“Leaving Ireland is easy. It’s going home that’s hard”:1 The Barriers to Return for Irish Emigrants
Résumés
En 1995, la présidente Mary Robinson, dans son discours novateur, « Cherishing the Irish Diaspora », a évoqué l’importance de tendre la main à la vaste communauté d’origine irlandaise présente dans le monde entier. À partir de cette époque, des initiatives, qui vont finalement aboutir à la formation d’une stratégie pour la diaspora irlandaise, commencent à voir le jour au fur et à mesure que les gouvernements successifs entament un dialogue avec la diaspora. Un document de stratégie, daté de 2015, Global Irish : Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, contient des engagements spécifiques sur des questions relatives aux Irlandais de l’étranger ainsi qu’aux émigrants irlandais désireux de rentrer en Irlande. À ce jour, les recherches menées sur ces sujets ont porté principalement sur les raisons pour lesquelles les gens ont quitté l’Irlande et sur la façon dont ils se sont adaptés à leur vie une fois dans leur pays d’accueil, ainsi que sur les échanges et les liens entre l’île et sa diaspora. Il existe peu de recherches sur les récentes migrations de retour en Irlande et les difficultés qui peuvent être rencontrées aujourd’hui.
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Introduction
- 1 Kevin O’Donnell quoted in Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide to Moving Home from (...)
- 2 Irial Glynn, Irish Emigration History, 2012, online on University College Cork website: https://www (...)
- 3 The global Irish diaspora has been estimated to be in the region of 70 million people (Department o (...)
1There are very few European countries that have been as affected by emigration over the last two centuries as Ireland. Since 1800, approximately ten million people have emigrated from the island.2 During her inaugural address in 1990, the then President of the Irish Republic, Mary Robinson, constructed the notion of an “Irish people” and an “Irish community” which stretched beyond the national boundaries of the state and the term “diaspora”3 (which is used to designate a group of people dispersed throughout the world and was once most commonly used to describe Jewish, Greek and Armenian dispersion) is now employed to describe the Irish experience.
- 4 Patrick Fitzgerald, Brian Lambkin, Migration in Irish History, 1607-2007, Basingstoke – New York, P (...)
2In 1995, President Robinson in her ground-breaking speech entitled “Cherishing the Irish Diaspora” evoked the importance of reaching out to Ireland’s vast global diaspora. Rather than forgetting about Irish emigrants and their descendants once they left Ireland, Robinson was proposing a new approach based on equality, respect and parity of esteem. This was to be achieved through constructive dialogue between homeland and diaspora and the development of a “non-territorial and post-nationalist Ireland”.4 The Amendment to Article 2 of the Irish Constitution, following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, also recognised the special place of the Irish diaspora stating that, “the Irish nation cherishes its special affinity with people of Irish ancestry living abroad, who share its cultural identity and heritage”.
- 5 Celtic Tiger is the name given for the period of economic growth in Ireland (1995-2007).
- 6 Katy Hayward, Kevin Howard, “Cherry-Picking the Diaspora”, in Immigration and Social Change in the (...)
- 7 Department of Foreign Affairs, Ireland and the Irish Abroad. Report of the Task Force on Policy Reg (...)
- 8 For example, Global Irish Economic Forums were organised (https://www.dfa.ie/our-role-policies/our- (...)
3At the time of the Celtic Tiger,5 the Irish government reached out to this worldwide diaspora to fill labour shortages. A highly pro-active, global, multimillion-pound campaign “Jobs Ireland” (1998-2002) was organised through the National Training and Employment Agency (FÁS) to persuade people with skills to sell to relocate to Ireland. Katy Hayward and Kevin Howard have argued that the Irish government cherry-picked the type of person needed to fill the gaps in the labour market, and that this particular “type” was looked for in places as far away as Newfoundland, Sydney, Britain and South Africa, the aim being to entice “our” people to “come home”.6 In 2004, the Irish government included a chapter on returning Irish migrants in its Task Force report on Ireland and the Irish Abroad assessing potential impediments to return and focusing on the reintegration of elderly Irish people.7 However, with the onset of the recession, the Irish government’s interest in returning Irish migrants waned as it concentrated most of its efforts on harnessing the help of influential members of the diaspora to aid Irish economic recovery.8
- 9 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Irish: Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, Dublin, Department of Forei (...)
- 10 Ibid., p. 46, 31.
4In 2015 the government began to take returning Irish migrants into account again by including them in a strategy document entitled Global Irish: Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, bringing those emigrants seeking to return to Ireland back into policy discussions once more. The Irish government committed itself to take account of the “needs of departing and returning emigrants and of the needs of second, third and subsequent generation Irish around the world”.9 An emphasis was placed on those returning emigrants with a “rich variety of talent and experience that can make an important contribution to Ireland”; it recognised “the increasing need to identify where administrative barriers might exist to Irish emigrants wishing to return” and that the “growing new challenge will be to facilitate, in practical ways, those that left Ireland and want to return home”.10 The Irish government was aware that barriers did exist for those Irish people coming back and that their reintegration into Ireland would need to be facilitated if their talent and experience were to contribute to the Irish economy and Irish society.
- 11 Jean-Pierre Cassarino, “Theorising Return Migration: The Conceptual Approach to Return Migrants Rev (...)
- 12 Neoclassical economics holds that return migration exclusively involves labour migrants who miscalc (...)
- 13 This is one of the criticisms which has been aimed at the neoclassical and NELM theories (Evija Kļa (...)
- 14 Ibid., p. 257.
5While research studies on the phenomenon of return migration and its impact on host countries can be found in the 1960s, it was not until the 1980s that real scientific debate occurred among scholars.11 Return migration has been theorised by various approaches originating from neoclassical economics, the new economics of labour migration (NELM), transnationalism, social network theory and structuralism. In simple terms, neoclassical economics and NELM concentrate mainly on the economic reasons for return and the transnationalist and social network theory on the exchanges that still persist between the returned migrant and the host country.12 The structural theory adds another dimension when explaining the return process and accords great importance to the elements of context in both the host and home country.13 This theory argues that return should not only be analysed with reference to the individual experience of the migrant, and not solely in economic terms, but also with reference to social and institutional factors in countries of origin: return is also a question of context.14 For the analysis of return migration to Ireland, the structural approach will be applied and will be used to assess the possible impediments encountered by the returnee once back in Ireland by comparing and contrasting the context, the “reality” of the home economy and society, with the expectations of the returned migrant.
