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Dossier : Vrai ou faux ? : qualifier les porcelaines de Chine (XVe-XXIe siècle)

Fooling the eye: trompe l’oeil porcelain in High Qing China

Tromper l'œil : la porcelaine en trompe-l'œil sous la dynastie Qing
Engañando al ojo : el trompe l'œil en la porcelana, durante la dinastía Qing
Chih-en Chen

Abstracts

Porcelain imitation of other materials, or so-called ‘trompe l'oeil’ porcelain, popular from the late Yongzheng to the Qianlong period, has been regarded as an aesthetic representative of Chinese emperors as well as an iconography of court power. Several studies have been conducted to understand the connection between porcelain and emperors’ connoisseurship; however, much of that research has focused on the physical characteristics of porcelain and corresponding imageries, namely the painted antiquity cataloging album. Such object-focused methodology overlooks the concept underlying the works, which is inherently related to their very existence, namely their origin. Pierson characterizes this traditional approach as ‘outward focused’, and suggests a new methodology to overcome its shortcomings. This framework is focused on ‘of the period’ literatures, to define the understanding of certain aesthetics. Therefore, in this essay, numerous Chinese classics are reviewed from Warring States period Lilun to Qing dynasty Hong Lou Meng. Following the terminology investigation over Chinese classic literatures, this research proposes some possible rationale behind a considerable number of trompe l'oeil porcelains passed down from the Qing Imperial workshops which seems to be ignored in Huoji dang. Moreover, based on Huoji dang, this essay aims to understand how Qing dynasty emperors and the Imperial workshop’s reception of trompe l'oeil works of art and their iconographic connotations.

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1. Introduction

  • 1 In the West, a parallel history of trompe l'oeil ceramics began in around sixteenth century. The te (...)
  • 2 Yu Pei-Chin 余佩瑾, Qianlong guan yao yan jiu: zuo wei sheng wang de li xiang yi xiang 乾隆官窯研究:做為聖王的理想意(...)
  • 3 “Xiangsheng” as indicated in the section 3a. of this article, means ‘perfectly similar’ or ‘seems a (...)
  • 4 Martin Meade, « Trompe l’oeil », Architectural Review, mars 1984, vol. 175, no 1045, p. 26‑32; Mate (...)
  • 5 Examples will be given in the section 3b.

1 Trompe l'oeil porcelain1, a special group of ware demonstrating the porcelain imitation of other materials, was popular from the late Yongzheng to the Qianlong period, has been regarded as a representative aesthetic of Chinese emperors as well as iconography of court power2. Several studies have been conducted to understand the connection between porcelain and the connoisseurship of emperors ; however, much of that research has focused on the porcelain's physical characteristics and the corresponding imageries. A different angle will be taken by this essay, which is led by a terminological investigation that begins by redefining what is known as trompe l'oeil and its Chinese synonym (as opposed to equivalent) xiangsheng 像/象生3. The term trompe l'oeil was coined to define the emerging art of illusionism in the mid-eighteenth century, which was formed as a reaction against Baroque and Rococo art4. Therefore, there is a substantial contextual difference between these two terms, considering that xiangsheng was likely first used in Han dynasty (206 BC - AD 220) literature Duduan獨斷 by Cai Yong 蔡邕in the meaning of ‘daily-life-like’ to describe Imperial tomb decorations5.

  • 6 Susan Mann, who dates High Qing from 1683-1839 in her book Precious Records: Women in China’s Long (...)
  • 7 Craig Clunas, Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China, Honolul (...)
  • 8 Qing Imperial court was managed mainly by Manchu; however, numerous Han-Chinese literati also work (...)
  • 9 Ching-fei 施靜菲 Shih et Chong-ci 王崇齊 Wang, « Qianlong chao yuehaiguan chengzuo zhi guang fa lang 乾隆朝粵 (...)
  • 10 Stacey Pierson, From Object to Concept: Global Consumption and the Transformation of Ming Porcelain (...)
  • 11 Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy: A Primer in the Social Histo (...)
  • 12 The archive of primary source used in this essay include mostly Qing Imperial records or civilian r (...)

2 To better understand trompe l'oeil, or xiangsheng porcelain, and the associated Imperial taste in the Qing dynasty6, studies of Qing court primary texts will be indispensable, as ‘Imperial taste’ regarding trompe l'oeil porcelain was not based solely on the object but also on how its reception from viewers. Furthermore, the nomenclature of trompe l'oeil porcelain was part of the manner of ‘possessing the object’ for emperors. In Superfluous Things, Clunas7 discusses the system of connoisseurship created by the Ming literati, including those within the Imperial precinct, which was used to distinguish members of the literati, Shidafu 士大夫, from civilians, Shumin 庶民. A similar manner of classification continued during the Qing. The system was complex and linguistically exclusive, ensuring comprehension by only Imperial members or literati8, and was directed mainly by a single force - the emperor. In this totalitarian society, the history of porcelain aesthetics acts as a biography of the emperor, and ‘Imperial taste’ was largely determined by an individual rather than by collective connoisseurship9. Just as Pierson10 used ‘the period eye11 methodology when discussing ‘the Ming aesthetic’ in From Object to Concept, I will examine primary sources12 on Imperial workshops and civilian kilns that detail the emperors’ connoisseurship of trompe l'oeil porcelain.

  • 13 By Qing dynasty scholar who achieved the rank of Jinshi 進士 in the Imperial exams in Qianlong 31st y (...)
  • 14 By late Qing dynasty/early Republic period Cantonese connoisseur, Xu Zhiheng 許之衡(1877-1935).
  • 15 More details will be given regarding the Qing dynasty primary source Huoji dang in section 4.
  • 16 Two xiangsheng porcelains were recorded in Huoji dang, in Yongzheng thirteenth year (AD 1736) and Q (...)
  • 17 The reason that these three terms are chosen to do exhaustive search in Huoji dang is because they (...)
  • 18 Stacey Pierson, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art: A Guide to the Collection, London, Perciv (...)

3 In the current literature, the nomenclature of trompe l'oeil porcelain is rarely mentioned. As a major category from the Qing dynasty, trompe l'oeil porcelain was well-described in numerous late Qing to Republic period documents, such as Zengbu gujin ciqi yuanliu kao增補古今瓷器源流考, Tao shuo陶說13 and Yinliuzhai shuoci飲流齋說瓷14. Accordingly, records of trompe l'oeil porcelain should appear in Huoji dang 活計檔15; however, surprisingly few records in Huoji dang contain phrases related to ‘imitation’, such as xiangsheng16, fangsheng, or fangzhen仿真17. This was an abnormal phenomenon from the Yongzheng to the Qianlong period. Firstly, considering that numerous trompe l’oeil porcelains survive today, more should have been recorded in Huoji dang. Secondly, a distinctive name was usually given to a newly invented porcelain18 in this period. For example, a Ding-imitating ware was called fangding 仿定 (Ding-style) to distinguish it from the original Song dynasty model. In terms of nomenclature, trompe l'oeil porcelain, compared to other innovative categories, was almost invisible.

  • 19 Meifong 吳美鳳 Wu, « Jia zuo shi zhen yi jia :cong yang xin dian zao ban chu huo ji dang kan sheng qin (...)
  • 20 Fumin 李福敏 Li, « Guanyu juanqinzhai chenshedang de jidian renshi 關於倦勤齋陳設檔的幾點認識 », Palace Museum Jour (...)
  • 21 Fumin 李福敏 Li, « Gugong juanqinzhai chenshedang zhi yi 故宮倦勤齋陳設檔之一 », Palace Museum Journal 宫博物院院刊, (...)
  • 22 Qinglü is a description of the patina growing on the surface of bronze, and its literal translation (...)
  • 23 Hui-chun 余慧君 Yu, The Intersection of Past and Present: the Qianlong Emperor and His Ancient Bronzes (...)
  • 24 Pao-show 廖寶秀 Liao, Hua li cai ci: Qianlong yang cai 華麗彩瓷 : 乾隆洋彩 (Stunning decorative porcelains fro (...)

4 From this, several hypotheses may be deduced ; for instance, emperors may have regarded trompe l’oeil porcelain as a deceptive and illusionistic category even in the nomenclature, which means that trompe l’oeil porcelain might have been given the same name as its likeness in other materials. Or, trompe l’oeil porcelain might not have adopted the name xiangsheng, or fangsheng, and instead be named after a totally different novel category. In Huoji dang, several records show the production of ‘jia shuge 假書格’ (fake bookshelf) during the Yongzheng period. The character Jia 假, which literally means ‘fake’ in modern Chinese, might have been used to interpret the concept of trompe l’oeil19. In addition, the relation between these two terms, xiangsheng and jia, is worth further consideration. In the fifth year of Xianfeng (AD 1855), Juanqin zhai chenshe dang倦勤齋陳設檔20, there is a record of xiangsheng shuge 像生書格21, which may refer to an object similar to jia shuge 假書格. Another example of alternative nomenclature of trompe l’oeil in Huoji dang is fang qinglü 仿青綠22, which may have been chosen specifically for archaic bronze-imitation porcelain. Considering the Qing emperor’s preference for collecting archaic bronze23, it is highly possible that the comparables in the form of trompe l’oeil porcelain possess a specific terminology in the nomenclature. Regarding how to investigate and rectify the official nomenclature of collectibles in the Qing Imperial court, Liao24 argues that the primary sources should be prioritized in the order of Chenshe dang, Huoji dang and Gugong wupin diancha baogao 故宮物品點查報告. This essay will adhere to this methodology and rectify current biases regarding Imperial tastes and the classification of trompe l’oeil and xiangsheng porcelain.

2. Literature Review

  • 25 Nancy Berliner, « The « Eight Brokens » Chinese Trompe-l’oeil Painting », Orientations (Hong Kong), (...)
  • 26 Jonathan Hay, Sensuous surfaces : the decorative object in early modern China, London, Reaktion, 20 (...)
  • 27 Kesi, which means ‘cut silk,’ derives from the visual illusion of cut threads that warp threads ful (...)
  • 28 Most of the existing literatures on trompe l’oeil porcelain are focused on the formal analysis and (...)
  • 29 James C. Y. Watt, « The Antique-Elegant » dans Wen C. Fong (ed.), Possessing the past : treasures f (...)
  • 30 Pei-Chin 余佩瑾 Yu, « Lang Shining yu ciqi 郎世寧與瓷器 », The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 故宮學 (...)
  • 31 Feiyan 許飛岩 Xu, « Qian tan xi yang tong jing hua dui qing zhong qi fen cai de ying xiang 淺談西洋通景畫對清中期 (...)
  • 32 Danjiong 譚旦冏 Dan, Zhongguo taoci 中國陶瓷 (Chinese pottery and porcelain), 1st éd., Taipei, Guang-fu Pu (...)
  • 33 James C. Y. Watt, « The Antique-Elegant » dans Wen C. Fong (ed.), Possessing the past : treasures f (...)

5 Chinese trompe l'oeil aesthetics have been examined in many studies25. Yet, most have focused on painting and calligraphy, or its transfer to textiles, such as the recreation of calligraphy26 by kesi 緙絲27. There is a dearth of research on trompe l'oeil aesthetics in ceramics and its relation to the emperors28. Watt29, through formal analysis of mise-en-scene, or composition, briefly suggests the transfer between Imperial court paintings and enameled copper and porcelain wares. Yu30 maintains the possible contribution of techniques by Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) to the Qing Imperial workshop. Xu31 further argues the transfer of scenic illusions between trompe l’oeil painting, or tongjing hua 通景畫 (penetrable-scene paintings), and famille-verte (or rose) porcelain. However, Chinese trompe l'oeil porcelain, as a distinctive category, has mostly been ignored in existing studies and even criticized by renowned art historians for its extravagant complexity and repetitive designs, which might have brought the Jingdezhen景德鎮ceramic industry into a recession32. Watt33 further argues that trompe l’oeil porcelain is a result of technical virtuosity without artistic vision, describing such representation as uncanny verisimilitude based on a technical tour de force, or unnecessary conceit. However, the criticism regarding the technical achievement precludes artistic classification is more of contemporary attitudes instead of the eighteenth-century Imperial court in China.

  • 34 Evelyn S. Rawski et Jessica Rawson, China : the three emperors, 1662-1795, London, Royal Academy of (...)
  • 35 M.吳美鳳 Wu, « Jia zuo shi zhen yi jia :cong yang xin dian zao ban chu huo ji dang kan sheng qing shi (...)
  • 36 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit.
  • 37 Kristina Kleutghen, « Illusion, Imperial and Otherwise » dans Imperial Illusions: Crossing Pictoria (...)
  • 38 Kristina Kleutghen, « One or Two, Repictured », Archives of Asian Art, 2012, vol. 62, no 1, p. 25‑4 (...)

6In contrast, some positive views emerged later. In China: The Three Emperors, 1622-1795, Rawski and Rawson34 argue that trompe l’oeil artworks (porcelain, ivory and bamboo carvings) mostly served as decoration or were displayed in the Qing court for auspicious purposes. Wu35 examines the trend of ‘faking’ in art production based on Huoji dang, and found that this tradition of ‘deliberate confusion’ was popular among different workshops and led to the production of trompe l’oeil artworks in various materials, such as ‘ivory flower’ and ‘tong cao flower’ (通草花 Medulla Tetrapanacis). Hay36 takes a neutral view, commenting on trompe l’oeil phenomena during the late Ming to High Qing period, or in his words the ‘fictive surface’, which introduced manipulativeness into the decorative equation, as well as the consumption of trompe l’oeil artworks within China. Kleutghen37 further suggests that although Qianlong’s officials could not all enjoy the experience of being deceived by scenic illusions, as noted by Sir John Barrow (1764-1848), private secretary to Lord George Macartney (1737-1806), the Qianlong emperor himself, as the most sophisticated spectator, was able to distinguish illusion from reality, yet still appreciate the beauty of deception from trompe l’oeil artworks. Therefore, due to emperors’ preferences, the eighteenth-century Chinese Imperial court was dominated by illusionistic realism38.

  • 39 Ogata 相賀徹夫 Tetsuo, Collection of World’s Ceramics 世界陶磁全集, Tokyo, Shogakukan 小學館, 1976, p. 220-255.
  • 40 Xianming 馮先銘 Feng (ed.), Zhong guo tao ci 中國陶(修訂), 1st éd., Shanghai, Shanghai Ancient Works Pub (...)
  • 41 Song Boyin 宋伯胤, Qing ci cui zhen : Qing dai Kang Yong Qian guan yao ci qi 清瓷萃珍: 清代康雍乾官窯瓷器 (Qing Imp (...)
  • 42 Chenglong 吕成龍 Lu, « Qianlong yu yao xiang sheng ci 乾隆御窑象生瓷 », Forbidden City Journal 紫禁城, 1996, n(...)
  • 43 Song 江松 Jiang, « Qing Qianlong chao guanyao xiangshengci 清乾隆朝官窑象生瓷 », Collectors 收藏家, 1998, no 05, (...)
  • 44 Stephen Wootton Bushell (ed.), Description Of Chinese Pottery And Porcelain: Being A Translation Of (...)
  • 45 Xiaoran 高曉然 Gao, « Gui fu shen gong shen lai zhi bi —jian lun qian long shi qi tao ci zhong de qi q (...)
  • 46 Gong 寧鋼 Ning et Na 李娜 Li, « Qianlong fangshengci de yishu tese 乾隆仿生瓷的藝術特色 », China Ceramics 中國陶瓷, 2 (...)
  • 47 Xiaochen 劉曉晨 Liu, « Weimiao weixiao de Qianlong fangshengci 惟妙惟肖的乾隆仿生瓷 », Reader 讀者赏, 2016, no 7, (...)

