude Julien, « Le socialisme cubain », Le Monde, March 23, 1963.

67 Le Monde, « Le leader cubain ajourne son voyage à Alger », May 24, 1963.

68 Fidel Castro Ruz, « Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Primer Secretario del PRUS y Primer Ministro del Gobierno Revolucionario, a los delegados cubanos seleccionados para representar a Cuba en el IX Festival Mundial de la Juventud y los Estudiantes, en el hotel Comodoro », República de Cuba, June 26, 1965. http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1965/esp/f260665e.html (website accessed on November 15, 2025).

69 Le Monde, « Pas de procès retentissant pour M. Boudiaf, déclare M. Ben Bella », 4 septembre 1963.

70 The New York Times, « Ben Bella Says Cuban Visit Arose From ‘Desire for Peace’ », 4 novembre 1962.

71 Peter Braestrup, « Algerian Stresses Neutrality Policy », The New York Times, 25 novembre 1965.

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Salim Lamrani, « Ahmed Ben Bella’s Visit to Cuba in 1962 »Études caribéennes [En ligne], 16 | Février 2026, mis en ligne le 12 février 2026, consulté le 13 mars 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/38099 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/15qcg

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Salim Lamrani

Professeur des universités, Faculté de Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département d’études hispaniques et latino-américaines, Université de La Réunion

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