6This concept of return migration posits that the level of expectations of the returning migrant has to be readjusted to local realities and that, if reintegration does not take place, the returnee may consider leaving again. The structural approach shows how influential contextual factors may affect the capacity of migrants to innovate and appear as “actors of change” in their home country: are these returnees coming home to a business-friendly institutional context for instance? Are they allowed to utilise their financial means and knowledge to start a new business or to implement other new plans in their home country? Are they able to integrate successfully and play an active role in society? The institutional features in home countries can affect (positively or negatively) the impact of return migration on development and social progress. Not only do skills and financial capital shape the experiences of returnees but also local power relations, traditions and values in home countries.
- 15 Dick Foeken, “Return Migration to a Marginal Rural Area in North-Western Ireland”, Tijdschrift voor (...)
- 16 More recent research on return migration can be found in Irial Glynn, Tomás Kelly, Piaras MacÉinrí, (...)
7Research on return migration to Ireland has tended to mainly focus on the reasons why people left Ireland and how they adapted to their lives in their host country and on the exchanges and links between the island and its diaspora. With the exception of some publications on return emigration to Ireland in the 1980s and 1990s and during and after the Celtic Tiger period,15 there is a paucity of research on contemporary return migration to Ireland.16
- 17 Only emigrants who have returned by choice and not those returning in crisis will be examined in th (...)
8Return migration by Irish emigrants17 in recent years will be assessed in this article by discussing the context of life in Ireland for these returnees. The issues faced by these Irish people moving back and their experiences when trying to reintegrate into Irish society will be analysed by examining both the tangible and intangible barriers to settling back home. Returning emigrants have skills sets and experience that could benefit Ireland and Irish society but they may be up against obstacles preventing them from contributing positively once back in their home country.
- 18 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report on Addressing Challenges Faced (...)
9The principal data used for the analysis come from three main sources. One source is a report published in 2018 by Indecon International Economic Consultants and which was commissioned by the Irish government to examine the barriers to return of Irish people. This report proposes both quantitative and qualitative data: 1,188 emigrants took part in a detailed survey and provided individual insights into the practical realities facing returning emigrants.18
- 19 Crosscare, Home for Good? A Report on the Experiences of Recently Returned Irish Emigrants, Dublin, (...)
- 20 Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide to Moving Home from Abroad, Ciara Kenny (ed.) (...)
10The findings of this report will be compared with those of the registered charity Crosscare in its 2017 report Home for Good?.19 A survey consisting of 23 questions was devised for online participation from Irish emigrants who returned from abroad in the previous two years and was completed when returnees left contact details at the end of the questionnaire. The report documents the responses of approximately 400 people. In addition, a guide, published in 2017 by The Irish Times newspaper as part of its Generation Emigration online blog, entitled Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide to Moving Home from Abroad, which contains a series of articles written by returning Irish emigrants, will also be examined.20
- 21 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile. Irish Emigrant Community Experiences during the COVID-19 Pand (...)
- 22 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin, Irish Abroad Networking Officer, Crosscare, 25 May 2021.
11Finally, the context of the current global pandemic adds another layer of difficulty to the return process. Travel restrictions were introduced at the height of the pandemic and the freedom of movement had been curtailed for many Irish abroad. This has brought new types of obstacles for those Irish wishing to return and will be assessed through recent research (2021) completed by Crosscare on Irish emigrant community experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic.21 An interview the author carried out in 2021 with a member of the charity Crosscare discussing the issues that arose in this research will also be referred to.22
Profile of returning Irish emigrants
- 23 Caitríona Ní Laoire, “The ‘Green Green Grass of home’?…”, p. 333.
- 24 Catherine Piola, “Irish Post-Crisis Migratory and Demographic Patterns”, Études irlandaises, no. 40 (...)
- 25 Central Statistics Office, “Population and Migration Estimates”, April 2014, online: https://www.cs (...)
12Ireland was a country of net out-migration from the 1840s up to the 1960s with a brief respite during the 1970s when more people returned than left. The 1980s to the mid-1990s saw a return of large-scale emigration but during the Celtic Tiger period emigration decreased substantially. Between 1996 and 2005, approximately 221,000 Irish-born migrants returned to live in Ireland.23 Emigration rates increased again during the Irish economic downturn and, in 2008, approximately 50,000 Irish people left Ireland.24 From 2010 to 2020, the average annual outflow of Irish people was approximately 41,000 people.25
13Even though emigration from Ireland has generally dominated discourses and attracted the most media attention because of the numbers involved and the effects of this on the Irish economy, inward flows of returning Irish emigrants have taken place at varying levels. The table below shows the numbers of returning Irish migrants from 2014 to 2021; except for 2014, the numbers returning remained around the figure of 30,000.
Table 1 – Returning Irish emigrants: estimated migration, 2014-2020
2014 | 2015 | 2016 | 2017 | 2018 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021 |
22,800 | 26,600 | 28,400 | 27,400 | 28,400 | 26,900 | 28,900 | 30,200 |
Source: Central Statistics Office, “Population and Migration Estimates”, releases of April 2020 and April 2021.
- 26 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 11.
- 27 An example is bilateral social security agreements between Ireland and countries like Australia and (...)
14England and Wales, Australia, the United States and Canada are the countries of origin for 65 % of recent returned Irish emigrants.26 The country from which emigrants return, and if there are bilateral agreements in place or not, plays an important role in the potential obstacles encountered once back in Ireland.27 Returning from European Union countries proves less problematic.
- 28 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 16.
- 29 Some Irish people do choose to retire in Ireland.
15Data from the Central Statistics Office for 2011 and 2016, which were analysed in the Indecon report on the challenges faced by returning Irish emigrants, show that nearly the same proportion of migrants returned in the 15-29 and 30-44 age group in 2011.28 However, in 2016 this changed slightly as more people in the 30-44 age group returned (nearly 7 % more than the younger group) with a proportion most probably returning with partners, spouses or children. Those older than 45 were less likely to return to Ireland, probably settled in their host countries at this stage.29
- 30 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 25.
- 31 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 8.
16The reasons given as to why Irish people wished to return to Ireland were varied but the main reason was for “family and friends”30 so emigrants could benefit from family and support networks not available to them abroad.31 The second reason was related to children and bringing them up in an Irish environment. This is more likely to concern the 30-44 age group. Other reasons were for education and bringing children up in the Irish education system, followed by those who stated their move abroad had only been temporary and others for employment opportunities in Ireland.