7Most previous research has shown that the interest in trompe l’oeil artwork arose in eighteenth-century China39, and recognized trompe l’oeil porcelain as an independent and unique group of objects40. Nevertheless, none of the above-mentioned studies have systematically discussed trompe l’oeil porcelain as a stylistic category. One of the earliest modern studies to focus on a specific model of trompe l'oeil porcelain, namely the faux-bois bowl, may be the one published with an exhibition in Chinese University of Hong Kong, in which Song41 discusses the function and connoisseurship regarding the faux-bois bowl and its original connection to Tibetan wood with medical usage. A more general overview of trompe l’oeil porcelain was published in Forbidden City Journal, where Lu42 introduces three trompe l'oeil pieces from the Palace Museum in Beijing, and attributes the popularity of trompe l'oeil porcelain to Tang Ying 唐英 (1682-1756). Lu believes that trompe l'oeil porcelain was mainly produced during the period from 1737 to 1754, in which Tang Ying was appointed as superintendent of Jingdezhen kilns and known as Tang yao 唐窯 (Tang kilns); however, he also maintains that this innovation rebuts traditional Ming aesthetics. Probably the first scholar to systematically classify trompe l’oeil porcelain of the Qianlong period was Jiang43, who suggests five main categories: wood-imitation, metal-imitation, bamboo-imitation, lacquer-imitation, and various-material-imitation. These five groups are based on Tao Shuo 陶說 , published in the thirty-ninth year of Qianlong (‘Discourse on Ceramics’; 1774 ), in which Zhu Yan 朱琰 wrote: ‘among all the works of art in carved gold, embossed silver, chiseled stone, lacquer, mother of pearl, bamboo and wood, gourd and shell, there is not one that is not now produced in porcelain, a perfect imitation of the original44’. Gao45, however, maintains that there are only two main groups of trompe l’oeil porcelain: fruit-imitation and animal-imitation. This classification was further extended by Ning and Li46, based on subject matter and material. Another study regarding the classification of trompe l’oeil porcelain in Mukden Palace was conducted by Liu47, who suggests another independent category called ‘religious attributes,’ due to the Qianlong emperor's obsession with Buddhism.

  • 48 Tony Miller, « Elegance in Relief: Carved Porcelain from Jingdezhen of the 19th to Early 20th Centu (...)
  • 49 Xiaoqi 馮小琦 Feng, Douse zhengyan: Gugong cang Qingdai yuyao ciqi jingpinji 鬥色爭妍 : 故宮藏清代御窯瓷器精品集 (Fire (...)
  • 50 Wu Bin 武斌, Shen yang gu gong bo wu yuan yuan cang wen wu jing cui: ci qi juan xia juan 瀋陽故宮博物院院藏文物精(...)
  • 51 Tianju 張天琚 Zhang, « Qiong yao qi pa guo shi lei fang sheng tao ci 邛窑奇葩 果實類仿生陶瓷 », Collection藏, 20 (...)
  • 52 Chi 陳馳 Chen, Xing 程幸 Cheng et Li 許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenm (...)
  • 53 zhengfong 顧正芳 Gu, « Aomei fengshuang gu, xiangsheng ru zihu - mantan meiyunshengji de zisha “xiangs (...)
  • 54 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit., p. 217.
  • 55 E&J Frankel, Zisha : the purple sand of China : the Lee collection of Ming and Qing Dynasty Yixing (...)

8 Other research delves into technique, terminology, and provenance. Miller48, for example, examines the transfer of technique from ivory- and bamboo-imitation porcelain to carved porcelain from Jingdezhen of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Feng49 claims the necessity to update the Chinese terminology used to describe trompe l’oeil porcelain, adopting fangsheng, which was first defined by Wu50, instead of xiangsheng, to include all trompe l’oeil porcelain made in the High Qing. Zhang51 proposes a different possibility for the origin of trompe l'oeil ware by arguing that the sancai 三彩pottery fruits from the Qiong kiln in the Tang dynasty (618-907) should be considered the first trompe l'oeil ware in China. Chen52 is convinced that the first trompe l’oeil artwork in China was made during the Six Dynasties (222-589) instead of the Qing, and its manufacture declined at the end of the Tang (618-907). Later, during the Ming, a new trend of trompe l’oeil aesthetics began with Yixing 宜興 wares in Jiangsu province. Several other studies also suggest that the ideology of trompe l’oeil design from Yixing ware might have led to the development of trompe l’oeil porcelain in the High Qing53, especially for the fictive representation of bronze objects due to the nuanced brown surface of Yixing clay54. Such trompe l’oeil surfacescapes emanating from Yixing are mostly attributed to Chen Mingyuan 陳鳴遠(1622-1735), a renowned artist from the Kangxi period55.

  • 56 Guorong 李國榮 Li et Yuan 鐵源 Tie, Qinggong ciqi dang’an quanji 清宮瓷器檔案全集, 1st éd., Beijing, China Picto (...)
  • 57 Hau-Chih 侯皓之 Hou, « Qinshen jingying: cong dang’an lun Yiqinwang Yunxiang zai zaobanchu de zuoyong (...)
  • 58 J.R. Finlay, « The Qianlong Emperor’s Western Vistas », art cit ; X.劉曉晨 Liu, « Weimiao weixiao de Q (...)
  • 59 Accession number G1729
  • 60 Marchant, Kangxi Famille-Verte, London, Marchant, 2017, p. 108‑109.
  • 61 C.陳馳 Chen, X.程幸 Cheng et L.許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenmei wen (...)
  • 62 Kelun 陳克倫 Chen, « Cong fencai liufangping kan Yongzheng gongting yishu zhong de xifang wenhua yinsu (...)
  • 63 Ying-mei 易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official (...)

9 These studies, however, may include some fallacies of presumption and deficiency. Firstly, they regard the Qianlong emperor as the main patron of trompe l'oeil porcelain and ignore its possible manufacture in other periods. In fact, numerous Imperial edicts in the records of the Qing court Imperial workshop, Huoji dang, suggest that one of the earliest porcelains with a deliberately fictive surface was made before the fourth year of Yongzheng (AD 1726), described as ‘spotted bamboo glazed fish bowl’, Banzhu huawen cigang斑竹花紋磁缸, in Huoji dang, possibly the one currently in the Palace Museum, Beijing. Two years later, in the sixth year of Yongzheng (AD 1728), two ‘braided hemp wood-imitation porcelain basins’, Doubianci mupen豆辮磁木盆, were made. In the same month, another ‘hualimu-glazed porcelain bucket花梨木紋磁桶’ was presented to the Yongzheng emperor and sent to Jiuzhou Qingyan九洲清晏 in Yuanmingyuan 圓明園 (The Old Summer Palace). In the seventh year of Yongzheng (AD 1729), another ‘hualimu-glazed porcelain bucket’ was sent to Xifengxiuse 西峰秀色, the residence of the Yongzheng emperor in Yuanmingyuan56. Thus, trompe l'oeil wares were actively manufactured in the Yongzheng period, when Yi qinwang Yunxiang (允祥, 1686–1730) were deeply involved in Zaobanchu 造辦處57, and may have been associated with the collection of Yuanmingyuan58. Furthermore, several high-quality metal-imitation porcelains still exist from the Kangxi period (1662-1722), including a gold-imitation bowl from Musée Guimet59 and a bronze-imitation hu vase from the Victoria and Albert Museum (324-1854), which was a museum purchase back in 1854. Another example of an attempt to manipulate perception can be found in Kangxi wucai 五彩 ware, such as a Chinese porcelain famille-verte skull cup, kapala, from the J.P. Morgan Collection60. Secondly, the assumption that trompe l'oeil aesthetics began in China should be reconsidered. Chen61 argue that a batch of bronze-imitation porcelain was brought to the Qing Imperial court during the Kangxi period; therefore, tributes from European embassies and technologies from European Jesuits may provide more information on Western influence62. Yi63 managed to give a general introduction to the European origin of Chinese trompe l’oeil porcelain by conducting formal anaylsis, yet short of direct evidence from the primary eighteenth-century documents.

3. Terminology investigation of the artworks with ‘fictive surface’

3.a. Difference between trompe l’oeil and xiangsheng

  • 64 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit.
  • 65 K.R. Kleutghen, The Qianlong emperor’s perspective, op. cit.
  • 66 Y.易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official Wares i (...)

10 In most modern literature on Chinese porcelain, including academic articles as well as auction cataloging descriptions, the term trompe l’oeil, a French phrase meaning ‘deceiving the eye,’ is widely used to describe porcelain with a fictive surface64 and a double-take appearance65 made in High Qing China, and the supposed Chinese synonym xiangsheng is commonly adopted as the direct translation of trompe l’oeil 66. However, in classical Chinese, xiangsheng is open to various interpretations. The term is composed of two Chinese characters: the first, xiang 像, which means the act of imitation, simulation or mirroring/modeling something, and the second, sheng 生, which could stand for shengming生命 (life), shenghuo生活 (living or daily life), shengwu生物 (creatures, either plant or animal), and so on. Therefore, if these two characters are interpreted together and applied to works of art, one can expect something ‘simulated’ (e.g., ‘simulation of life’) and so forth, but not necessarily trompe l’oeil.

  • 67 Ibid.

11 From the literal meaning, these two terms, trompe l’oeil and xiangsheng, are clearly not equivalent. So how and when did people commonly connect them together to interpret the same ideology? Yi argues that the reason that xiangsheng is broadly used to describe any kind of porcelain of fictive surface and imitative effect, which later corresponds to the European term trompe l’oeil porcelain, is most likely based on the description in Tao Shuo 陶說 (Discourse on Ceramics), in which Zhu Yan 朱琰 used xiangshengci 像生瓷 to define this category67.

  • 68 Ellen Huang, China’s china : Jingdezhen porcelain and the production of art in the Nineteenth Centu (...)
  • 69 Raozhouyao, or Raozhou kilns, is an ancient name for the Jingdezhen kilns 景德鎮窯in Jiangxi 江西.

12 Tao Shuo68 was published in the thirty-ninth year of Qianlong (1774) as one of the first comprehensive guide of the connoisseurship to Chinese ceramics which includes many previous literatures, such as Gegu Yaolun格古要論 (Essential Criteria of Antiques) by Cao Zhao 曹昭and Bowu yaolan 博物要覽 (A Survey of Wide-Ranging Matters) by Gu Yingtai谷應泰 and Taoye Tushuo 陶冶圖說 (Illustrations on Ceramics-Making) by Tang Ying 唐英, along with Zhu Yan’s comments and annotations. Tao Shuo begins with an introduction to the contemporary Qing dynasty ceramics manufacture status quo in the chapter one, Shuojin raozhouyao說今 饒州窯 (Contemporary–Raozhou Kiln69), in which Zhu Yan wrote:

又有瓜瓠, 花果, 象生之作.

There are xiangsheng works of art in the shape of melons, gourds, flowers, and fruit.

  • 70 Y.易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official Wares i (...)
  • 71 C.陳馳 Chen, X.程幸 Cheng et L.許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenmei wen (...)

13 The above passage is understood by Yi70 and most other modern scholars71 that porcelain imitating other materials was known as xiangsheng in Qing dynasty. However, if we look at the original text in Tao Shuo carefully, Zhu Yan, as a matter of fact, did not connect the idea of xiangsheng directly to all kinds of imitative porcelain. Instead, in order to deliver an overview of the porcelain industry and the classification of the works in Jingdezhen, Zhu Yan had the whole paragraph organized into five sections to describe the appearance of most Jingdezhen ceramics: guifan規範 (specification), caice彩色 (glaze colors), qipin器品 (body shape), huaran畫染 (painting technique), and finally a summary that begins with yushihu於是乎 (therefore). Xiangsheng belongs to the classification in qipin, in which it is only used to depict plants (melons, gourds, flowers, and fruit), while porcelain imitating other materials is mentioned only in the summary at the end:

於是乎戧金, 鏤銀, 琢石, 髤漆, 螺甸, 竹木, 匏蠡諸作, 無不以陶為之, 仿效而肖.

  • 72 Stephen Wootton Bushell (ed.), Description Of Chinese Pottery And Porcelain, op. cit. ; J. Hay, Sen (...)

Among all the works of art in carved gold, embossed silver, chiseled stone, lacquer, mother-of-pearl, bamboo and wood, gourd and shell, there is not one that is not now produced in porcelain, a perfect imitation of the original72.

  • 73 The original text in Tao Shuo陶說 卷一 說今 饒州窯: ‘…其規範, 則定, 汝, 官, 哥, 宣德, 成化, 嘉靖, 佛郎之好樣, 萃於一窯. 其彩色, 則霽紅, 礬 (...)

14Furthermore, there is no relevant contextual information can support that Zhu Yan maintains all porcelain of imitation should be addressed as xiangshengci73.

3.b. Xiangsheng in the History

15 If xiangsheng is exclusively for describing porcelain that imitates plants, then how did people in Qing dynasty describe those porcelains that possess a fictive surface of other materials, such as bronze, gold, silver, wood, or cinnabar lacquer? Was xiangsheng never used to describe trompe l’oeil porcelain, even before or after Tao Shuo was published? Was there any difference in terms of nomenclature of trompe l’oeil ware between Imperial and civilian products? To answer these questions, we first must rethink and conduct an etymological exploration of the word xiangsheng, tracing how xiangsheng was used through other textual materials during Qing period and earlier.

  • 74 In which Xunzi wrote: 喪禮者, 以生者飾死者也, 大象其生以送其死也. 故事死如生, 事亡如存, 終始一也. 始卒, 沐浴, 鬠體, 飯唅, 象生執也 (The proper (...)

16 One of the earliest recorded uses of xiangsheng was in Lilun禮論 (Disquisition on Ritual) by Xunzi荀子 in the Warring States period74 (403 BC – BC 221). Also from the Eastern Han dynasty (AD 25 - 220), Cai Yong蔡邕 used xiangsheng in a slightly different way in Duduan獨斷 (Solitary Judgments). Xiangsheng was adopted in the following passage in which Cai Yong explains the specifications and decorations of a traditional Imperial tomb :

宗廟之制, 古學以為人君之居, 前有朝, 後有寢, 終則前制廟以象朝, 後制寢以象寢, 廟以藏主, 列昭穆; 寢有衣冠几杖, 象生之具, 總謂之宮. 月令曰, ‘先薦寢廟.’ 云, ’公侯之宮.‘ 曰, ‘寢廟奕奕. ‘ 言相連也, 是皆其文也. 古不墓祭, 至秦始皇出寢起居于墓側, 漢因而不改, 故今陵上稱寢殿, 有起居衣冠象生之備, 皆古寢之意也.

Traditionally, an ancestor altar is considered as a space for a living person, which is composed of a living room in the front and a bedroom at the back. The bedroom should be full of clothing and furniture as well as other daily life stuff. Yueling, Shi, and Song all suggest the same protocol of setting up a tomb or an altar as a living space, which is a tradition began with the Emperor Qin Shihuang.

  • 75 Xu Lianda 徐連達, Diguo gongting de shenchu - zhongguo gudai huangdi zhidu jiedu 帝國宮廷的深—中國古代皇帝制度解讀, H (...)

17In this passage, xiangsheng is used as an adjective (to describe ju 具and bei 備) instead of xiang, a verb, plus sheng, a noun, like the previous examples in Benghong. Although xiangsheng could still stands for ‘life-like’ from the above context, we understand that the most nearly correct definition for xiangsheng is ‘resembling daily life’ to describe the decorations in Imperial tombs75. Therefore, the character sheng in this context is translated as shenghuo (daily life). The same interpretation of xiangsheng was adopted often in later literature, for example, in Yuanshi元史 by Song Lian宋濂 in Ming dynasty (AD 1368–1644) :

前廟後寢者, 以象人君之居, 前有廟而後有寢也. 廟以藏主, 以四時祭; 寢有衣冠几杖象生之具, 以薦新物.

A life-like tomb should have a living room in the front and a bedroom at the back. The ceremony of worship should be held in every three months, providing the ancestors with new acquisitions, ensuring the bedroom is full of clothing and other daily life stuff.