17When taking into account the age profile of returning Irish migrants and the principal reasons for their decision to return, the issues of childcare, healthcare and schooling for example will be of great concern to many of them. The key reports on return migration have pinpointed the following barriers to settling back in Ireland: employment, housing, healthcare, childcare, education, administrative issues, reintegration, and these will be examined below.
Tangible barriers
- 32 Emigrants returning from Canada and Australia have greater employment levels in the construction se (...)
- 33 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 54.
18An essential requirement for many returning emigrants is the ability to secure employment in Ireland. Indecon’s survey of emigrants revealed a wide range of areas in which respondents to their survey were employed. Human health and social work activities was the largest sector, with 13.3 % of respondents working here. A slightly lower proportion of respondents worked in education (12.9 %), professional, scientific and technical activities (12.1 %), construction (11.5 %)32 or financial, insurance and real estate activities (11.2 %).33
- 34 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 11.
19Identifying and securing suitable employment opportunities in Ireland was considered difficult. Other challenges like dealing with recruitment companies, short term contracts, wages, taxes, pensions for those retiring in Ireland, working hours and validating qualifications were also mentioned by returned Irish emigrants. Responses to the Crosscare survey referred to the length of time to secure employment as being problematic – “I couldn’t find a job for 18 months” – and difficulty finding full time permanent work, or employment as an older worker. Other respondents referred to location as an issue saying: “Outside of Dublin there aren’t many employment opportunities”. One remark in relation to self-employment stated that there was “very little support when we were trying to set up a business”.34
20A logistical barrier of face-to-face interviews was also mentioned. Often the hiring process demanded multiple face-to-face interviews, with sometimes very short notice towards the final stages of the process. Such an interview process can represent significant financial burdens for returning emigrant candidates and therefore a potential barrier when applying for jobs for those living abroad. However, this issue may now be reduced in the future thanks to the COVID-19 pandemic as videoconferencing on platforms like Zoom and Teams has become normalised. This may aid people based abroad in their job search and employers may be more willing to carry out online interviews.
- 35 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 57.
- 36 “Primary school teachers teach the range of primary school subjects to children aged 4 to 12 years. (...)
- 37 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 10.
21The recognition of foreign qualifications was also raised by Irish people. This issue was brought up specifically in the areas of nursing, teaching, construction, and policing.35 In addition, a teacher who trained abroad, for example, would need a knowledge of the Irish language to teach at primary level in Ireland.36 One person, as part of the Crosscare study, experienced a delay of five months for official recognition of their qualification.37 This can delay finding employment and can be a weight on their finances. A returned emigrant would more than likely need to have savings to get through this waiting period.
- 38 Directive 2005/36/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 7 September 2005 on the recog (...)
22Those emigrants holding EU professional qualifications are more advantaged as European legislation covers the recognition of intra-EU professional qualifications.38 Ireland has a number of relevant “Competent Authorities” that determine a person’s ability to work in a professional field. This procedure can take time so returning emigrants may have to wait for a certain period before being able to apply for jobs or exercise their profession in Ireland.
23Finding suitable accommodation was another issue for returning Irish emigrants (and indeed this is a concern for all Irish people).
- 39 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 36.
Chronic housing shortage means that Ireland is a very difficult environment for average income earners. Accessing services is extremely difficult for those returning from abroad as policies are not in place to recognise the situation of those who cannot fulfil the usual paperwork requirements specifically because they have been living abroad. In essence the system is highly discriminatory. Sad to say my country no longer provides for all of its citizens.39
- 40 The national minimum wage in Ireland is €10.50 per hour (https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/empl (...)
- 41 https://www.numbeo.com/cost-of-living/in/Dublin
The increase in property prices reflects the housing shortage particularly in major urban centres in Ireland especially Dublin. Renting or purchasing accommodation is considered to be very difficult and costly by returning Irish emigrants. Rent in Dublin is approximately 22 % higher than in Paris and a one-bedroom apartment in Dublin costs on average 1,600 euros40 to rent.41 There are also strict Central Bank rules on lending and recently returned emigrants can have difficulties in obtaining a mortgage.
- 42 Returned Irish Emigrant in Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 12.
24Some returning Irish emigrants have problems getting their employment history recognised or getting their earnings from abroad taken into account when applying for a mortgage: “None of the banks would recognise my employment history or proof of ability to earn”.42
- 43 The Help to Buy incentive gives first-time buyers a refund of some of the income tax and DIRT (Depo (...)
25Many returning Irish emigrants are excluded from the “Help to Buy” initiative which provides a tax rebate for first-time purchasers to fund the deposit required to buy their home (newly built houses). A person is excluded from this if they have not paid tax in Ireland in the last four consecutive years and so a proportion of returning migrants is likely to be excluded from this initiative.43 It has been recommended that this programme be open to returning migrants who have paid tax in Ireland for four years at least in the last 14 or 15 years so as to give some opportunity to this group to save up for a deposit.
- 44 Most people who get a medical card in Ireland do so because their income is below a certain level. (...)
- 45 2.4 million people have private insurance in Ireland; average annual cost €2,000 (https://switcher. (...)
- 46 A visit to the doctor costs from €45-€70 (https://roxboromedical.ie/updates/cost-doctor-ireland); a (...)
- 47 https://www.hia.ie/consumer-information/waiting-periods/new-customer-waiting-periods
26In relation to health, Ireland has a two-tier public and private health system and the public health system44 is open to those “ordinarily” resident in Ireland (one year at least in the country).45 If you do not have the right to a medical card, healthcare in Ireland can be very expensive.46 Private health insurance is necessary due to the lengthy waiting periods in public hospitals for treatment but can be problematic to access for returning emigrants and can involve waiting periods during which a person is not covered. Insurers are entitled to impose a waiting period of a maximum of 26 weeks for new clients but there is a waiting period of 52 weeks imposed on maternity related benefits. However, if a person has a pre-existing condition, the person must wait for 5 years in order to be covered for any expenses incurred by this condition.47 A “Lifetime Community Rating” may also apply to returned emigrants as the premium that individuals pay for health insurance increases with the age at which they enter the private health insurance market. This could lead to returning emigrants having to pay more for private health insurance than if they had never left Ireland. People returning from countries with good healthcare may find re-entering the Irish system both challenging and expensive.
- 48 Mairead Cleary, “Dublin Parents Paying Highest Childcare Costs in Ireland at over €1,2000 per month (...)
- 49 https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/675a67-minister-zappone-publishes-new-data-on-the-cost-of-early (...)
- 50 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Net Childcare Costs in EU countries. Impact (...)
- 51 Daniel McConnell, “Tax Breaks and Subsidies to Help Fund Childcare Cost”, Irish Independent, 13 Jan (...)
27As a number of returnees surveyed in the various reports decided to go back to live in Ireland to bring up children and if these children are in younger age groups, childcare costs need to be taken into consideration. The average cost of childcare in Ireland is around 746 euros per month (1,276 euros in Dublin).48 In 2019, Catherine Zappone, the former Minister for Children and Youth Affairs declared, “[…] the cost to families of early learning and care and school-age childcare remains higher in Ireland than in other OECD countries”.49 A major study carried out by the OECD in 2020 showed that a family in Ireland with two children spent 40 % of the average wage just to meet childcare costs.50 This compares with the OECD average of only 12 % and represents the highest cost of any of the OECD’s 34 members.51 Less than a third of children under three are enrolled in childcare facilities in Ireland, compared with a figure of 40 % in the United Kingdom and 50 % in France.
- 52 For more information see: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_ (...)
28Even though some subsidies52 do exist to help with the costs of childcare in Ireland, the returning Irish emigrant may not be ready to assume these high costs along with all the other associated expenses of moving back to Ireland. If an Irish person is returning from Canada where childcare is expensive, the cost in Ireland may not be surprising but those coming back from certain EU countries such as France may not be prepared for such high rates.
- 53 The Education Act (1998) gives statutory rights to parents in relation to their children’s educatio (...)
- 54 Rónán Duffy, “Housing Crisis among Reasons Why Ring-Fencing School Places Is Wrong, Says Children’s (...)
- 55 Before 2019, schools could require children to be baptised but new legislation put an end to this “ (...)
29The Indecon report showed that 41 % of those emigrants surveyed had children under the age of 18, indicating that educational issues may impact a large proportion of the return population.53 Schools in Ireland have a degree of independence in relation to admissions. There is a shortage of places in some areas with long waiting lists (currently 25 % of school places can be held for the children and grandchildren of past pupils)54 and the learning of Irish is obligatory unless educated outside Ireland until age eleven. National schools are generally under the control of the Catholic Church and 90 % of the primary schools in Ireland have a Catholic ethos.55 This can cause a moral dilemma for returning migrants:
- 56 Kevin O’Donnell quoted in Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide…, p. 49-50.
So it became a quality-of-life question. We want to give our kids an Irish childhood surrounded by the people and places that matter most to us. We thought it would be as simple as that until we stumbled on a moral dilemma. Having parted ways with Catholicism some time ago, my wife and I are raising our daughters free of religious instruction. […] It’s hard to imagine enrolling our daughters in anything other than a secular school. […] Our most likely option is a school with religious patronage. Many are excellent, but their faith-based approach conflicts with our values […].56
30However, there are 92 non-denominational primary schools around Ireland called “Educate Together” but they are in high demand. The lack of school places in some regions could be an issue for returning emigrant families. These families may not know several years in advance if they will be returning home, and more crucially they might not know the area of Ireland where they plan on settling, so would not be able to enrol their children on waiting lists years in advance.
31Higher education presents challenges too. If families wish for their children to study at university, issues can arise. The Irish system for undergraduate third-level fees has three categories. The “Free fee scheme” which entails a student contribution of 3,000 euros. A future student must be resident in Ireland for three of the last five years, be an EU/EEA citizen or a family member of a citizen to avail of this. Secondly, there is an “EU fees” category where each third-level institution sets the fees and they can vary depending on the course chosen. Due to a ministerial announcement in 2014, Irish/EU/EEA students who have spent at least five years in the Irish school system (primary or secondary) can avail of EU fee rates. This was a very welcome reform for returning migrants with children of university age. Thirdly, there is the “International or non-EU fees” category and fees are set at the institution’s discretion. These apply if the student does not fall into any of the other two categories including not meeting both the EU residency and nationality / immigration requirements. This means that the children of some Irish emigrants face non-EU fees if their children are to attend undergraduate education in Ireland:
- 57 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 93.
My son, who has just finished high school in Australia, cannot move home for university as he is now considered a foreign student and the costs of university are prohibitive to us […] he was born in Ireland, and has always considered himself Irish, but because we, his parents, left for work, he is now not allowed move home for university at the age of 18, because we cannot afford it. Can children in these circumstances at least be considered EU students for uni? Why a foreign student? Let this next generation be allowed to move home, we were forced to leave for economic reasons, but Ireland was always what we refer to as home. We had hoped to move back, but this ruling has prevented us from doing so. It has been heartbreaking for us to come to the realisation that we will probably never be able to move home now, once he starts uni in Australia, he will probably stay here.57
- 58 Peter McGuire, “Céad míle fáilte? Returning Irish Face College Fees of up to €22,000 a Year”, The I (...)
According to chief executive of Safe Home Ireland, Karen McHugh, many Irish people who were forced to leave during the recession and who were now coming back with their families were being deterred from doing so because of the fees issue: “It is obviously not affordable for many families, so they simply can’t come back, and the country is losing out on their valuable skill sets”.58
- 59 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. vii.
32Barriers to driving a car and obtaining insurance were seen by emigrants surveyed in the reports as among one of the most difficult barriers faced by many returning emigrants. Nearly 30 % of recently returned emigrants drive to work.59 The cost and delays in being able to drive was a major frustration for them and was likely to prevent many of them from securing employment. These included large numbers of skilled Irish emigrants in the construction sector who left during the property crash who would find it much more difficult to return to Ireland if there were barriers to their driving.
- 60 There is no set charge for Essential Driver Training lessons and each driving instructor sets their (...)
- 61 If it was issued by a country that is outside the European Union or European Economic Area, you can (...)
33The difficulties with obtaining a driver’s licence relate to emigrants from non-EU countries. Driver’s licences from EU/EEA countries and other recognised states can be exchanged for Irish licences. US driver’s licences are problematic and returning emigrants must complete a six lesson Essential Driver Training (EDT) course60 and take an Irish test.61 One emigrant noted:
- 62 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 44.