18 Xiangsheng is also used as an adjective in this context to describe ju, which could be anything that people used when they were alive (furniture, scholarly items, clothing, etc…). In literature from the same period, xiangsheng is frequently used in fine dining recipes. For instance, a recipe for Jia jianrou假煎肉 (faux pan-fried meat), which was originally recorded in Southern Song dynasty Shan Jia Qing Gong山家清供 (Wild Field Offering) and later selected into Shuofu說郛 (Assemblage of Accounts) by Tao Zong Yi陶宗儀. includes xiangsheng to describe plum blossoms:

瓠與麩薄切, 各和以料煎, 麩以油浸煎, 瓠以肉脂煎, 加蔥椒油酒共炒, 瓠與麩不惟如肉, 其味亦無辨者. 吳何鑄宴客或出此, 吳中貴家, 而喜與山林朋友嗜此清味, 賢矣! 或常作小青錦屏風, 烏木瓶簪, 古梅枝綴, 像生梅數花, 寘座右, 欲左右未嘗忘梅.

Cut melon and wheat bran dough in slices, pan-fried with butter and animal fat respectively. Mix together with onion, chili, and rice wine, and the taste should be simulated meat. This recipe is possibly from the supper in Wu Hezhu’s house. Wu is a noble family and love this elegant vegetarian substitute for the meat. The dish is usually accompanied by brocade screens, ebony vase and hairpin, ancient plum blossoms, xiangsheng plum blossoms.

  • 76 The possible materil for xiangsheng meishuhua may be deducted from later publication in Ming and Qi (...)
  • 77 Hsu Sin-wen 許馨文, Hua yu Qingdai yinshi zhi yanjiu 花與清代飲食之研究 (Flowers and cuisine of Qing Dynasty), (...)
  • 78 Zheng Dan Jie refer to the first day of the year in lunar calendar. It is an ancient way to call Ch (...)

19 The way xiangsheng was used in the Jia jianrou recipe is the same as the one in Tao Shuo: describing a plant. Therefore, the character sheng in this context may stand for shengming生命 or shengwu生物, making the complete sentence xiangsheng meishuhua像生梅數花 stand for ‘life-like plum blossom,’ which annotates the meaning of trompe l’oeil even though it is difficult to speculate on the possible material it is composed of76 77. More examples of xiangsheng in recipes can be found in Ming Hui Dian明會典 (The Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty) by Xu Bo徐溥, in which the recipes prepared for Zheng Dan Jie正旦節 (Chinese New Year)78 was recorded :

永樂間, 上卓, 茶食像生小花. 果子五般. 燒煠五般. 鳳雞. 雙棒子骨. 大銀錠. 大油餅. 按酒五般. 菜四色. 湯三品. 簇二大饅頭. 馬牛羊胙肉飯. 酒五鍾. 上中卓, 茶食像生小花.

In the Yongle period, on the upper altar table, the display includes tea dessert and xiangsheng little flower, five kinds of fruit, five kinds of hot dishes, a chicken, a pair of animal thigh bones, a large silver ingot, a large oil cake, four kinds of liquors, four kinds of dishes, and three kinds of soups, two packs of big bun, horsemeat, beef, and lamb with rice, and five cups of liquors. On the upper-middle altar table, the display includes tea dessert and xiangsheng decoration.

  • 79 Xiangsheng keer, also known as Jinsi niaoke 金絲鳥窠 (canary nest), may refer to a traditional Chinese (...)
  • 80 In Juan ninteenth, Sisi liuju yanhui jialin 四司六局筵会假赁。

20 Once again, xiangsheng is used to describe those trompe l’oeil floral decorations near the main dishes. Likewise, numerous examples of xiangsheng describing food can be found in Meng Liang Lu夢粱錄 (A Dream of Sorghum) by Wu Zimu吳自牧 in the Southern Song Dynasty (AD 1127–1279), such as xiangsheng huaguo luobo tuola像生花果羅帛脫蠟, xiangsheng sishi xiaozhi huaduo像生四時小枝花朵, xiangsheng ke’er像生窠兒79, zaocang xiangsheng jianduan糟藏像生件段, caibozao xiangsheng cong shuangzhu彩帛造像生葱雙株 and so forth80. One thing in common among all of the examples in Meng Liang Lu is that all the uses of xiangsheng are applied to plants, flowers, or fruit, possibly with a trompe l’oeil surface.

  • 81 In Juan nine hundred and forty-ninth: Fangyu huibian zhi fang dian 方輿彙編·職方典·卷九百四十九卷

21 During the Qing dynasty, on the one hand, xiangsheng continues to be used in this traditional discourse. For example, in the Gujin Tushu Jicheng 古今圖書集成 (Imperial Encyclopaedia) composed in Kangxi period, Qing dynasty, xiangsheng hua像生花 (xiangsheng flower) was recorded in Hangzhoufu Wuchan Kao杭州府物產考 (Featured Products from Hangzhou Fu)81. Xiangsheng hua can also be found in Shinzoku kibun 清俗紀聞 (Travelers' Accounts of Qing Customs) by Tadateru Nakagawa 中川忠英, a Japanese scholar who visited Southern China in the Qianlong period and recorded the local traditional activities. On the other hand, xiangsheng was transformed into a more general expression of ‘imitation.’ For instance, in the renowned Qing dynasty classical novel, Hong Lou Meng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber, also called Shi Tou Ji 石頭記, The Story of the Stone) composed by Cao Xueqin 曹雪芹, xiangsheng appears in chapter thirty-five :

寶釵原是掩面而哭, 聽如此說, 由不得也笑了, 遂抬頭向地下啐了一口, 說道, 你不用做這些像生兒了! 我知道你的心裡多嫌我們娘兒們, 你是變著法兒叫我們離了你就心淨了.

Bao Chai was crying with hands covering her face, hearing what Xue Pan said and turning into smile, you don’t have to do the xiangshenger anymore, I knew how much you despise women. You just want to ask us to leave you alone.

  • 82 The xiangsheng has the same pronunciation but with different Chinese characters: xiang 相 (face) and (...)
  • 83 Zhi 光之 Guang, « Guanyu xiangsheng’er de kaoxi 關於像生兒的考析 », Studies on ‘A Dream of Red Mansions 紅樓夢學(...)

22 In this passage, Xue Baochai 薛寶釵 uses xiangsheng’er 像生兒 to describe the unctuous reaction from Xue Pan 薛蟠, and the connotational interpretation of xiangsheng in this context is most likely to be ‘mimicking’ or ‘imitating’, yet with a negative and sarcastic annotation like zuoxi做戲 in Chinese. Moreover, the performance of imitation could also be commonly understood in traditional Chinese comedic performing arts as xiangsheng 相聲82,83.

  • 84 Xiangsheng had been adopted in Huoji dang for describing other ‘life-like’ works of art, such as wo (...)

23 To sum up, the term xiangsheng sometimes carries a general meaning of imitation, but seems to be only applied to describe plant-related subject matter in most classical Chinese literature. Furthermore, as mentioned previously, the expression xiangshengci像生瓷 is actually not mentioned at all in Tao Shuo 陶說. However, considering that there are huge number of trompe l'oeil porcelains passed down from the Qing Imperial workshops and many of them bear the emperor’s seal, consequently, a specific nomenclature84 must had been created to categorize this genre, at least within the Imperial precinct. Therefore, what was it? Was xiangsheng used to describe porcelain in the Qing Imperial court? Was there a single term that included all trompe l’oeil wares? Was there a specific terminology for porcelain with an imitative surface? Were there numerous terms to describe porcelain imitating different type of materials, or they were all lumped together in the same category? In order to delve into these problems, we need to do a comprehensive survey on not only how xiangsheng was used in the Imperial Qing court records, but also how the Imperial workshops described the idea of trompe l’oeil in general, and how trompe l’oeil works of art were conceptualized as an independent category, as we find today. This survey will not only focus on porcelains, but also on any works of art that may possess intention of deliberate confusion, be they two-dimensional or three-dimensional.

4. Zaobanchu Gezuocheng Huoji Qingdang

  • 85 Some records Taoye tushuo 陶冶圖說 and Taocheng jishi bei陶成記事碑are duplicated in Huoji dang.
  • 86 Titled Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯

24 The primary Qing dynasty text which to be examined in this chapter is called Zaobanchu Gezuocheng Huoji Qingdang造辦處各作成活計清檔, usually shortened to Huoji dang 活計檔 (Qing Imperial Workshop Records) from the Yongzheng to Qianlong periods (AD 1722-1796), supported by other primary texts, such as the publications85 by the renowned supervisor of porcelain production at the official kilns in Jingdezhen, Tang Ying唐英 (1682-1756). Huoji dang is a chronicle of all activities in the Imperial Qing court workshops, and it is probably one of the most valuable primary texts we have today to explore the manufacture of all works of art in the Imperial Qing court. The original copies, ink written on paper and thread-bound, are preserved in Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’an guan 中國第一歷史檔案館 (The First Historical Archives of China). There are about 5000 volumes of Huoji dang dating from Yongzheng to Qianlong period. In 2005, the publication of Huoji dang was carried out by The First Historical Archives of China and The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學. They photocopied these 5000 volumes, scaling and resizing them into 55 volumes also arranged chronologically, averaging 800 pages each for a total of 44,000 pages—roughly 13 million characters of an unedited and authentic record spanning 73 years, albeit not originally meant for publication86. This publication was limited to 200 copies, and the only one in the United Kingdom is currently held at the SOAS library.

  • 87 For example, kaiqili開其里(toothpicks box), and ageli阿格里 (tree bark).
  • 88 For example, kapala噶巴拉 and yamantaka呀嗎達噶
  • 89 For example, menhua 門畫, douhua斗畫, doubannan 豆瓣楠, and bolang 撥浪
  • 90 For example, aventurine溫都里那

25 Huoji dang is an unmodified record of the Imperial Qing court workshops, and it is difficult to decipher the information, not only because of its unfiltered and considerable volume, but also the language in which it was couched. Huoji dang was mostly written down by the eunuchs who worked for the Imperial workshops. Because it is an unofficial record and was not intended for publication, the calligraphic style is very casual. Even though most of time Huoji dang was written in kaishu楷書 (standard or regular script), we can also found xingshu行書 (semi-cursive script) and caoshu草書 (cursive script). As for the style of Chinese, they chose the one between baihua 白話 (colloquial or vernacular Chinese) and classical Chinese without punctuation. In the meantime, owning to the diversity of the Qing dynasty, languages other than Chinese also appear, such as Manchu87, Tibetan88, Beijing dialect89, and Chinese transliteration of European languages90. Furthermore, in terms of languages, another important feature of Huoji dang is that most of the contents were delivered orally and written down as dictation by eunuchs. Therefore, there are numerous incidental cuobiezi 錯別字, which in this case refers to Chinese characters with the same or similar pronunciation but with different meaning than that intended. All these aspects make the study of Huoji dang difficult.

  • 91 Shenyang is also named Mukden or Fengtian 奉天
  • 92 Mostly the record from the workshops may have a duplicate record in xingwen 行文 or jishilu紀事錄.

26 The records in Huoji dang were originated from many different Imperial workshops, such as boli chang玻璃廠 (glass factory), jinyu zuo金玉作 (jewelry workshop), falang zuo 琺瑯作 (enamel workshop), xiabiao zuo匣裱作 (wood cassette and mounting workshop), guangmu zuo 廣木作 (wooden stand and furniture workshop), youmu zuo油木作 or qimu zuo漆木作 (lacquered ware workshop), ziming zhong chu自鳴鐘處 (chiming clock workshop), ruyi guan如意館 (painting workshop) and so on; in total, about sixty different workshops. Also, geographically, Huoji dang recorded the activities not only within the Forbidden City in Beijing, but also other locations, such as Jingyiyuan 靜宜園, Jingshan景山, Yuanmingyuan圓明園. Activities that took place out of Beijing were also recorded, for example, Jingdezhen 景德鎮, Hangzhou zhizao 杭州織造, Suzhou zhizao 蘇州織造, Jiangning zhizao 江寧織造, Jiujiangguan 九江關, Yuehaiguan 粵海關, Rehe 熱河, Shenyang 瀋陽91, and so forth. The documents communicating between different workshops in various locations can also be found in Huoji dang; therefore, one event could possibly be described many times in different locations and in various ways92.

  • 93 M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy, op. cit.

27 The files included in Huoji dang are versatile and complex. The main information recorded in this huge database is the daily activities of the Imperial workshops, including nomenclature, provenance, origin, time, format, style, material, technique, expense, display or storage location of certain works of art, and most importantly, the direct contribution from the emperors in the oral or written Imperial edicts, which account for so-called Imperial taste or connoisseurship. This may help modern scholars understand the aesthetics of the emperors through ‘the period eye93.’ Other than documenting the details of manufacture of every work of art in the Imperial workshops, Huoji dang also contains other relevant files such as maiban shouju 買辦收據 (purchase receipts), shouzhu qingdan收貯清單 (storage lists), zanlingyin dang暫領銀檔 (advance payments), suiwei隨圍 (travel attendants), shijie lidan 使節禮單 (diplomatic gifts), chenggong dang 呈貢檔 (tribute records, including those had been rejected and returned, bochu駁出, by the emperors).

28 To sum up, Huoji dang was established for internal reference rather than official publications representing the Qing dynasty, unlike Qijuzhu起居注 (Imperial Diaries) and Daqing Lichao Shilu 大清歷朝實錄 (Actual Veritable Records of Emperors of the Qing Dynasty); therefore, it recorded necessary information impartially and forthrightly. This makes it one of the most appropriate primary materials from which to decipher the manufacturing history of Qing period works of art.

4.a. Xiangsheng and tromp l’oeil wares in Huoji dang

  • 94 Changlu salt area is located along the seashore of China Bohai 渤海 Bay, produced sea salt on a large (...)
  • 95 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 55, p.136: 五十九年十二月初五 呈貢檔 江蘇巡撫奇 (...)
  • 96 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol. 46, p. 697: 四十八年五月二十九日 紀事錄 .. (...)

29 As mentioned in the previous paragraph, since Huoji dang is the most accurate account of the activities in the Imperial workshop, then the trompe l’oeil works of art should have been recorded as well, at least for those works to be displayed or stored within the Imperial precinct and currently in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei and the Palace Museum in Beijing. In order to understand how the Imperial Qing court addressed trompe l’oeil ware, firstly, we continue the terminological investigation of xiangsheng in Huoji dang and Tang Ying’s publications. Surprisingly, xiangsheng was seldom used in Huoji dang, and the conclusion of its usage is the same: only for plants. For example, in the thirty-eighth year of Qianlong (1774), fifteen xiangsheng flower planters were sent to the Forbidden City as tributes from Changlu Yanzheng 長蘆鹽政94. Another example, also from the tribute record, a set of xiangsheng fruits was presented to the Qianlong emperor in the fifty-ninth year of Qianlong (1795) from Jiangsu Xunfu江蘇巡撫95. Although it is obvious that xiangsheng was used to describe plants in Huoji dang, it is difficult to tell what kind of material was used to made those xiangsheng hua or xiangsheng guogong 像生菓供. Therefore, could any of xiangsheng hua actually made of ceramic, justifying xiangsheng, at least, as an eligible term to describe ceramics? However, other records in Huoji dang indicate that most trompe l’oeil flowers were made of material other than ceramic, such as tongcao通草 (rice-paper plant pith), hejinrong 合錦絨 (brocade fabric), ivory, glass, etc., and most trompe l’oeil fruits were made of lacquered wood96.

  • 97 Xiang香, hua 花, deng 燈, ming 茗, guo 果, also known as Wuxian 五獻
  • 98 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 32, p.150, 153: 三十三年十二月初七日 總管太 (...)

30 In the existing literature, most scholars attribute the invention of trompe l’oeil porcelain and its commonly recognized equivalent term in Chinese, xiangsheng porcelain (xiangshengci 像生瓷) to Tang Ying, owing to the records on the Taocheng jishi bei陶成紀事碑 (Commemorative Stele on Ceramic Production) inscribed by Tang Ying in 1735, in which he described a fangxiyang diaozhu xiangsheng qimin wugong 仿西洋雕鑄像生器皿五供. This nomenclature given by Tang Ying is complex and may have multiple interpretations, and the most likely elaboration should be as a combination of two objects: fangxiyang diaozhu qimin 仿西洋雕鑄器皿 (Europe-imitation moulded vessel) and xiangsheng wugong 像生五供 (a set of five xiangsheng Daoist offerings: incense, flower, candle, tea, and fruit)97, which is arranged on top of vessels for the ritual ceremony. And the reason xiangsheng was used may be the nature of the flowers and fruit in this offering set. Tang Ying also used xiangsheng to describe two pairs of tribute to the Qianlong emperor in 1752, which were named xiangsheng hua ci jiaoping 像生花瓷轎瓶 (xiangsheng flowers wall vase). This nomenclature could also be interpreted in several ways; however, if we look through other examples in Huoji dang, the mostly likely option is that it also refers to a combination of two objects, a bunch of flowers and a vase. For instance, in the thirty-third year of Qianlong (1768), a set of similar objects was brought into the Imperial court by Lianghuai yanzheng兩淮鹽政, eight xiangsheng pinghua像生瓶花 (xiangsheng flower with vase), and Qianlong emperor commanded the court to keep the flowers but not the vases98. Therefore, clearly the xiangsheng flowers and the vase could be separated, and xiangsheng may have been used to describe the flowers instead of the vase.

  • 99 Wu B.武斌, 沈阳故宮博物院院藏文物精粹, op. cit., p. 159.
  • 100 For instance, ruyou 汝釉 and rucai 汝彩 were used in Huoji dang to describe new-fired ru-style wares, w (...)
  • 101 Hsiang-Wen 張湘雯 Chang, « Qingdai gongting zhenwan duobaoge zhong de boli wenwu 清代宮廷珍玩多寶格中的玻璃文物 (Glas (...)

31 In summary, terminology-wise, xiangheng ci, or xiangsheng porcelain, might not exist in the Qing dynasty according to the primary literature review of this thesis. In other words, although there are a considerable number of trompe l’oeil porcelains that have survived from Qing dynasty, xiangsheng and fangsheng99, which is a modern term used to define trompe l’oeil works, were never used in Huoji dang or Tang Ying’s publications to describe porcelain. However, as a distinguished category and representative works of art, it is nearly impossible that trompe l’oeil porcelain did not possess a distinct name. So, what did the Imperial workshops refer to trompe l’oeil porcelain? In addition, to decipher the nomenclature of trompe l’oeil works of art could also reveal the connoisseurship of the emperors100,101.

4.b. Jia, the faux-aesthetics of the connoisseurship of Qing emperors

  • 102 K. Kleutghen, Imperial Illusions, op. cit. ; K. Kleutghen, « Illusion, Imperial and Otherwise », ar (...)

32 In order to identify the terminologies corresponding to trompe l’oeil porcelain, first we need to identify works of art with a general trompe l’oeil effect or fictive surface in Huoji dang. One of the most well-known form of art from the Qing dynasty with trompe l’oeil effect is called tongjing hua 通景畫 (scenic illusion perspectival paintings), which have been featured in many previous studies102. Tongjing hua was frequently commissioned by the emperors from the late Yongzheng to the Qianlong period (1722-1795) and clearly reflected the ideology of illusionism at the time within the Imperial precinct. In addition, the appreciation of tongjing hua was also indicated by its nomenclature, tongjing, which was created specifically for this genre, showing the preference of the emperors. Yet, painting is a two-dimensional expression, which is substantially different from three-dimensional works of art discussed in this thesis. This essay will focus mainly on three-dimensional objects, which connoisseurs can appreciate by touching and feeling the shape, material, texture, weight, and so forth.

  • 103 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p119: 十四日怡親王交假官窯瓷瓶一件

33 In the first year of Yongzheng (1722), a puzzling and ambiguous description was recorded: Yi qinwang Yunxiang (允祥, 1686–1730) gave a jia Guanyao 假官窯porcelain vase to the Imperial workshop103. Guanyao, or Guan kiln refers to Guan ware from Song dynasty. However, what does jia stand for in this context? Literally, jia means ‘fake’ in modern Chinese, with a negative connotation, referring to something that is of secondary quality or counterfeit. Yet it is readily apparent that this Guanyao vase may not be a counterfeit copy because it was a tribute from Yi qinwang. Therefore, jia might have been used in Huoji dang for a different purpose with alternative definition. If we look through seventy-seven years of Huoji dang record (Yongzheng first year to Qianlong sixtieth year), a great number of jia can be found, which were used to describe numerous kinds of items. Almost everything displayed or collected in the Imperial court could be ‘fake’. The jia objects can be categorized into five different groups in general: architecture and furniture, storage vessels, natural materials, antiquities and curios, and others. Each category will be reviewed chronologically in the following paragraphs based on Huoji dang.

4.c. Jia door, jia bookshelf, and jia bookshelf door

  • 104 Wanzifang is an alias for Wanfanganhe萬方安和 in Yuanmingyuan
  • 105 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 492, 831: 五年七月初八 圓明園來帖內稱 (...)
  • 106 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 16, p. 369: 十三年八月初四日 皮作 ...太監胡 (...)
  • 107 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 4, p. 326: 八年三月十四日 據 圓明園來帖內稱本月 (...)
  • 108 Also known as Siyi shuwu 四宜書屋 in Yuanmingyuan
  • 109 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 97, 98: 元年十一月十五日 七品首領薩木哈 (...)
  • 110 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 17, p. 385, 386: 十五年八月初六日 如意館. (...)

34 Firstly, in the category of architecture and furniture, the most commonly seen in Huoji dang is door and bookshelf. In the fifth year of Yongzheng (1726), Hai Wong 海望 was commissioned to make eight silvered metal, possibly bronze or iron, hinges for a jia shuge men 假書格門 (jia bookshelf door) installed in Wanzifang 萬字房 (Wan-Character Hall)104 located in Yuanmingyuan105. This intriguing description of object can be interpreted in two different ways: jia bookshelf or jia door. However, based on the fact that Qing dynasty bookshelves were usually not made with doors like a modern cabinet or bookcase; instead, they were covered by lianzi 簾子 (straw or bamboo curtain)106, and the hinges used here may have been made for a real functional door. In summary, this jia shuge men may be a door painted to look like a bookshelf. A jia bookshelf may be considered a derived application of tongjing hua; instead of being a two-dimensional expression with limited capability to deceive the audience, tongjing hua starts to communicate with other three-dimensional objects to create a trompe l’oeil effect that is even more uncanny. A different application of tongjing hua with three-dimensional accessories can be found in the eighth year of Yongzheng (1729); Giuseppe Castiglione was commissioned to paint a tongjing flower on the wall accompanied by another wall with circular window in front of it107 in Siyitang四宜堂 (A Studio for Four Seasons)108. This design makes the viewers feel as though they are looking through a real window (the circular opening on the wall) at the fake cluster of flowers, creating a real depth of field across from an illusionist depth of field. Moreover, much like a regular tongjing hua, in terms of material composed of it, jia shuge could be expressed by European oil painting109 or traditional Chinese ink and color on paper (or silk110). In addition, even though jia shuge is a form between two and three-dimensional, the term jia may be the one which Imperial workshops and emperors themselves chose to express the idea of a trompe l’oeil three-dimensional object. In other words, jia is a better translation of the European term trompe l’oeil than xiangsheng.

4.d. Jia storage vessel and miscellaneous accessories

  • 111 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 21, p. 45: 二十年九月二十四日 匣裱作 ...糊錦 (...)
  • 112 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 24: 元年三月初七 雜活作 楠木鑲紫檀木邊架鍍 (...)
  • 113 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 14, p. 666: 十一年閏三月二十五日 匣作 司庫白世 (...)
  • 114 Cardboard, also known as hepai合牌 in the Qing dynasty, usually with brocade fabric glued to its surf (...)

35 In the category of storage vessels, the most commonly seen object is called jia shutao, a storage box, made of lacquered wood or metal, in the form of a book or scroll. Compared to the jia shuge discussed in the last paragraph, which we do not have from the High Qing period due to the destruction of Yuanmingyuan, jia shutao were usually used as a container for baishijian百什件/百事件 (hundred antiques collection111), baobei ge 寶貝格 and duobao ge 多寶格 (cabinet of many treasures), which were sorted into a higher rank and placed in important palaces in the Forbidden City, so most of them are well-preserved and now in the collection of National Palace Museum and Palace Museum (Fig. 1, Fig. 2). Besides, the corresponding manufacture records of this genre and its relevant designs can also be easily identified in Huoji dang. The Imperial workshop was also commissioned to made some ‘fake’ accessories for the storage vessel. For example, in the first year of Qianlong (1736), based on Imperial edict, the workshop made a jia xiyang suomen假西洋鎖門 (jia European lock) which was installed on a nanmu/zitanmu framed storage box112. According to the context, this may be a non-functional lock possessing a fictive surface to look like a European work; in other words, it is a trompe l’oeil lock. Once again, jia stands for trompe l’oeil. Another intriguing example is called jia geduan 假槅斷 (jia divider113) for the storage box. Geduan literally means divider in Chinese, which is used to arrange collectibles in a storage box. It is usually installed either to arrange the curios into different categories, or just to create safer spaces for storing them. Based on the previous inference about the definition of jia, the jia divider in Huoji dang is considered a trompe l’oeil divider. However, how could a divider be a piece of trompe l’oeil work? Due to the lack of existing examples, we do not have certain answer regarding what a jia geduan should look like. However, because many records showing the installation of glass sheets into storage box, one of the closest hypothesis of the design of jia geduan is that it is a divider made of glass instead of wood or cardboard114.

Fig. 1

Fig. 1

The National Palace Museum’s collection, jia shutao 假書套

© Chih-En Chen

Fig. 2

Fig. 2

The National Palace Museum’s collection, jia shutao Shi Ji 史記

© Chih-En Chen

4.e. Jia as an adjective for natural materials

  • 115 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 3, p. 140 六年十月十一日 入皮作 圓明園來帖... (...)
  • 116 Chi-fa 莊吉發 Chuang, « Man wen shi liao yu yong zheng chao de li shi yan jiu 滿文史料與雍正朝的歷史研究 », The Fir (...)
  • 117 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 701 五年九月二十八日 假松石色玻璃...
  • 118 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 696 二年二月初二 傳旨著將假紅寶石碧牙西墜角 (...)
  • 119 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 661 五年七月十二 圓明園來帖內稱本月初十日郎 (...)
  • 120 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 6, p. 243 養心殿造辦處收貯物件清冊 雍正十一年正月 (...)
  • 121 Yuanmingyuan qihuo caiqi yangjin dingli is currently in the collection of Zhongguo wenhua yichan ya (...)
  • 122 Liu qian means six qian; one unit qian is equal to 3.75 grams.
  • 123 Mei jin means one or each jin; one jin is equal to 500 grams.
  • 124 Hui-hsia 陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio (...)

36 Among all jia-objects mentioned in Huoji dang, the category of natural materials is the biggest one. Almost everything used by the Imperial workshop could be a jia-material, such as diamond, turquoise stone, coral, lapis lazuli, ruby, jadeite, pearl, zitan wood, paper, rock, marble, archaic jade, and so forth. Therefore, to understand what jia-materials are composed of could help us further understand the idea of jia and its application or implication. The first possibility of material for making jia object is ageli115, which was recorded in Huoji dang in Chinese transliterated from Manchu, meaning either tree bark or burlwood116. Other records indicate that colored glass could be a jia object117 and that firing is a standard process for making jia objects118. Yongzheng emperor even showed his intention to emulate amber with yellow glass by complimenting the product from the Imperial workshop119. One of the most confusing items in this category could be found in the Yangxindian zaobanchu shouzhu wujian qingce 養心殿造辦處收貯物件清冊 (The Hall of Mental Cultivation workshop storage list) composed in the eleventh year of Yongzheng (1732): a circular folding table called jia-yangqi zhedie yaoyuanshi heiqi duijin zhuo假洋漆摺疊腰圓式黑漆堆金桌120. What does jia-yangqi refer to? The term yangqi appears in Huoji dang in the beginning of Yongzheng period, referring to the black ground, gilt and lacquerware imported from Dongyang 東洋 (Japan), which is known in Japanese as kinmakie金蒔絵. Yangqi became very popular within the Imperial precinct owing to a preference for it by the emperors. Therefore, the Imperial Qing court workshop also produced their own version of yangqi, which was often called fang-yangqi 仿洋漆 in Huoji dang, mostly commissioned directly from the emperors. Fang 仿, which literally means ‘imitating’ in Chinese, was adapted to describe yangqi in order to distinguish domestically produced products from those imported from Japan. Therefore, fang-yangqi can be defined as kinmakie-style-imitation lacquerware. Yet, yangqi 洋漆is not only regarded as a style and technique but also as a material. In Yuanmingyuan qihuo caiqi yangjin dingli圓明園漆活彩漆颺金定例121, the quantity of yangqi is counted by different small unit of measurement, such as liu qian陸錢122 and mei jin 每斤123, suggesting that yangqi stands for a kind of lacquer or the raw material for making lacquer124. Therefore, if the meaning of jia is consistent, then jia-yangqi may refer to an alternative material that possesses a fictive surface mimicking yangqi. To sum up, the trompe l’oeil idea implied by the character jia is not only deliberate confusion, but, substantially, implies that the object is materially different yet possesses the same appearance as its original model of imitation. This is different from fang-yangqi, which shows only style-resemblance, possibly with the same material.

4.f. Jia antiquities and curios

  • 125 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 524: 二十五年十月十四日 如意館 太監胡世 (...)
  • 126 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 3, p. 305, 306: 六年六月二十 畫作 圓明園來 (...)
  • 127 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 524: 二十五年十月十四日 如意館 太監胡世 (...)
  • 128 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 523: 二十五年十月二十二日 如意館 郎中白 (...)

37 This category should be considered the most important compared to all the previous mentioned jia-objects, because antiquities and curios are works of art that are ready for display or put into the private collection of the emperors. They are finished products from the Imperial workshop and might be composed of different parts and materials. Bookshelves, storage vessels, and natural materials mentioned in the previous paragraphs all exist to accompany the antiquities and curios. The jia-antiquities and curios found in Huoji dang can be sorted into two main categories: two-dimensional painting and three-dimensional ware. The two-dimensional jia-antiquities and curios are small copies of tongjing hua, which is often called jia chenshe假陳設 (jia-display) or jia gudong hua 假古董畫 (jia-antique painting). The description jia gudong hua is readily clear because hua, or painting, indicates it as a two-dimensional piece, while jia chenshe may be understood as either a two- or three-dimensional object. However, if we look into the records containing jia chenshe in Huoji dang, we can found that most jia chenshe were mounted on qiantuo鉛托 (lead mat125) or hepai 合牌 (cardboard) with a bronze frame126. Another piece of evidence to support that jia chenshe is an object similar to two-dimensional jia gudong hua can be found in the twenty-fifth year of Qianlong (1760), where Qianlong emperors commissioned the Imperial workshop to resize five pieces of jia chenshe into larger dimensions (length and height127). In addition, some jia chenshe were made in Ruyi guan 如意館128 where most of tongjing hua were made by the Imperial painters.

  • 129 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 12, p. 364: 九年八月十二日 如意館 傳旨 將做成 (...)
  • 130 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 632: 四年五月二十五日 匣作 催總白世秀來說 (...)

38 The second category, three-dimensional jia-antiquities and curios, on the contrary, is much more complicated than the two-dimensional version. This type was named jia guwan假古玩 in Huoji dang. Guwan 古玩 literally means ‘antique,’ and is a general description referring to numerous types, such as porcelain, bronze, cloisonné, lacquer, jade, glass, and so forth, while jia guwan may only be made of two main materials: hepai and wood129. Hepai is the material often used in the Imperial workshop for making models for viewing by the emperors. Once the hepai models were approved by the emperors, they would be sent back to the workshops and used to make the actual object out of porcelain, bronze, lacquered wares etc. Therefore, objects made of hepai were not considered final products in most cases. However, jia hepai guwan假合牌古玩 is a unique case, which the Qianlong emperor, for example, would display on top of a zhuoan 桌案table in Yuanmingyuan130. Therefore, jia guwan may be an object with fictive surface to deceive the viewers, disguised itself as a regular guwan collection. Extant examples of jia guwan from the Qing dynasty are extremely rare because of materials are fragile; a lacquered wood bronze-fangding-imitation jia guwan, which is currently in the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing (Fig. 3, GU114964), is one of the few pieces corresponding to the Huoji dang records.