[…] difficulty replacing a US driver’s licence with an Irish licence (even though I have 20+ years of driving experience with a manual transmission), and no accidents, still I’d be treated as a Learner driver in Ireland and be penalized with higher insurance costs […].62
34Car insurance is obviously also essential once a driver’s licence has been validated. Returning emigrants find insurance expensive and have found that a no-claims bonus accrued abroad is often not recognised by motor insurance companies operating in Ireland:
- 63 Ibid., p. 50.
Car insurance, despite never having a claim in any of the countries I lived. No company here would accept my no claims certificate so was charged as if I just started driving. Even though I have a full licence and a clean record for 20+ years.63
- 64 In general, motor insurers will take into account a no claims history from the EEA and Switzerland, (...)
- 65 Central Bank statisticians say the cost of the average motor premium now is €653. That is a rise of (...)
A protocol agreed in 2017 between the Department of Finance and Insurance Ireland means that this is no longer the case and a no claims history is taken into account for specified countries.64 Insurance premiums however are generally higher than standard Irish rates for an equivalent driver if more than two years outside Ireland.65
Intangible barriers
- 66 Anders H. Stefansson, “Sarajevo Suffering: Homecoming and the Hierarchy of Homeland Hardship”, in H (...)
- 67 Return Migration and Psychosocial Wellbeing, Zana Vathi, Russell King (eds.), London, Routledge, 20 (...)
- 68 Anastasia Christou, Russell King, “Cultural Geographies of Counter-Diasporic Migration: Perspective (...)
35The emotional impact of returning to Ireland was brought up by emigrants in the Crosscare report and was described as a type of “culture shock” or “reverse culture shock”, a new incarnation of social marginalisation at “home” leading to countless practical and psychological problems.66 In the 2000s, major studies of return or “counter-diasporic” migration began to document the emotional complexities of the “return journey”.67 While expecting a “welcoming embrace”, the return might be a “rupture and disillusionment”.68 Subjectivity and the relational nature of migrants’ lives would appear to be almost completely ignored in policy-making on return.
- 69 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 13.
- 70 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin.
- 71 Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide…, p. 25.
- 72 Ibid., p. 13, 25.
36Many Irish people found it hard losing the social support networks they had built up abroad.69 This may be more of an “unexpected challenge” according to Danielle McLaughlin of Crosscare rather than a barrier per se but was mentioned by respondents.70 Networks had to be built up again and connections had to be made. For some, it was like emigrating again, a type of “migratory mourning” in reverse.71 The attitudes of Irish people were criticised also as being “pessimistic”: returned Irish emigrants found people “more closed and insular” and “patriarchal and conservative”; feelings were expressed on “acceptance” and people’s experiences of discrimination against their non-Irish born family members.72
- 73 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin.
37The “Irish way of doing things” was also mentioned as something negative as well as prejudice from employers and unacceptance of the change in a person’s accent. Other returned migrants were disappointed their adventure was over, of less exciting times ahead, and moving back to Ireland had an impact on their emotional well-being. Life was considered more mundane in Ireland compared to abroad. When emigrants went home on visits, everyone was excited to see them, there was a type of “holiday vibe” that wore off once the move was permanent.73
The COVID-19 challenge
- 74 Shane O’Brien, “Irish Expats around the World Return Home during COVID-19 Pandemic”, Irish Central, (...)
38The most recent hurdle and a barrier to coming back to Ireland has been the COVID-19 pandemic that has affected the whole world and has invariably changed the way Irish emigrants think about Ireland. In 2020, the Central Statistics Office recorded the highest level of return migration for 13 years as Irish expats were faced with the economic repercussions of the pandemic on their employment abroad or an increased concern for family members in Ireland.74
- 75 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 41.
39There were differences of the impact of COVID-19 depending on where people lived, their age group and professions and their immigrant status in their host country. In the United States for example, Irish people were severely affected in the hospitality and service industries plus the undocumented Irish emigrants with no access to entitlements or supports like unemployment benefits during the lockdowns. Temporary visa holders in the United States, Canada and Australia who lost their jobs during the pandemic were not entitled to unemployment benefits either.75 This age group was generally made up of younger adults on summer work visas and graduate visas in the United States or Canada, or the 18-35 category temporary visa workers in Australia.
40However, travel restrictions introduced during the pandemic hindered many people from returning to Ireland and increased the stress and guilt experienced by those living far from Ireland in Australia for example. An Irishwoman, Una Desmond, interviewed for RTÉ in 2021 said she felt “trapped” because of the Australian government’s COVID-19 restrictions on travel:
- 76 “Irish Living in Australia Yearn for a Visit Home”, RTÉ News, 27 May 2021, online: https://www.rte. (...)
We just can’t come home […] we’ve lived here for so many years always knowing that at the drop of a hat we’ve had the ability to jump on an airplane and within 24 hours we would be back in Ireland but that really has just been taken away from us.76
- 77 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 5.
41Many Irish people were left with little choice but to return to Ireland because of their problematic financial situation or immigrant status even if they had not planned on returning before the outbreak of the virus. Crosscare in its work supporting Irish emigrants during the height of the pandemic concluded that approximately 50 % of their clients clearly stated that the “COVID-19 pandemic” was the reason for their return to Ireland.77 Those that were more settled abroad but decided to go back to Ireland were faced with much upheaval, uprooting their lives and families to return to Ireland permanently.
- 78 Irish Canadian Immigration Centre, quoted in Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 48.
42Access to and delivery of public services will be important for these returning migrants. An employee of the Irish Canadian Immigration Centre was quoted as saying, “the going, the returning… it’ll bring up a lot of mental health [problems] I think, and also in terms of what services will be needed on the Irish side for those returning”.78 Further research will be needed to assess the impact on family life, identity, belonging and mental health.
Conclusion
43The principal barriers faced by returning Irish emigrants to Ireland can be lessened if returnees are taken more fully into account in future policy-making to relieve some of the issues that arise when people move back to Ireland. Adjustments to regulations have been made in the past but more effort will be required to assist returning individuals and families and enhance the attractiveness of Ireland as a place to settle. While the tangible barriers need to be taken into consideration, the less talked about psychosocial well-being of these returnees should not be neglected either.