Fig. 3

Fig. 3

A lacquered wood bronze-fangding-imitation jia guwan 假古玩 in the collection of Palace Museum, Beijing

© Chih-En Chen

4.g. Other jia objects from the Qing court Imperial workshops

  • 131 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 427: 三年正月二十一日 牙作 假手一隻 傳旨 (...)
  • 132 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 17, p. 488, 489: 十五年十一月二十七日 雜活 (...)
  • 133 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 12, p. 464: 九年六月初三 木作 假墨刻坦坦蕩蕩扁 (...)
  • 134 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 18, p. 865: 十七年十二月十四日 鞍作 ...太監 (...)
  • 135 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 52, p. 82, 83: 五十五年四月十八日 記事錄 蟒 (...)

39 Other than the four categories mentioned in the previous paragraphs, there are still many jia-objects recorded in Huoji dang that are relatively unique and do not fit into those four groups. For some of them, we can tell the material used to create trompe l’oeil effect from the description in Huoji dang. For example, in the third year of Qianlong (1738), the ivory workshop made a jia-hand and presented to Qianlong emperor, who seemed to be quite fond of it and commissioned the workshop to make another three hands in ivory131. It is reasonable that ivory was chosen due to its smooth surface and yellowish color that resembles human skin. Another example is a jia-tiger made in the fifteenth year of Qianlong (1750), which were custom-made for the Tibetan Buddhism Yamantaka altar in the Yonghe Temple 雍和宮 (Palace of Peace and Harmony). The tiger was made of real tiger skin with stuffing132, similar to modern taxidermy processes. However, others are difficult to tell the materials from the descriptions, plus none of the existing objects may be corresponded to them, such as jia moke 假墨刻 (jia ink rubbing133) jia yaodao 假腰刀 (jia broadsword134) jia futou假幞頭 (jia head kerchief135). Yet, because they are jia-objects, we know, at least, an alternative material was chosen to make those trompe l’oeil pieces.

  • 136 Zhen, as the opposite meaning of jia, means ‘real’ or ‘authentic’ in modern Chinese. However, in th (...)
  • 137 Yili 侯怡利 Hou (ed.), Ji qiong zao : yuan cang zhen wan jing hua zhan : dao lan shou ce 集瓊藻: 院藏珍玩精華展:(...)
  • 138 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 2: 元年正月二十日 傳旨 著做念佛 真裝嚴椰子 (...)
  • 139 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 790: 四年三月二十五日 員外郎常保持來 合牌 (...)
  • 140 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 36: 七年十二月二十五日 傳旨 將裝假表安日 (...)
  • 141 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 33, p. 614: 三十五年七月初九 如意館 接得李文照 (...)
  • 142 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 19, p. 122: 十七年九月二十八日 ...首領鄭愛貴 (...)
  • 143 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 1: 七年七月二十二日 做鐘處 太監高玉傳旨 (...)
  • 144 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 13, p. 341, 342: 十年十二月十一日 花兒作 (...)
  • 145 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 41, p. 823: 四十三年十月初八日 如意館 ... (...)

40 Qianlong emperor was also fond of putting jia-objects along with their contrast, the zhen-objects136, to create a much stronger trompe l’oeil effect by comparison. For example, in the National Palace Museum, a pair of archer’s rings were stored in a gilt-silver ruyi-shaped box, one made of antler (故-雕-000241, Fig. 4) and the other is an antler-imitation porcelain ring (中-瓷-001020, Fig. 5). The box is custom-made for the rings, so aligning these zhen and jia archer’s rings together represents the Imperial aesthetics (Fig. 6 and 7137). Moreover, this practice can be identified in other examples. Firstly, Qianlong emperor tended to order the zhen- and the jia-objects together; for example, in the first year of Qianlong (1736), twenty sets of Buddhist prayer beads, zhuangyan yezi shuzhu 裝嚴耶子數珠, both zhen and jia, were commissioned to be made by Imperial edict138. Also, in the fourth year of Qianlong (1739), three jia-antiquities: a gemstone-inlaid box, an enameled clock, and a chihu 螭虎 glass vase, were sent to the Imperial workshops to made three comparable zhen-antiquities139. Many other examples showing that the orders were placed together can be found in Huoji dang, such as zhen and jia clock-mounting matchbox140, zhen and jia door141, zhen and jia coin142, etc. Secondly, sometimes a zhen and a jia part were designed to fit into a single object. For instance, in the seventh year of Qianlong (1742), three dials, one zhen and two jia-dials, were mounted to a jia clock frame143. According to the context, the jia-dial plate may be a trompe l’oeil painting. Therefore, the final product presented to Qianlong emperor was a clock frame painted with two trompe l’oeil dial plates, and mounted on a real gilt clock. Thirdly, swapping original materials to create a model with further perception confusion can also be found in Huoji dang. For instance, in the tenth year of Qianlong (1745), a wooden jia-marble planter with a jia-wood stand were recorded. The original model should be a marble planter on top of the wooden stand, yet Qianlong emperor deliberately chose wood, which is the material for making the stand, to imitate the planter, and made the stand from a different material144. Lastly, other works of art representing this notion of parallel display are shown in nomenclatures. In the late Qianlong period, a possible new category of trompe l’oeil door was recorded, which was called zhen-jia-door145. It was listed separately from other zhen and jia door in the same building at the Yuanmingyuan; in addition, from the calligraphy hengpi橫批 on zhen-jia-door, we can identify it as a single door instead of two doors (zhen and jia). It is difficult to speculate what a zhen-jia-door looks like based on the limited information provided in Huoji dang. However, in Chinese, the term zhenzhenjiajia 真真假假 indicates the idea of illusionist confusion, therefore, the chance is that zhen-jia-door may be a novel design of a trompe l’oeil door.

Fig. 4

Fig. 4

An antler archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

Fig. 5

Fig. 5

An antler-imitation archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

Fig. 6

Fig. 6

The gilt-silver box contains a zhen 真and a jia 假archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

Fig. 7

Fig. 7

The gilt-silver box with archer’s rings in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei: currently on display in the exhibition Jiqiongzao: yuancang zhenwan jinghua zhan集瓊藻: 院藏珍玩精華展 at the museum

© Chih-En Chen

41 In conclusion, among all the jia-objects found in Huoji dang share a few key features, no matter if they are works of art or not: firstly, jia stands for material difference, distinguishing the object from its non-jia counterpart (zhen). Secondly, jia-objects were highly appreciated by the Qing emperors and were consistently produced with creative novelty, displayed and stored independently, which means jia has fairly positive connotation in terms of Imperial connoisseurship. Therefore, jia is certainly not equal to its modern Chinese translation of ‘fake’, which contains mostly negative implication referring to low quality. Thus, trompe l’oeil should be considered a better translation and interpretation of this important category of art. All of this being said, the question remains is that if jia-object is consistently referred to something made of alternative material, could trompe l’oeil porcelain be described as jia in Huoji dang?

4.h. Qinglü, jia qinglü, and fang qinglü

  • 146 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 13, p. 578: 十年十二月初十日 記事錄 ...木胎 (...)
  • 147 The name in its original language of Xi Chenyuan is untraceable, further research need to be conduc (...)

42 In the category of jia-antiquities and curios, some antiques were described as qinglü: for example, in the tenth year of Qianlong (1745), a mutai jia qinglü ping木胎假青綠瓶 (wood bone jia qinglü vase146) was sent to Yuanmingyuan for the European Jesuit Xi Chengyuan 習澄源147 to work on the clock-mounting decoration. As mentioned previously regarding the definition of jia, this piece of trompe l’oeil work should be a qinglü-imitation wooden vase. However, what does qinglü refer to in the nomenclature of this vase? Qinglü, which literally refers to a turquoise-green color, may not only represent the color of vase but may have further indication in this context in terms of what type of vase it is. In order to understand the vase in this context, first we need to conduct a terminology investigation, exploring the use of the word qinglü through other primary sources during the Qing period and earlier.

43 One of the earliest references to qinglü to describe antiquities can be found in late Yuan/early Ming dynasty encyclopedia Shuofu說郛 (Assemblage of Accounts), in which Tao Zongyi陶宗儀 described a Western Han dynasty mirror named Chonglingzhong jing舂陵塚鏡. Qinglü was used in this text to describe the piling patina of the bronze mirror:

道州民於舂陵侯塚得一古鏡, 於背上作菱花四朶, 極精巧, 其鏡面背用水銀, 即今所謂磨鏡藥也, 鏡色畧昏而不黒, 並無青綠色及剝蝕處, 此乃西漢時物, 入土千餘年其質並未變, 信知古銅器有青綠剝蝕者, 非三代時物無此也.

People in Daozhou found an ancient mirror in Chonglinghou zhong. The mirror is decorated with extremely delicate lozenge flowers to the one side, and the other side with mercury-like surface, which is so-called grinding mirror chemical. The color of mirror is slightly grey but not too dark, without turquoise-green patina and piling surface. This is believed to be from the Western Han dynasty. The mirror has been buried underground for thousand years, yet excavated without damage. It is believed that only archaic bronze from Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasty could have piling turquoise-green patina.

  • 148 The original text in Zhangwu zhi: 香櫞盤 有古銅青綠盤有官哥定窑冬青磁龍泉大盤有宣徳暗花白盤蘇麻尼青盤朱砂紅盤以置香櫞皆可此種出時山齋最不可少然一盆四頭既板且套㦯以 (...)

44In this passage, Tao Zongyi used not only qinglü but also shuiyin 水銀 (mercury) to describe the surface of this ancient bronze mirror. Another similar example from the Ming dynasty is from Zhangwu zhi長物志 (Treatise on Superfluous Things), by Wen Zhenheng文震亨 (1585–1645). In the paragraph about xiangyuan pan香櫞盤 (citron dish148), gutong qinglü pan古銅青綠盤 (ancient bronze turquoise-green dish) is introduced as the first of its kind.

45 Later, in the Kangxi period, qinglü and shuiyin were both adopted often to describe a patina on the surface of archaic bronze. For example, in juan 卷thirty-six Gutongqi古銅器 in Gezhijingyuan 格致鏡原 (Mirror of Origins Based on the Investigation of Things and Extending Knowledge) by Chen Yuanlong 陳元龍:

銅質原雜, 年逺色滯, 則背如, 其有半水銀青綠朱砂斑堆者, 先因受血肉穢, 腐其半日, 久釀成青綠.

The impure copper will turn dull and lead-like over time. Some of them may have half-mercury and half-turquoise-green with iron-red surface. The colors result from a long-time burial mostly.

  • 149 The original text in Wanshou shengdian chuji, Juan fifty-forth: 誠親王長子弘晟 進 青綠夔耳敦 恒親王 進 萬年青綠銅奩 萬年青綠銅觚 (...)
  • 150 The original text in Guochao gongshi: 皇太后大慶恭進 謹按乾隆十六年辛未十一月二十五日恭遇 皇太后六十大慶於年例恭進外每日恭進 夀禮九九自二十一日起凡五日 二十 (...)
  • 151 F.李福敏 Li, « Guanyu juanqinzhai chenshedang de jidian renshi 關於倦勤齋陳設檔的幾點認識 », art cit.

46 Qinglü and shuiyin are both used in the description, along with qian 鉛 and zhusha 朱砂; all of them are possible colors of archaic bronze patina under different temporal and environmental conditions. In the fifty-second year of Kangxi (1713), the records for the sixtieth birthday of Kangxi emperor, Wanshou shengdian chuji 萬壽盛典初集 (The First Collection of the Imperial Birthday Ceremony) compiled by Wang Yan王掞, a great number of gifts were sent to the Imperial court, including many qinglü wares149. Among all the gifts marked as qinglü, several of them are not identified as bronze in the nomenclatures. For instance, qinglü kuier dun青綠夔耳敦qinglü sanxi ding靑綠三犧鼎, and gu qinglü baiyuanping 古青綠百圓瓶. However, the fact that they were listed together with other archaic bronzes and that their qixing 器型 (form and shape, e.g. dun and ding) in the description are all traditional categories of bronze vessel disclose their identity. This practice of using qinglü solely to represent archaic bronze became very popular in the Qianlong period. For instance, in Guochao gongshi國朝宮史 (A History of the Palace During the Qing Period) composed in the Qianlong period, several qinglü wares were noted in a variety of events, and most of them are not identified in the nomenclature as bronze ware150. Another Qing dynasty primary source, Juanqin zhai chenshe dang倦勤齋陳設檔, which was established in the Qianlong period and updated every five years until the Xuantong 宣統 period151, also shows the similar description of archaic bronze containing qinglü solely. This can support the consistency of usage of qinglü throughout Qing dynasty. Therefore, qinglü seems to become an official name for archaic bronze in Qing dynasty, representing not only the date but also the material of the antiquities.

  • 152 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, p. 301, 378, 379: 二年十一月五日 總管太監王以誠 (...)
  • 153 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, p. 439, 463, 528, 529: 三年九月初七 太監杜壽 (...)
  • 154 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 31, p. 678: 三十三年十一月二十四日 匣作 周犧首 (...)
  • 155 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 37, p. 434, 556: 三十九年八月初二日 行文… (...)
  • 156 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 10, p. 46: 六年十月十八日 破壞青綠器皿七件 傳旨 (...)
  • 157 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 346: 二十五年五月十九日... 太監胡世傑 (...)
  • 158 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 688: 八年十月二十八日 青录大朝冠爐一件 (...)

47 Qinglü ware is also a unique category in Huoji dang and the records of Tang Ying. There are three main groups: qinglü, jia qinglü假青綠, and fang qinglü仿青綠. As mentioned in the previous paragraph, likewise, qinglü was used solely to represent archaic bronze in the beginning of Yongzheng period152. Yet, not only was qinglü found, but also shuiyin and zhusha153 were consistently identified in the nomenclatures of archaic bronze until the end of the Qianlong period. Therefore, the tradition to use the ‘color’ of bronze patina to stand for archaic bronze was established at the time. There are also other records show that qinglü wares were made of bronze; for example, in the thirty-third year of Qianlong (1768), twelve piece of Zhou dynasty (1046-256 BC) archaic bronzes were sent to the Imperial xiazuo匣作 (cassette workshop) to have matching cassettes designed. And in the Imperial edict from the Qianlong emperor, he referred to these twelve pieces as qinglü wares154. In the thirty-ninth year of Qianlong (1775), two qinglü vases were excavated from underground and were presented to Qianlong emperor by the Governor of Shandong155. In addition, other evidence shows that qinglü wares possess the typical physical properties of metal, including melting156, welding157, and patina removal158.

  • 159 Tao Wang et al., Mirroring China’s Past: Emperors, Scholars, and Their Bronzes, Chicago, Illinois, (...)
  • 160 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 23, p. 18: 二十二年五月十九日 木作 郎中白世秀員 (...)

48 The second group is jia qinglü ware. As mentioned previously, in the tenth year of Qianlong (1745), a mutai jia qinglü ping was made for Yuanmingyuan. According to the terminology survey, this jia qinglü object should be an archaic imitation bronze vase made of wood. And in the current collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing, there is a lacquered wood archaic imitation bronze ‘wenwang’ ding (GU114964159), which was possibly also referred as jia qinglü ware in Qianlong period. Yet, the material of other jia qinglü objects in Huoji dang may be difficult to divine: for instance, a jia qinglü duo假青綠鐸160 was sent to the Imperial wood workshop for a matching stand clip for hanging to be made, but the record did not mention the material of duo (bell) itself. Although wood might be a possible material because the other jia qinglü vase was made of wood, we do not have any archaic-bronze-imitation duo made by wood survived today. Yet, there are two archaic imitation bronze porcelain zhong (bell) survived today, one in the Palace Museum (Fig. 8) and the other in the collection of Musée Guimet (Fig. 9). Therefore, the possibility that jia could be referred to porcelain needs to be considered as well.

Fig. 8

Fig. 8

A bronze-imitation porcelain bell in the collection of Palace Museum, Beijing

© The Palace Museum

Fig. 9

Fig. 9

A bronze-imitation porcelain bell and a bronze-imitation tripod censer in the collection of Musée national des arts asiatiques Guimet, Paris.

© Chih-En Chen

  • 161 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p82: 乾隆十五年 唐英進貢:青綠三犧銅鼎壹件,青綠腰圓提樑銅酉壹件,青綠雙環銅瓶壹件,青 (...)
  • 162 A pair of ci zun 瓷罇and a ci ding 瓷鼎. The character ci, or porcelain, indicates the material.
  • 163 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p84: 乾隆十六年 唐英進貢:仿青綠瓷花罇貳對
  • 164 Currently marked as fang tong jincai shiwen ci jiaoping仿銅金彩詩文瓷轎瓶 in the museum catalog. Nowadays, b (...)
  • 165 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 23, p. 128: 二十二年二月初二日 (雜錄檔 宮中檔 (...)
  • 166 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 355: 四十五年二月二十三日 奉旨 九江關監 (...)
  • 167 H.陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio’s Imit (...)
  • 168 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 30, p. 52: 三十年七月初六 金玉作 催長四德 筆帖 (...)
  • 169 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 55, p. 139, 140: 五十九年十二月初七 呈貢擋 (...)

49 The third group is called fang qinglü, which is found mostly in Tang Ying’s record or in Cheng gong dang 呈貢檔 (tributes record) included in Huoji dang. In the fifteenth year of Qianlong (1750), seven qinglü wares were presented to Qianlong emperor161, and two of them were clearly marked as porcelain: a pair of fang qinglü disi tianlu ci zun仿青綠啇絲天祿瓷罇 and a fang qinglü wenwang ci ding 仿青綠文王瓷鼎162. A similar record in the sixteenth year of Qianlong (1751), where Tang Ying brought two pair of fang qinglü ci huazun仿青綠瓷花罇 as tributes to Qianlong emperor163. Another example which might correspond to the collection in the National Palace Museum (中瓷-01946, Fig. 10164) was recorded in the tribute list from the Lianghuai region salt officer, You Bashi尤拔世, in the twenty-second year of Qianlong (1757) as a pair of fang qinglü liujin jiaoping仿青綠鎏金轎瓶165. Therefore, we can almost be certain that fang qinglü refer to imitation bronze porcelain ware. Another similar pair of jiaoping, or wall vases, was included in a batch of porcelain sent to the Qianlong emperor in the forty-fifth year of Qianlong (1781) from Jiujiang guan九江關, named yuzhishi qinglü liujin jiaoping 御製詩青綠鎏金轎瓶166. Compared to the pair from You Bashi in 1757, in terms of the nomenclatures, the Jiujiang guan pair used only qinglü instead of fang qinglü to describe imitation bronze porcelain. Therefore, it is possible that qinglü became commonly used for imitation bronze porcelain and ‘fang’ was omitted in the nomenclature. A similar case was studied previously regarding yangqi 洋漆and fang yangqi 仿洋漆167. Chen argues that the domestic made imitation yangqi ware could also be called yangqi instead of fang yangqi. In addition, the phenomenon of qinglü, which was originally used to describe archaic bronze, was slowly transformed into an adjective for describing an alternative material, or porcelain, is not exclusive in Huoji dang. For example, yangqi, which is a specific terminology for Japanese lacquerware, was also used for porcelain as yangqi ci洋漆磁168. Yangqi ci may refer to gilt painting on black ground surface over porcelain similar to the Japanese designs. Likewise, yangcai 洋彩, which is an adjective bound to porcelain particularly, was also used to describe textile with European design, as in yangcai duan洋彩縀169.

Fig. 10

Fig. 10

A fang qinglü liujin jiaoping 仿青綠鎏金轎瓶 in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

4.i. Yangcai, Yangci, and Yangcai ci

  • 170 Each with eight auspicious Daoist emblems on the dish, including guqian古錢, shuangqian雙錢, yinding銀錠, (...)
  • 171 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, 乾隆四十五年...黃地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 翡翠地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 (...)
  • 172 P.廖寶秀 Liao, Hua li cai ci, op. cit.

50 Imitation bronze porcelain aside, how did the Imperial workshop and the emperors refer to other type of trompe l’oeil porcelains? In the forty-fifth year of Qianlong (1781), eighty incense dishes with trompe l’oeil designs170 were sent to the Imperial court from Jiujiang guan as tributes, half in yellow ground and half in turquoise ground171. This record in Huoji dang corresponds with the collection in the National Palace Museum (中-瓷-000150, 00152, Fig. 11, Fig. 12). Another example of trompe l’oeil porcelain named after yangcai can also be found in the National Palace Museum: a bronze-mounted shagreen-imitation match box, named citai yangcai xiyang renwu shanshui huolianhe磁胎洋彩西洋人物山水火鐮盒 (中-瓷-001839, Fig. 13) in the original Qing court record172. Therefore, could yangcai be an independent group of trompe l’oeil porcelain in High Qing China?

Fig. 11

Fig. 11

A yellow ground yangcai incense dish in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

Fig. 12

Fig. 12

A turquoise ground yangcai incense dish in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei

© The National Palace Museum

Fig. 13

Fig. 13

A yangcai bronze-mounted-shagreen-imitation match box in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei 

© The National Palace Museum

51 One of most renowned studies of yangcai is by Liao in 2008. Along with an exhibition held in the National Palace Museum based mostly on the museum collection, Liao presented a comprehensive argument regarding this unfamiliar genre at the time, defining yangcai as ‘enameled porcelain ware with European-style brocade and painting’. Her argument is well supported by the existing objects in the collection of the National Palace Museum. However, this classification agenda for yangcai seems to be problematic if we consider other yangcai pieces without European painting design, such as the incense dish and the match box mentioned in the previous paragraph. Therefore, we need to rethink about the definition of yangcai in High Qing China. Despite of yangcai, there are another two very similar terms recorded in Huoji dang which may be relevant as well: yangci 洋磁 and yangcai ci 洋彩磁. Hence, what did they refer to respectively in the Imperial workshops, or did they indeed refer to the same type of art work?

  • 173 In Taocheng jishi 陶成紀事 published in Yongzheng thirteenth year (1735), chapter Yuanzhuo yangcai圓琢洋彩.
  • 174 The original text in Taocheng jishi: 洋彩器皿,新仿西洋琺瑯畫法,人物, 山水, 花卉, 翎毛無不精細入神.
  • 175 The original text in Taoyetu bianci: 圓琢白器五釆繪畫,模仿西洋, 故曰洋彩.
  • 176 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 1, p. 232: 元年四月二十四日 怡親王呈進 洋磁繡球 (...)
  • 177 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 339, 340 洋磁倣哥窯圓筆洗一件
  • 178 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 79, 152: 四年十月二十五日 入木作 洋磁 (...)
  • 179 Hui-hsia 陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio (...)

52 Yangcai was first introduced to the Imperial precinct in the end of Yongzheng period by Tang Ying173 in Taocheng jishi陶成紀事174, and then in the eighth year of Qianlong (1743) in Taoyetu bianci陶冶圖編次, in which Tang Ying clearly defined yangcai as ‘imitating the West’175. This is also consistent with the Huoji dang record, where yangcai does not appear before the thirteenth year of Yongzheng (1734). However, yangci appeared relatively early compared to yangcai in Huoji dang. In the first year of Yongzheng (1722), Yi qinwang Yunxiang (允祥, 1686–1730) presented a yangci brocade ball to the emperor176, and this is possibly the first yangci recorded in the Imperial workshop. Moreover, in the fourth year (1725)177 and seventh year (1728) of Yongzheng178, a yangci washer and a small yangci box were recorded, respectively. Likewise, in the Qianlong period, yangci was consistently used until the end. However, none of the records indicates directly about the material of yangci. Therefore, what is yangci composed of? From the few yangci snuff bottle in Jiqiongzao duobaoge集瓊藻多寶格179 and the other collection named after yangci in the National Palace Museum, we can know that yangci refers to copper enameled ware. And the expression yang, or foreign, in this nomenclature, may refer to enamels as an imported material from Europe.

  • 180 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 30, p. 52: 三十年七月初六 金玉作 催長四德 筆帖 (...)
  • 181 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 41, p. 261: 四十三年正月初四日 記事錄 軍機處傳 (...)
  • 182 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 46, p. 681: 四十八年四月初七日 記事錄 員外郎五 (...)
  • 183 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 54, p. 378: 五十九年正月初三 記事錄 賞達賴喇嘛 (...)

53 Yet, possibly because of the introduction of yangcai, the nomenclatures became fairly complicated and the boundary between yangcai, yangci and yangcai ci blurs later in the Qianlong reign. For example, in the thirtieth year of Qianlong (1765), a pair of yangqi ci double gourd vases and a pair of yangcai ci vases were both referred to as yangci by the Qianlong emperor180. Therefore, yangci could be used as an abbreviation for the porcelain with yangqi and yangcai design. There are some trompe l’oeil porcelain named as yangci or yangcai ci in the late Qianlong period; for instance, a pair of Tibetan-style penba hu and a Tibetan-style prayer wheel were both named yangci181; in the forty-eighth year (1784) and fifty-ninth year (1795) of Qianlong, a yangcai ci prayer wheel182 and a yangci duomu hu183, respectively, were recorded. Yangcai, yangcai ci, yangqi ci, or yangci: the idea of the influence from the West seems to be essential in this yang family of nomenclature. If we examine the two trompe l’oeil porcelains mentioned in the very beginning of this section again, do they contain any European elements? On the one hand, the incense dish, with items sitting on top of the interior, seems to be contrasting to any traditional Chinese aesthetic of porcelain making, but it is similar to the design of a platter by the mid-sixteenth-century French potter Bernard Palissy (Fig. 14). On the other hand, the body of the match box imitates a French gilt bronze shagreen mounted clock. Therefore, yangcai may not refer to ‘European painting style’, but instead, to Western elements in general, which explains why yangcai could be adapted as one of the nomenclatures for trompe l’oeil porcelain.

Fig. 14

Fig. 14

 Platter by Bernard Palissy in the MET collection, New York 

© The Metropolitan Museum of Art

5. Conclusion

  • 184 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 355: 四十五年二月二十三日 奉旨 九江關監 (...)
  • 185 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 372: 四十五年三月二十六日 奉旨 九江關監 (...)
  • 186 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 384: 四十五年四月二十九日 奉旨 九江關監 (...)
  • 187 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 482: 四十五年十二月初六日 山東巡撫國泰進 (...)

54 To sum up, in High Qing China, the ideology of creating fictive surface and trompe l’oeil effects is a general trend that appears in many works of art, instead of being limited to a certain realm. And each category of trompe l’oeil works of art may be referred with a different nomenclature by the Imperial workshops. The term, xiangsheng, which is difference from trompe l’oeil, is yet a modern nomenclature to conclude fictive surface items in Qing dynasty, and had never been widely used in Huoji dang. As for trompe l’oeil porcelain, in terms of nomenclature, it seems to be classified into two main groups: qinglü and yangcai. Yet, there are other items recorded in Huoji dang that may be independent out of these two groups. For example, in the forty-fifth year of Qianlong (1781), tribute records from Jiujiang guan and Shandong show several trompe l’oeil porcelains, including fang laguli yinli naichawan 仿拉古里銀裏奶茶碗 (imitation laguli-wood milk tea bowl184), fang huabanshi banzhi 仿花班石班指 (imitation pudding or turquoise-stone archer’s ring185), fang diaozhu bitong仿雕竹筆筒 (imitation bamboo brushpot186), and tongci daji zun 銅磁大吉尊 (imitation bronze porcelain zun vase187), etc. However, once again, xiangsheng seems to never have been used in High Qing China for describing trompe l’oeil porcelain. On the other hand, the most commonly used term to define trompe l’oeil objects in Huoji dang, jia, requires further investigation to explore its possible application to porcelain. Some major groups of jia objects found in Huoji dang have been reviewed in this essay, including architecture and furniture, storage vessels, natural materials, antiquities and curios, and so forth. However, further primary sources regarding nomenclatures, such as Gugong wupin diancha baogao 故宮物品點查報告 (Inventory Check Records of Qing Forbidden City) and Chenshe dang 陳設檔 (Imperial Display Records), need to be investigated and compared to the records from the Imperial workshops in order to decipher the contextual discourse of Qing dynasty trompe l’oeil works of art.

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Notes

1 In the West, a parallel history of trompe l'oeil ceramics began in around sixteenth century. The terminology trompe l’oeil originates in the Baroque period, and refers to the perspectival illusionism at the beginning. When Italian ceramics manufactories strived to imitating Chinese kaolin porcelain by tin-glazed earthenware, they adopted the aesthetics of trompe l'oeil into their creation. Tin-glazed earthenware was introduced to France in the mid-sixteenth century. It became quite popular in France, and French production of faience flourished when Italian ceramists emigrated, bringing with them the secrets of tin-glazed earthenware production. In eighteenth to nineteenth century, trompe l'oeil ceramics became very popular in Europe. Trompe l'oeil ceramics, such as Strasbourg faience terrine in the form of vegetables, became daily necessities among noble families. Most sought-after artists include Paul Hannong (1700-1760, France), Johann Wilhelm Lanz (b. 1725, Germany), Jacob Petit (1796-1868, France), Christopher Dresser (1834-1904, English), etc. Two large collections of European trompe l'oeil ceramics, by Schmitz-Eichhoff and Paul Mellon, were offered recently in the market at Koller and Sotheby’s. Some works in the collection share surprising similarity with Chinese trompe l’oeil porcelain in the same period. However, the transfer between the East and the West in terms of trompe l'oeil ideology remains unknown.

2 Yu Pei-Chin 余佩瑾, Qianlong guan yao yan jiu: zuo wei sheng wang de li xiang yi xiang 乾隆官窯研究:做為聖王的理想意象 (A Study of Qianlong Official Wares and the Ideal of a Sagacious Ruler), PhD thesis, National Taiwan University, Taipei, 2011.

3 “Xiangsheng” as indicated in the section 3a. of this article, means ‘perfectly similar’ or ‘seems alive (used for artificial flowers or fruits.)’

4 Martin Meade, « Trompe l’oeil », Architectural Review, mars 1984, vol. 175, no 1045, p. 26‑32; Mateusz Salwa et Katarzyna Krzyżagórska-Pisarek, Illusion in Painting: An Attempt at Philosophical Interpretation, New York, Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2014.

5 Examples will be given in the section 3b.

6 Susan Mann, who dates High Qing from 1683-1839 in her book Precious Records: Women in China’s Long Eighteenth Century, 1 edition., Stanford, Calif, Stanford University Press, 1997, p. 20.

7 Craig Clunas, Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China, Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 1991.

8 Qing Imperial court was managed mainly by Manchu; however, numerous Han-Chinese literati also work for the emperors.

9 Ching-fei 施靜菲 Shih et Chong-ci 王崇齊 Wang, « Qianlong chao yuehaiguan chengzuo zhi guang fa lang 乾隆朝粵海關成做之廣琺瑯 (Imperial Guang falang of the Qianlong Period Manufactured by the Guangdong Maritime Customs) », Taida Journal of Art History 國立臺灣大學美術史研究集刊, 2013, no 36, p. 87‑184. In Shih’s article, she used Canton painted enamel wares as an example to demonstrate the strict manufacture and selection system of Imperial commissioned works of art which is mainly controlled by emperors’ personal preference.

10 Stacey Pierson, From Object to Concept: Global Consumption and the Transformation of Ming Porcelain, s.l., Hong Kong University Press, 2013.

11 Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style, Second Edition edition., Oxford Oxfordshire; New York, Oxford Paperbacks, 1988, 192 p.

12 The archive of primary source used in this essay include mostly Qing Imperial records or civilian records which had been distribted into the Imperial precinct.

13 By Qing dynasty scholar who achieved the rank of Jinshi 進士 in the Imperial exams in Qianlong 31st year (1766).

14 By late Qing dynasty/early Republic period Cantonese connoisseur, Xu Zhiheng 許之衡(1877-1935).

15 More details will be given regarding the Qing dynasty primary source Huoji dang in section 4.

16 Two xiangsheng porcelains were recorded in Huoji dang, in Yongzheng thirteenth year (AD 1736) and Qianlong seventeenth year (AD 1752), as Fang Xiyang diaozhu xiangsheng qimin wugong pan die ping he 仿西洋雕鑄像生器皿五供盤碟瓶合 and Xiangsheng hua ci jiaoping erdui像生花瓷轎瓶貳對 respectively.