44The COVID-19 pandemic has also meant an increased return of Irish people in the last two years. The pandemic has changed relations between Ireland and its emigrants abroad and has led to a decrease in Irish emigration by increasing apprehension and caution around future decisions to leave Ireland. Irish policy makers and Irish society in general will have to facilitate this growing new challenge.
- 79 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Ireland: Ireland’s Diaspora Strategy, 2020-2025, Dublin, Depa (...)
- 80 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Irish: Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, p. 46.
45While the Irish government reached out to its diaspora during the Celtic Tiger period when labour shortages occurred especially in the more skilled fields such as the information technology sector, returning Irish emigrants or those of Irish descent were cherry-picked and very much appreciated for what they could bring to Ireland through their experience and skills base. Since the end of the Celtic Tiger and the recession that followed with the collapse of the Irish property bubble and the bailout of several banks by the government, return migration to Ireland has taken a backseat in public discourses and policies. However, the issue of returning to Ireland was included in both the 2015 and 202079 policy documents on Ireland’s diaspora. Returning emigrants were recognised as bringing skills and knowledge that could help develop both the national and local economies and the challenges faced by individuals and families returning to Ireland were also acknowledged.80 Many problems persist nevertheless for returnees and progress in lifting remaining barriers has been slow.
- 81 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Ireland: Ireland’s Diaspora Strategy, 2020-2025, p. 11.
46It is noteworthy nevertheless that in the 2015 document, only one page was dedicated to return migration and half a page in the 2020 policy document.81 The 2020 policy document shows a greater interest in developing mutually beneficial links with the worldwide diaspora, promoting Irish values abroad, supporting cultural expression among the diaspora and enhancing the reputation of Ireland abroad than on return Irish emigrants. The Irish government is still looking outward more than it is looking inward.
47It could be concluded that the Irish government is missing a chance to harness the experience and knowledge of returning Irish emigrants as potential “actors of change”. These people have lived abroad in various countries around the world and have acquired not only professional experience that could benefit the Irish economy but also invisible skills that are equally as valuable. They have learnt to adapt to foreign cultures, customs and mentalities, different work environments and administrative systems and some will even have developed foreign language skills. Further research into Irish returnees, their experiences overseas, the knowledge they have acquired abroad, the networks they have built up, both their hard and soft skills, could shed more light on this potential resource for Ireland. Return migrants have a lot to offer and, if facilitated, could contribute positively to the future of Ireland. They should also be cherished in their own right.
Notes
1 Kevin O’Donnell quoted in Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide to Moving Home from Abroad, Ciara Kenny (ed.), Dublin, Irish Times Books, 2017, p. 49.
2 Irial Glynn, Irish Emigration History, 2012, online on University College Cork website: https://www.ucc.ie/en/emigre/history.
3 The global Irish diaspora has been estimated to be in the region of 70 million people (Department of Foreign Affairs, Irish Emigration Patterns and Citizens Abroad, 20 June 2017, p. 1, online: https://www.dfa.ie/media/dfa/alldfawebsitemedia/newspress/publications/ministersbrief-june2017/1--Global-Irish-in-Numbers.pdf).
4 Patrick Fitzgerald, Brian Lambkin, Migration in Irish History, 1607-2007, Basingstoke – New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p. 278.
5 Celtic Tiger is the name given for the period of economic growth in Ireland (1995-2007).
6 Katy Hayward, Kevin Howard, “Cherry-Picking the Diaspora”, in Immigration and Social Change in the Republic of Ireland, Bryan Fanning (ed.), Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2007, p. 48 (inverted commas used by the authors).
7 Department of Foreign Affairs, Ireland and the Irish Abroad. Report of the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants, Dublin, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2004.
8 For example, Global Irish Economic Forums were organised (https://www.dfa.ie/our-role-policies/our-work/casestudiesarchive/2015/november/global-irish-economic-forum-2015).
9 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Irish: Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, Dublin, Department of Foreign Affairs, March 2015, p. 25, online: https://www.dfa.ie/media/globalirish/global-irish-irelands-diaspora-policy.pdf.
10 Ibid., p. 46, 31.
11 Jean-Pierre Cassarino, “Theorising Return Migration: The Conceptual Approach to Return Migrants Revisited”, International Journal on Multicultural Societies, vol. 6, no. 2, 2004, p. 254; Evija Kļave, Inese Šūpule, “Return Migration Process in Policy and Practice”, in Emigrant Communities of Latvia, Rita Kaša, Inta Mieriņa (eds.), Cham, Springer (IMISCOE Research Series), 2019, p. 263.
12 Neoclassical economics holds that return migration exclusively involves labour migrants who miscalculated the costs of migration and who did not reap the benefits of higher earnings (see Michael P. Todaro, “A Model of Labour Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries”, American Economic Review, vol. 59, no. 1, 1969, p. 138-148). The NELM argues that return is previously foreseen and planned and in a successful migration experience the individual obtains the planned financial or symbolic resources, like capital, savings, education, experience, knowledge or contacts and consequently returns to the country of origin (see Oded Stark, The Migration of Labour, Cambridge, B. Blackwell, 1991). Transnationalism takes into account “back and forth” migration, where return to the origin country does not necessarily mean the end of the migration cycle. In this model, a physical return to the native land does not mean that professional activities are also transferred. The migrant maintains regular and close cross-border contacts (see Alejandro Portes, Luis E. Guarnizo, Patricia Landolt, “The Study of Transnationalism: Pitfalls and Promise of an Emergent Research Field”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 22, no. 2, 1999, p. 217-237). Just like the transnational approach, social network theory views returnees as migrants who maintain strong linkages with their former places of settlement in other countries and as the bearers of tangible and intangible resources (see Douglas S. Massey, Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, J. Edward Taylor, “Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal”, Population and Development Review, vol. 19, no. 3, 1993, p. 431-466).
13 This is one of the criticisms which has been aimed at the neoclassical and NELM theories (Evija Kļave, Inese Šūpule, “Return Migration Process in Policy and Practice”, p. 263).
14 Ibid., p. 257.
15 Dick Foeken, “Return Migration to a Marginal Rural Area in North-Western Ireland”, Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, vol. 71, no. 2, 1980, p. 114-120; George Gmelch, “The Readjustment of Return Migrants in Western Ireland”, in Return Migration and Regional Economic Problems, Russell King (ed.), London, Croom Helm, 1986, p. 152-170; Fiona McGrath, “The Economic, Social and Cultural Impacts of Return Migration to Achill Island”, in Contemporary Irish Migration, Russell King (ed.), Dublin, Trinity College (Geographical Society of Ireland Special Publication; 6), 1991, p. 55-69; Aidan Punch, Catherine Finneran, “The Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Migrants, 1986-1996”, Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, vol. 28, no. 1, 1999, p. 213-263; Alan Barrett, Fergal Trace, “Who Is Coming Back? The Educational Profile of Returning Irish Migrants in the 1990s”, Irish Banking Review, summer 1998, p. 38-52; Alan Barrett, Philip J. O’Connell, “Is There a Wage Premium for Returning Irish Emigrants?”, The Economic and Social Review, vol. 32, no. 1, 2001, p. 1-21; Alan Barrett, “Return Migration of Highly-Skilled Irish into Ireland and Their Impact on GNP and Earnings Inequalities”, in International Mobility of the Highly Skilled, Paris, OECD, 2002, p. 151-157; Mary P. Corcoran, “The Process of Migration and the Reinvention of Self: The Experiences of Returning Irish Emigrants”, Éire-Ireland, vol. 37, no. 1/2, 2002, p. 175-191; Críostóir Rowland, “‘Some have come from a land beyond the wave’: Return Migration to Ireland”, Shared Space, vol. 5, 2008, p. 75-91; Richard C. Jones, “Multinational Investment and Return Migration in Ireland in the 1990s: A County Level Analysis”, Irish Geography, vol. 36, no. 2, 2003, p. 153-169; Caitríona Ní Laoire, “The ‘Green Green Grass of Home’? Return Migration to Rural Ireland”, Journal of Rural Studies, vol. 23, no. 3, 2007, p. 332-344.
16 More recent research on return migration can be found in Irial Glynn, Tomás Kelly, Piaras MacÉinrí, “Return”, in EMIGRE Report: Irish Emigration in an Age of Austerity, Cork, University College Cork, Department of Geography, 2013, chap. 6, p. 73-104, online: https://www.ucc.ie/en/media/research/emigre/Emigration_in_an_Age_of_Austerity_Final.pdf.
17 Only emigrants who have returned by choice and not those returning in crisis will be examined in this article.
18 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report on Addressing Challenges Faced by Returning Irish Emigrants, Dublin, Indecon, 27 February 2018 (financed by the Department of Foreign Affairs, Ireland), online: https://www.indecon.ie/assets/files/pdf/indecon_economic_report_on_addressing_challenges_faced_by_returning_irish_emigrants.pdf.
19 Crosscare, Home for Good? A Report on the Experiences of Recently Returned Irish Emigrants, Dublin, Crosscare, 2017, online: https://www.migrantproject.ie/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Home-for-Good-a-report-by-Crosscare-Migrant-Project-May-2017.pdf.
20 Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide to Moving Home from Abroad, Ciara Kenny (ed.), Dublin, The Irish Times, 2017.
21 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile. Irish Emigrant Community Experiences during the COVID-19 Pandemic, Dublin, Crosscare, 2021, online: https://www.migrantproject.ie/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Ni-neart-go-cur-le-cheile-Crosscare-Migrant-Project-09.2021.pdf.
22 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin, Irish Abroad Networking Officer, Crosscare, 25 May 2021.
23 Caitríona Ní Laoire, “The ‘Green Green Grass of home’?…”, p. 333.
24 Catherine Piola, “Irish Post-Crisis Migratory and Demographic Patterns”, Études irlandaises, no. 40-2, 2015, p. 47.
25 Central Statistics Office, “Population and Migration Estimates”, April 2014, online: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/er/pme/populationandmigrationestimatesapril2014; April 2018, online: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/er/pme/populationandmigrationestimatesapril2018; April 2020, online: https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/er/pme/populationandmigrationestimatesapril2020.
26 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 11.
27 An example is bilateral social security agreements between Ireland and countries like Australia and Canada (https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/social_welfare/irish_social_welfare_system/claiming_a_social_welfare_payment/social_insurance_contributions_from_abroad.html).
28 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 16.
29 Some Irish people do choose to retire in Ireland.
30 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 25.
31 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 8.
32 Emigrants returning from Canada and Australia have greater employment levels in the construction sector.
33 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 54.
34 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 11.
35 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 57.
36 “Primary school teachers teach the range of primary school subjects to children aged 4 to 12 years. There are Irish language requirements for primary teaching – teachers must be able to teach the Irish language and having studied Irish to Leaving Cert. level is required” (https://www.gov.ie/en/publication/0595a4-e/#primary-school-teaching).
37 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 10.
38 Directive 2005/36/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 7 September 2005 on the recognition of professional qualifications.
39 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 36.
40 The national minimum wage in Ireland is €10.50 per hour (https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/pay_and_employment/pay_inc_min_wage.html). The average industrial wage is €44,202 per annum (https://www.jobted.ie/salary).
41 https://www.numbeo.com/cost-of-living/in/Dublin
42 Returned Irish Emigrant in Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 12.
43 The Help to Buy incentive gives first-time buyers a refund of some of the income tax and DIRT (Deposit Interest Retention Tax) they paid in Ireland over the four years before they buy. This is a tax rebate scheme and not a case of the government giving away free money. Therefore, in order to claim, you must have paid the equivalent amount of income tax and / or DIRT in the preceding four years. So, if you are applying for €15,000, you must have paid at least this much to Revenue over the last four years (https://personalbanking.bankofireland.com/articles/my-first-home/the-help-to-buy-scheme-explained).
44 Most people who get a medical card in Ireland do so because their income is below a certain level. For example, €266.50 is the maximum amount you can earn as your net weekly income in order to qualify for a medical card as a married, co-habiting couple / single parent family aged up to 65 with dependents and €441 for a GP (general practitioner) visit card which allows free visits to the doctor (https://www2.hse.ie/services/medical-cards/medical-card-application-process/how-much-you-can-earn-and-still-qualify-for-a-medical-card.html).
45 2.4 million people have private insurance in Ireland; average annual cost €2,000 (https://switcher.ie/health-insurance).
46 A visit to the doctor costs from €45-€70 (https://roxboromedical.ie/updates/cost-doctor-ireland); attending A&E (Accident and Emergency) about €100 if you have not been referred there by your GP and treatment in a public hospital - nightly fee of €80 (https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/health/health_services/gp_and_hospital_services/hospital_charges.html).