17 The reason that these three terms are chosen to do exhaustive search in Huoji dang is because they are commonly used nowadays to describe trompe l’oeil porcelain.

18 Stacey Pierson, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art: A Guide to the Collection, London, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2002, 116 p.

19 Meifong 吳美鳳 Wu, « Jia zuo shi zhen yi jia :cong yang xin dian zao ban chu huo ji dang kan sheng qing shi qi qing gong yong wu zhi zao jia 假作時真亦假:從養心殿造辦處活計檔看盛清時期清宮用物之造假 » dans The festschrift in celebration of Professor Erh-min Wang’s 80th birthday 史學與史識:王爾敏教授八秩嵩壽榮慶學術論文集, s.l., Kwangwen Book Company, Taipei 臺北廣文書局, 2009, p. 215‑270 ; Meifong 吳美鳳 Wu, Sheng qing jia ju xing zhi liu bian yan jiu 盛清家具形制流變研究, 1st éd., Beijing 北京, Forbidden City Press 紫禁城出版社, 2007.

20 Fumin 李福敏 Li, « Guanyu juanqinzhai chenshedang de jidian renshi 關於倦勤齋陳設檔的幾點認識 », Palace Museum Journal 宫博物院院刊, 2004, no 02, p. 152-155+161.

21 Fumin 李福敏 Li, « Gugong juanqinzhai chenshedang zhi yi 故宮倦勤齋陳設檔之一 », Palace Museum Journal 宫博物院院刊, 2004, no 02, p. 125‑151, 161.

22 Qinglü is a description of the patina growing on the surface of bronze, and its literal translation is ‘blue-green’. The term was commonly used in Qing dynasty to stand for archaic bronzes or archaistic style bronze wares.

23 Hui-chun 余慧君 Yu, The Intersection of Past and Present: the Qianlong Emperor and His Ancient Bronzes, PhD thesis, Princeton University, Princeton, 2007.

24 Pao-show 廖寶秀 Liao, Hua li cai ci: Qianlong yang cai 華麗彩瓷 : 乾隆洋彩 (Stunning decorative porcelains from the Ch’ien-lung reign), 1st éd., Taipei, National Palace Museum 國立故宮博物院, 2008, 306 p. : col., ill. 30 cm. p.

25 Nancy Berliner, « The « Eight Brokens » Chinese Trompe-l’oeil Painting », Orientations (Hong Kong), 1992, vol. 23, no 2, p. 61–70 ; John R. Finlay, « The Qianlong Emperor’s Western Vistas: Linear Perspective and Trompe l’Oeil Illusion in the European Palaces of the Yuanming yuan », Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 2007, vol. 94, no 1, p. 159‑193 ; Kristina Kleutghen, Imperial Illusions: Crossing Pictorial Boundaries in the Qing Palaces, s.l., University of Washington Press, 2015, 396 p ; Kristina Kleutghen, « Tong jing hua yu lang shi ning yi chan yan jiu 通景畫與郎世寧遺產研究 », Palace Museum Journal 宫博物院院刊, traduit par 李啟樂 Li et traduit par 董建中 Dong, 2012, no 03, p. 77-88+161 ; Kristina Kleutghen, « Intended to deceive: Illusionistic painting at the eighteenth-century Chinese court » dans Michelle Ying Ling Huang (ed.), Beyond Boundaries: East and West Cross-Cultural Encounters, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, p. 124‑137 ; Kristina Renee Kleutghen, The Qianlong emperor’s perspective: Illusionistic painting in eighteenth-century China, PhD, Harvard University, s.l., 2010 ; Hui 劉輝 Liu, Ouzhou yuanyuan yu bentu yujing 歐洲淵源與本土語境, PhD thesis, Central Academy of Fine Arts 中央美術學院, Beijing, 2013 ; Chongzheng 聶崇正 Nie, « Gu gong juan qin zhai tian ding hua, quan jing hua tan jiu 故宫倦勤齋天頂畫、全景畫探究 », The journal of art studies 美術研究, 2000, no 01, p. 64‑68 ; Jennifer Purtle, « Ways of Perceiving Late Imperial Chinese Art », Art History, 1 novembre 2013, vol. 36, no 5, p. 1070‑1076 ; Zilin Wang et Bruce Doar, « Four Trompe-l’oeil paintings in the Qianlong Garden », Orientations, 1 septembre 2010, vol. 41, no 6, p. 111‑117.

26 Jonathan Hay, Sensuous surfaces : the decorative object in early modern China, London, Reaktion, 2010, p. 225.

27 Kesi, which means ‘cut silk,’ derives from the visual illusion of cut threads that warp threads fully extend but the weft ones do not. This skill is known as ‘whole warp and broken weft,’ or tong jing duan wei通經斷緯 in Chinese.

28 Most of the existing literatures on trompe l’oeil porcelain are focused on the formal analysis and categorization only. The ontology and contextual studies of trompe l’oeil porcelain are neglected.

29 James C. Y. Watt, « The Antique-Elegant » dans Wen C. Fong (ed.), Possessing the past : treasures from the National Palace Museum, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996, p. 511‑518.

30 Pei-Chin 余佩瑾 Yu, « Lang Shining yu ciqi 郎世寧與瓷器 », The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 故宮學術季刊, 2014, vol. 32, no 2, p. 1‑37.

31 Feiyan 許飛岩 Xu, « Qian tan xi yang tong jing hua dui qing zhong qi fen cai de ying xiang 淺談西洋通景畫對清中期粉彩的影響 », China Ceramics 中國陶瓷, 2015, no 08, p. 95‑98.

32 Danjiong 譚旦冏 Dan, Zhongguo taoci 中國陶瓷 (Chinese pottery and porcelain), 1st éd., Taipei, Guang-fu Publishing House 光復書局, 1980, 5 v. : col. ill.; 30 cm. p.

33 James C. Y. Watt, « The Antique-Elegant » dans Wen C. Fong (ed.), Possessing the past : treasures from the National Palace Museum, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996, p. 526, 527.

34 Evelyn S. Rawski et Jessica Rawson, China : the three emperors, 1662-1795, London, Royal Academy of Arts, 2005, p. 206, 416, 449‑450.

35 M.吳美鳳 Wu, « Jia zuo shi zhen yi jia :cong yang xin dian zao ban chu huo ji dang kan sheng qing shi qi qing gong yong wu zhi zao jia 假作時真亦假:從養心殿造辦處活計檔看盛清時期清宮用物之造假 », art cit.

36 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit.

37 Kristina Kleutghen, « Illusion, Imperial and Otherwise » dans Imperial Illusions: Crossing Pictorial Boundaries in the Qing Palaces, s.l., University of Washington Press, 2015, p. 270‑278.

38 Kristina Kleutghen, « One or Two, Repictured », Archives of Asian Art, 2012, vol. 62, no 1, p. 25‑46 ; Hong Wu, « Emperor’s masquerade : ‘costume portraits’ of Yongzheng and Qianlong », Orientations, août 1995, vol. 26, no 7, p. 25-41.

39 Ogata 相賀徹夫 Tetsuo, Collection of World’s Ceramics 世界陶磁全集, Tokyo, Shogakukan 小學館, 1976, p. 220-255.

40 Xianming 馮先銘 Feng (ed.), Zhong guo tao ci 中國陶(修訂), 1st éd., Shanghai, Shanghai Ancient Works Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 2001, p. 574 ; Xianming 馮先銘 Feng, Zhongguo gutaoci tudian 中國古陶瓷圖典, 1st éd., Beijing, Cultural Relics Publishing House 文物出版社, 1998, p. 65 ; Baochang 耿寶昌 Geng, Ming Qing ciqi jianding 明淸瓷器鑑定 (Ming and Qing porcelain on inspection), 1st éd., Beijing, Forbidden City Press 紫禁城出版社, 1993, p. 273 ; He Xianwu 何賢武 et Wang Qiuhua 王秋華, Zhongguo wenwu kaogu cidian 中國文物考古辭典, Liaoning, Liaoning Science and Technology Publishing House 遼寧科学技術出版社, 1993, p. 440.

41 Song Boyin 宋伯胤, Qing ci cui zhen : Qing dai Kang Yong Qian guan yao ci qi 清瓷萃珍: 清代康雍乾官窯瓷器 (Qing Imperial porcelain of the Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns), ed. by Lam Peter Y. K. 林業強 (Nanjing Museum 南京博物院, 1995), fig. 73.

42 Chenglong 吕成龍 Lu, « Qianlong yu yao xiang sheng ci 乾隆御窑象生瓷 », Forbidden City Journal 紫禁城, 1996, no 01, p. 1 wood-imitation, metal-imitation, bamboo-imitation, lacquer-imitation, and various-material-imitation. These five groups are based on Tao Shuo , published in the thirty-ninth year of Qianlong (‘Discourse on Ceramics’; 1774 ), 0‑11.

43 Song 江松 Jiang, « Qing Qianlong chao guanyao xiangshengci 清乾隆朝官窑象生瓷 », Collectors 收藏家, 1998, no 05, p. 24‑27.

44 Stephen Wootton Bushell (ed.), Description Of Chinese Pottery And Porcelain: Being A Translation Of The Tao Shuo, Whitefish, MT, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2010, 258 p ; J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit., p. 232.

45 Xiaoran 高曉然 Gao, « Gui fu shen gong shen lai zhi bi —jian lun qian long shi qi tao ci zhong de qi qiao zhi zuo 鬼斧神工 神来之筆—簡論乾隆時期陶瓷中的奇巧之作 », Cultural Relics in Southern China 南方文物, 2006, no 04, p. 109‑113, 137‑140.

46 Gong 寧鋼 Ning et Na 李娜 Li, « Qianlong fangshengci de yishu tese 乾隆仿生瓷的藝術特色 », China Ceramics 中國陶瓷, 2009, no 06, p. 90‑92.

47 Xiaochen 劉曉晨 Liu, « Weimiao weixiao de Qianlong fangshengci 惟妙惟肖的乾隆仿生瓷 », Reader 讀者赏, 2016, no 7, p. 52‑59.

48 Tony Miller, « Elegance in Relief: Carved Porcelain from Jingdezhen of the 19th to Early 20th Centuries », Arts of Asia, 9 octobre 2006, vol. 36, no 5, p. 110‑117.

49 Xiaoqi 馮小琦 Feng, Douse zhengyan: Gugong cang Qingdai yuyao ciqi jingpinji 鬥色爭妍 : 故宮藏清代御窯瓷器精品集 (Fire and colour : imperial kiln porcelain from the Palace Museum collection), Macao 澳門, Macao Museum of Art 澳門藝術博物館, 2011, vol.3, special, p. 22‑23.

50 Wu Bin 武斌, Shen yang gu gong bo wu yuan yuan cang wen wu jing cui: ci qi juan xia juan 瀋陽故宮博物院院藏文物精粹: 瓷器卷, Shenyang, Volumes Publishing Company 萬卷出版公司, 2008, p. 159.

51 Tianju 張天琚 Zhang, « Qiong yao qi pa guo shi lei fang sheng tao ci 邛窑奇葩 果實類仿生陶瓷 », Collection藏, 2012, no 17, p. 66‑68.

52 Chi 陳馳 Chen, Xing 程幸 Cheng et Li 許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenmei wenhua neihan 論清乾隆象生瓷興盛原因及審美文化内涵 », Jingdezhen Comprehensive College Journal镇高專學報, 2012, no 01, p. 27‑28.

53 zhengfong 顧正芳 Gu, « Aomei fengshuang gu, xiangsheng ru zihu - mantan meiyunshengji de zisha “xiangsheng hu” 傲梅風霜骨,像生入紫壺—漫谈梅韵生機的紫砂 “像生壺” », Jiangsu Ceramics 江蘇陶瓷, 2015, no 01, p. 60 ; Yong 林勇 Lin, « Jingmei juelun de Chen Mingyuan xiangsheng zisha qi 精美絕倫的陳鳴遠像生紫砂器 », Southeast Culture 東南文化, 2002, no 09, p. 74‑75 ; Jingxin 張敬昕 Zhang, « Qingdai taoci diaosu chutan - yi xiangshengciqi yu zisha taoqi weili 清代陶瓷雕塑初探-以像生瓷器與紫砂陶器為例 », The Sculpture Research Semiyearly 雕塑研究, 2013, no 10, p. 57–83.

54 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit., p. 217.

55 E&J Frankel, Zisha : the purple sand of China : the Lee collection of Ming and Qing Dynasty Yixing ware, New York, NY, E & J Frankel, 2005, 101 p. : col. ill.; 30 cm. p.

56 Guorong 李國榮 Li et Yuan 鐵源 Tie, Qinggong ciqi dang’an quanji 清宮瓷器檔案全集, 1st éd., Beijing, China Pictorial Publishing House 中國畫報出版社, 2008 ; Faying 張發穎 Zhang, Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, 1st éd., Beijing, Xueyuan chubanshe 軒轅出版社, 2012, 9, 2, 209 p.; 29 cm. p ; Faying 張發穎 Zhang, Tang Ying quanji 唐英全集, 1st éd., Beijing, Xueyuan Press 學苑出版社, 2008 ; Jiajin 朱家溍 Zhu et Rong 張榮 Zhang (eds.), Yangxindian zaobanchu shiliao jilan 養心殿造辦處史料輯覽, 1st éd., Beijing, Forbidden City Press 紫禁城出版社, 2003.

57 Hau-Chih 侯皓之 Hou, « Qinshen jingying: cong dang’an lun Yiqinwang Yunxiang zai zaobanchu de zuoyong 勤慎經營:從檔案論怡親王允祥在造辦處的作用 », Journal of the Historical Studies 史學彙刊, 2010, no 26, p. 179–231.

58 J.R. Finlay, « The Qianlong Emperor’s Western Vistas », art cit ; X.劉曉晨 Liu, « Weimiao weixiao de Qianlong fangshengci 惟妙惟肖的乾隆仿生瓷 », art cit ; Yang 劉陽 Liu, « Siren shoucang he paimaichang shang de Yuanmingyuan ciqi 私人收藏和拍賣場上的圓明園瓷器 », L’officiel art magazine 市場周(藝術財), 2013, no 9 ; Kaixi 王開璽 Wang, « Yuanmingyuan shoucang ji liushi haiwai wenwu shuliang bielun 圓明園收藏及流失海外文物數量別論 », Journal of Beijing Normal University (Social Sciences) 北京師範大學學(社會科學), 2016, no 04, p. 138‑149.

59 Accession number G1729

60 Marchant, Kangxi Famille-Verte, London, Marchant, 2017, p. 108‑109.

61 C.陳馳 Chen, X.程幸 Cheng et L.許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenmei wenhua neihan 論清乾隆象生瓷興盛原因及審美文化内涵 », art cit.