47 https://www.hia.ie/consumer-information/waiting-periods/new-customer-waiting-periods
48 Mairead Cleary, “Dublin Parents Paying Highest Childcare Costs in Ireland at over €1,2000 per month”, Newstalk, 7 June 2022, online: https://www.newstalk.com/news/childcare-costs-parents-paying-per-month-1351374.
49 https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/675a67-minister-zappone-publishes-new-data-on-the-cost-of-early-learning-an
50 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Net Childcare Costs in EU countries. Impact on Family Incomes and Work Incentives, 2019, May 2020, p. 15, online: https://www.oecd.org/els/soc/benefits-and-wages/Net%20childcare%20costs%20in%20EU%20countries_2019.pdf.
51 Daniel McConnell, “Tax Breaks and Subsidies to Help Fund Childcare Cost”, Irish Independent, 13 January 2015, online: https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/politics/tax-breaks-and-subsidies-to-help-fund-childcare-cost-30902569.html.
52 For more information see: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_childcare/your_childcare_options.html#l11e49.
53 The Education Act (1998) gives statutory rights to parents in relation to their children’s education. It obliges schools to provide for a diversity of needs, values and traditions. The preamble to the Act specifically refers to provision for the education of persons with disabilities or special educational needs (SEN). A stated objective of the Act is “to give practical effect to the constitutional rights of children, including children who have a disability or other special educational needs” (https://www.european-agency.org/country-information/ireland/legislation-and-policy).
54 Rónán Duffy, “Housing Crisis among Reasons Why Ring-Fencing School Places Is Wrong, Says Children’s Ombudsman”, TheJournal.ie, 8 February 2022, online: https://www.thejournal.ie/children-education-5676157-Feb2022.
55 Before 2019, schools could require children to be baptised but new legislation put an end to this “Baptism barrier”.
56 Kevin O’Donnell quoted in Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide…, p. 49-50.
57 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 93.
58 Peter McGuire, “Céad míle fáilte? Returning Irish Face College Fees of up to €22,000 a Year”, The Irish Times, 16 January 2018, online: https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/abroad/cead-mile-failte-returning-irish-face-college-fees-of-up-to-22-000-a-year-1.3351793.
59 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. vii.
60 There is no set charge for Essential Driver Training lessons and each driving instructor sets their own price. In a quick survey of sample EDT driving lesson prices around Ireland, 12 EDT lessons ranged from €425 to €577, the average being €450 and a driving test costing €85 (https://www.moneyguideireland.com/cost-of-learning-to-drive-in-ireland.html).
61 If it was issued by a country that is outside the European Union or European Economic Area, you can apply to exchange it for an Irish licence if your licence was issued by Australia, Canada (but not from all provinces), Gibraltar, Guernsey, Isle of Man, Japan, Jersey, South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Switzerland, New Zealand, Taiwan.
62 Indecon International Economic Consultants, Indecon Economic Report…, p. 44.
63 Ibid., p. 50.
64 In general, motor insurers will take into account a no claims history from the EEA and Switzerland, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Canada, South Africa, and the United States.
65 Central Bank statisticians say the cost of the average motor premium now is €653. That is a rise of 35 % over the past ten years (Charlie Weston, “Here’s Some Good News on Car Insurance – And Tips for Better Deals”, The Independent, 2 December 2020, online: https://www.independent.ie/life/motoring/car-news/heres-some-good-news-on-car-insurance-and-tips-for-better-deals-39816084.html).
66 Anders H. Stefansson, “Sarajevo Suffering: Homecoming and the Hierarchy of Homeland Hardship”, in Homecomings: Unsettling Paths of Return, Fran Markowitz, Anders H. Stefansson (eds.), Lanham, Lexington Books, 2004, p. 56.
67 Return Migration and Psychosocial Wellbeing, Zana Vathi, Russell King (eds.), London, Routledge, 2017; Return Migration of the Next Generations: 21st Century Transnational Mobility, Denis Conway, Robert B. Potter (eds.), Farnham, Ashgate, 2009; Emigrant Homecomings: The Return Movement of Emigrants, 1600-2000, Marjory Harper (ed.), Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2005; Coming Home? Refugees, Migrants, and Those Who Stayed Behind, Lynellyn D. Long, Ellen Oxfeld (eds.), Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004; Diasporic Homecomings: Ethnic Return Migration in Comparative Perspective, Takeyuki Tsuda (ed.), Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2009.
68 Anastasia Christou, Russell King, “Cultural Geographies of Counter-Diasporic Migration: Perspectives from the Study of Second-Generation ‘Returnees’ to Greece”, Population, Space and Place, vol. 16, no. 2, 2010, p. 111.
69 Crosscare, Home for Good?…, p. 13.
70 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin.
71 Returning to Ireland: The Generation Emigration Guide…, p. 25.
72 Ibid., p. 13, 25.
73 Interview with Danielle McLaughlin.
74 Shane O’Brien, “Irish Expats around the World Return Home during COVID-19 Pandemic”, Irish Central, 7 September 2020, online: https://www.irishcentral.com/news/irish-expats-return-home-covid-19-pandemic.
75 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 41.
76 “Irish Living in Australia Yearn for a Visit Home”, RTÉ News, 27 May 2021, online: https://www.rte.ie/news/coronavirus/2021/0527/1224236-coronavirus-australia.
77 Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 5.
78 Irish Canadian Immigration Centre, quoted in Crosscare, Ní neart go cur le chéile…, p. 48.
79 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Ireland: Ireland’s Diaspora Strategy, 2020-2025, Dublin, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2020, online: https://www.dfa.ie/media/globalirish/Diaspora-Strategy-2020-English.pdf.
80 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Irish: Ireland’s Diaspora Policy, p. 46.
81 Department of Foreign Affairs, Global Ireland: Ireland’s Diaspora Strategy, 2020-2025, p. 11.
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Gráinne O’Keeffe-Vigneron, « “Leaving Ireland is easy. It’s going home that’s hard”: The Barriers to Return for Irish Emigrants », Études irlandaises, 47-2 | 2022, 89-105.
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Gráinne O’Keeffe-Vigneron, « “Leaving Ireland is easy. It’s going home that’s hard”: The Barriers to Return for Irish Emigrants », Études irlandaises [En ligne], 47-2 | 2022, mis en ligne le 08 novembre 2022, consulté le 14 janvier 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudesirlandaises/13423 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.13423
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