62 Kelun 陳克倫 Chen, « Cong fencai liufangping kan Yongzheng gongting yishu zhong de xifang wenhua yinsu 從粉彩六方瓶看雍正宮廷藝術中的西方文化因素 », The First International Symposium Organized by the Palace Museum Across the Strait The Complexities and Challenges of Rulership: Emperor Yongzheng and His Accomplishments in His Time 兩岸故宮第一屆學術研討會:為君難-雍正其人其事及其時代, 2010, p. 381-387 ; Jianzhong 董建中 Dong, « Chuanjiaoshi jingong yu Qianlong huangdi de xiyang pinwei 傳教士進貢與乾隆皇帝的西洋品味 », The Qing History Journal 清史研究, 2009, no 03, p. 95-106 ; Deyuan 鞠德源 Ju, « Qingdai yesuhuishi yu xiyang qiqi 清代耶穌會士與西洋奇器 », Palace Museum Journal 宫博物院院刊, 1989, no 01, p. 3-18 ; Ching-fei 施靜菲 Shih, Riyue guanghua: qinggong huafalang 日月光華: 清宮畫琺瑯 (Radiant luminance: the painted enamelware of the Qing imperial court ), 1st éd., Taipei, National Palace Museum 國立故宮博物院, 2012, 4 p ; Xiangkun 孫賢坤 Sun, Ming Qing shangceng shehui jieshou xixue zhi bijiao yanjiu 明清上層社會接受西學之比較研究, Master Thesis, Shandong Normal University 山東師範大學, s.l., 2015 ; Meg Chuping 王竹平 Wang, « Cong tiehongcai tan Kang Yong shiqi Jingdezhen yangcaici de shaozao 從鐵紅彩談康雍時期景德鎮洋彩瓷的燒造 », The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art 故宮文物月刊, janvier 2013, no 358, p. 46‑57 ; Pei-Chin 余佩瑾 Yu, « Yinhongxu shujian suojian taoci yangshi ji xiangguan wenti 殷弘緒書簡所見陶瓷樣式及相關問題 », The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 故宮學術季刊, mars 2017, vol. 34, no 3, p. 123‑168 ; P.-C.余佩瑾 Yu, « Lang Shining yu ciqi 郎世寧與瓷器 », art cit.

63 Ying-mei 易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official Wares in Qianlong Reign), Master Thesis, National Taiwan University, Taipei, 2015.

64 J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit.

65 K.R. Kleutghen, The Qianlong emperor’s perspective, op. cit.

66 Y.易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official Wares in Qianlong Reign), op. cit.

67 Ibid.

68 Ellen Huang, China’s china : Jingdezhen porcelain and the production of art in the Nineteenth Century, Doctor, UC San Diego, s.l., 2008, p. 41, 100, 107.

69 Raozhouyao, or Raozhou kilns, is an ancient name for the Jingdezhen kilns 景德鎮窯in Jiangxi 江西.

70 Y.易穎梅 Yi, Qianlong guanyao xiangshengci yanjiu 乾隆官窯像生瓷研究 (A Study of Trompe L’oeil Official Wares in Qianlong Reign), op. cit.

71 C.陳馳 Chen, X.程幸 Cheng et L.許莉 Xu, « Lun Qing Qianlong xiangshengci xingsheng yuanyin ji shenmei wenhua neihan 論清乾隆象生瓷興盛原因及審美文化内涵 », art cit ; S.江松 Jiang, « Qing Qianlong chao guanyao xiangshengci 清乾隆朝官窑象生瓷 », art cit ; Xia 李霞 Li, Qingdai Qianlong fangshengci chubu yanjiu 清代乾隆仿生瓷初步研究, Master Thesis, Jilin University 吉林大學, Jilin, 2010 ; G.寧鋼 Ning et N.李娜 Li, « Qianlong fangshengci de yishu tese 乾隆仿生瓷的藝術特色 », art cit.

72 Stephen Wootton Bushell (ed.), Description Of Chinese Pottery And Porcelain, op. cit. ; J. Hay, Sensuous surfaces, op. cit., p. 232.

73 The original text in Tao Shuo陶說 卷一 說今 饒州窯: ‘…其規範, 則定, 汝, 官, 哥, 宣德, 成化, 嘉靖, 佛郎之好樣, 萃於一窯. 其彩色, 則霽紅, 礬紅, 霽青, 粉青, 冬青, 紫綠, 金銀, 漆黑, 雜彩, 隨宜而施. 其器品, 則規之, 萬之, 廉之, 挫之,或崇或卑, 或侈或弇, 或素或采, 或堆或錐. 又有瓜瓠, 花果, 象生之作. 其畫染,則山水, 人物, 花鳥寫意之筆,青綠渲染之制,四時遠近之景,規模名家,各有元本於是乎戧金, 鏤銀, 琢石, 髤漆, 螺甸, 竹木, 匏蠡諸作,無不以陶為之,仿效而肖. 近代一技之工,如陸子剛治玉, 呂愛山治金, 朱碧山治銀, 鮑天成治犀, 趙良璧治錫, 王小溪治瑪瑙, 蔣抱雲治銅, 濮仲謙雕竹, 薑千里螺甸, 楊塤倭漆,今皆聚於陶之一工,以之泄造化之秘,以之佐文明之瑞. ‘

74 In which Xunzi wrote: 喪禮者, 以生者飾死者也, 大象其生以送其死也. 故事死如生, 事亡如存, 終始一也. 始卒, 沐浴, 鬠體, 飯唅, 象生執也 (The proper manners for conducting a funeral is to treat the deceased as a living person. Nothing should be changed to compensate for the deceased from the beginning to the end, including shower, tying hair, and dining). This passage describes the process and the specifications in a traditional Chinese funerary ritual, and xiangsheng was used in an extended form as da xiang qi sheng大象其生 (like one was still alive) and followed by the corresponding sentence song qi si送其死 (farewell for the dead). Therefore, it is readily obvious that the character sheng in this context stands for shengming (life). Another possible example of the same interpretation of xiangsheng can be found in Juan (chapter ten), Benghong 崩薨 (Death of Officials), and in Baihu Tongde Lun 白虎通德論 (Virtuous Discussions of the White Tiger Hall) by Ban Gu班固 in the Eastern Han dynasty (AD 25–220): 中古之時, 有宮室, 衣服, 故衣之幣帛, 藏以棺槨, 封樹識表, 體以象生.

(In the ancient time, people designed the tomb as palace with rooms, closet with clothing, coffin with gifts, claiming territory like one was still alive). In the beginning of Benghong, Ban Gu elaborates on outfits for the deceased, and xiangsheng is the ultimate purpose of the clothing that should be chosen for the deceased.

75 Xu Lianda 徐連達, Diguo gongting de shenchu - zhongguo gudai huangdi zhidu jiedu 帝國宮廷的深—中國古代皇帝制度解讀, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Open Page Publishing Company Limited 香港中和出版有限公司, 2012, 330 p.

76 The possible materil for xiangsheng meishuhua may be deducted from later publication in Ming and Qing dynasty, for example, jianxian xiangsheng huazhi剪線像生花枝could be found in Ding hai xian zhi 定海縣志 published in Jiajing period (1507-1567). From the description ‘jianxian,’ we may suppose that it was made of wire or textile.

77 Hsu Sin-wen 許馨文, Hua yu Qingdai yinshi zhi yanjiu 花與清代飲食之研究 (Flowers and cuisine of Qing Dynasty), PhD thesis, , Taoyuan City, 2011, p. 145.

78 Zheng Dan Jie refer to the first day of the year in lunar calendar. It is an ancient way to call Chinese New Year, recorded in many traditional literatures. E.g. Hou Hanshu後漢書 (The book of the Later Han), Juan sixty-seven (卷六十七 黨錮傳 陳翔傳): ‘時正旦朝賀,大將軍梁冀威儀不整, (翔)奏冀恃貴不敬,請收案罪,時人奇之.’

79 Xiangsheng keer, also known as Jinsi niaoke 金絲鳥窠 (canary nest), may refer to a traditional Chinese dessert made of maltose syrup or potato.

80 In Juan ninteenth, Sisi liuju yanhui jialin 四司六局筵会假赁。

81 In Juan nine hundred and forty-ninth: Fangyu huibian zhi fang dian 方輿彙編·職方典·卷九百四十九卷

82 The xiangsheng has the same pronunciation but with different Chinese characters: xiang 相 (face) and sheng 聲 (voice).

83 Zhi 光之 Guang, « Guanyu xiangsheng’er de kaoxi 關於像生兒的考析 », Studies on ‘A Dream of Red Mansions 紅樓夢學刊, 1987, no 01, p. 251-252 ; Wanpeng 李萬鵬 Li, « Liaozhailiqu li de xiangsheng 聊齋俚曲裏的象生 », Journal of Chinese Humanities 文史哲, 1984, no 06, p. 78.

84 Xiangsheng had been adopted in Huoji dang for describing other ‘life-like’ works of art, such as wooden or ivory-made flower and plant. However, it had not been applied to porcelain. The use of xiangsheng in Huoji dang is consistent with other ancient Chinese literature.

85 Some records Taoye tushuo 陶冶圖說 and Taocheng jishi bei陶成記事碑are duplicated in Huoji dang.

86 Titled Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯

87 For example, kaiqili開其里(toothpicks box), and ageli阿格里 (tree bark).

88 For example, kapala噶巴拉 and yamantaka呀嗎達噶

89 For example, menhua 門畫, douhua斗畫, doubannan 豆瓣楠, and bolang 撥浪

90 For example, aventurine溫都里那

91 Shenyang is also named Mukden or Fengtian 奉天

92 Mostly the record from the workshops may have a duplicate record in xingwen 行文 or jishilu紀事錄.

93 M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy, op. cit.

94 Changlu salt area is located along the seashore of China Bohai 渤海 Bay, produced sea salt on a large scale since the Western Zhou Dynasty. In Qing dynasty, Changlu provide the Imperial court with ‘salt bricks’.

95 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 55, p.136: 五十九年十二月初五 呈貢檔 江蘇巡撫奇豐額進貢 像生菓供成分

96 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol. 46, p. 697: 四十八年五月二十九日 紀事錄 ...雍和宮等處殿座佛前案上各供樣菓...共三千十五個...油餙 (飾) 均皆逬裂木胎亦嗑碰...

97 Xiang香, hua 花, deng 燈, ming 茗, guo 果, also known as Wuxian 五獻

98 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 32, p.150, 153: 三十三年十二月初七日 總管太監王常貴傳旨 兩淮鹽政尤拔世所進...像生花掛屏(瓶)一對 著伊家人送往圓明園交總管太監李裕查收 再像生瓶花八瓶 花留著 內瓶著交李裕擺鋪面用 欽此 本日又傳 旨 著傳諭尤拔世嗣後進像生花 不必進瓶 欽此

99 Wu B.武斌, 沈阳故宮博物院院藏文物精粹, op. cit., p. 159.

100 For instance, ruyou 汝釉 and rucai 汝彩 were used in Huoji dang to describe new-fired ru-style wares, which is different from ruyao, the Song dynasty version (The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 26, p. 238 汝彩蓍草瓶一件, p. 399 汝釉梅瓶一件); the domestic aventurine glass (made in the Imperial workshop) was named jinxing boli金星玻璃 (golden star glass) to be distinguished from the imported version named wen dou li na 溫都里那, which is transliterated from Italian vetro di avventurina (The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 12, p. 407-408 九年四月初六 溫都里那石規矩套二件 於本月二十日...金星玻璃規矩套二件....) These two examples show a deliberate intention to identify works of art in nomenclatures by the emperors.

101 Hsiang-Wen 張湘雯 Chang, « Qingdai gongting zhenwan duobaoge zhong de boli wenwu 清代宮廷珍玩多寶格中的玻璃文物 (Glass artifacts in the curio box collections of the Qing court) », Taipei, National Palace Museum 國立故宮博物院, 2018 ; Tung-Ho 陳東和 Chen, « Dongxifang lishi zhong de jinxing boli: qiyuan, zhizao yu yishuxing 東西方歷史中的金星玻璃: 起源, 製造與藝術性 (Aventurine Glass in Western and Eastern History: Occurrence, Fabrication and Artistry) », Taipei, National Palace Museum 國立故宮博物院, 2018.

102 K. Kleutghen, Imperial Illusions, op. cit. ; K. Kleutghen, « Illusion, Imperial and Otherwise », art cit ; K. Kleutghen, « Tong jing hua yu lang shi ning yi chan yan jiu 通景畫與郎世寧遺產研究 », art cit ; K. Kleutghen, « One or Two, Repictured », art cit ; K. Kleutghen, « Intended to deceive: Illusionistic painting at the eighteenth-century Chinese court », art cit ; K.R. Kleutghen, The Qianlong emperor’s perspective, op. cit. ; H.劉輝 Liu, Ouzhou yuanyuan yu bentu yujing 歐洲淵源與本土語境, op. cit. ; Yanzhe 趙琰哲 Zhao, « Haixixianfa de yunyong yu shihuan kongjian de zhizao - yi Qinggong Juanqinzhai deng jichu tongjing xianfahua weili 海西線法的運用與視幻空間的製造 - 以清宮倦勤齋等幾處通景線法畫為例 (Use of Haixixian Painting Technique and Creation of Space of Optical Illusion: A Case Study of Tongjing-xianfahua Represented by Juanqin Zhai of the Forbidden City) », Journal of National Museum of China 中國國家博物館館刊, 2012, no 7, p. 93- 108.

103 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p119: 十四日怡親王交假官窯瓷瓶一件

104 Wanzifang is an alias for Wanfanganhe萬方安和 in Yuanmingyuan

105 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 492, 831: 五年七月初八 圓明園來帖內稱郎中海望傳做 萬字房假書格門上用鍍銀合扇八塊...

106 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 16, p. 369: 十三年八月初四日 皮作 ...太監胡世傑傳旨 雲錦墅書格子上簾子風刮的起來 著想法不要刮起來 欽此

107 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 4, p. 326: 八年三月十四日 據 圓明園來帖內稱本月初七日郎中海望奉旨 四宜堂後新蓋房處前三間屋內 安板牆一槽 開圓光門 門內牆上著郎士寧画窗內透花画 欽此

108 Also known as Siyi shuwu 四宜書屋 in Yuanmingyuan

109 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 97, 98: 元年十一月十五日 七品首領薩木哈來說 太監毛團傳 旨養心殿西暖閣仙樓北樓梯上北牆 画通景油画 西邊樓下穿堂北間門裡連頂隔俱画通景油画 西明間兩旁画通景油画 再東邊樓下明間南邊東牆亦画通景油畫 將新開之門画書格 再樓梯下西邊之門添油画書格門 欽此

110 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 17, p. 385, 386: 十五年八月初六日 如意館...十五年六月初六日... 太監胡世傑交 新宣紙一張 傳旨 著余穉画假門一幅 欽此; vol 17, p. 370: 十五年八月十一日 如意館...十五年五月二十五日... 太監胡世傑交 新宣紙二張 傳旨 著余省画假門二幅 欽此

111 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 21, p. 45: 二十年九月二十四日 匣裱作 ...糊錦百什件屜一件 內盛 白玉娃娃扇器一件 紅雕漆梅花式盒一件 玉扇牌三件 假冊頁一冊 九洲清晏...

112 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 24: 元年三月初七 雜活作 楠木鑲紫檀木邊架鍍金面葉匣壹件 傳旨 著將面葉下安一假西洋鎖門 欽此

113 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 14, p. 666: 十一年閏三月二十五日 匣作 司庫白世秀...交 汝窯貓食盆一件 隨紫檀木勾金有抽屜座 瓷青紙摺子 一面玻璃楠木匣... 傳旨 將汝窯貓食盆照有屜摺子貓食盆的座子一樣配座紫檀木鈎金矮些座... 將玻璃(楠木)匣做假槅斷安上; vol 14, p. 667, 668: 十一年閏三月二十五日 匣作 司庫白世秀...交 漢甘黃玉五喜圈一件 隨木座 漢玉單螭虎小圓碗一件... 各隨一面玻璃南木匣 傳旨 將漢玉小圓碗照五喜圈座子高矮配座裝一匣 安假槅斷; vol 14, p. 667, 668 十一年閏三月二十五日 匣作 太監胡世傑交 漢玉龍尾觥一件 木座 漢甘黃玉圈子一件 木座 漢玉單耳有蓋觥一件 漢玉牛頭觥一件 各隨一面玻璃楠木匣 傳旨 將龍尾觥座子落矮其單耳觥配座裝在漢玉圈匣內 配合高矮安假槅斷...

114 Cardboard, also known as hepai合牌 in the Qing dynasty, usually with brocade fabric glued to its surface, was a common material for making models.

115 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 3, p. 140 六年十月十一日 入皮作 圓明園來帖... 阿格里假珊瑚戲帶面二分 (p 148 自鳴鐘處... 阿格里塞子六個

<清宮內務府造辦處檔案總匯> vol 3, p. 578, vol 4, p. 48 七年六月一日 圓明園來帖內稱五月二十九日太監劉玉鄭忠交來 阿格里胎假松石數珠一盤 隨阿格里假青金石佛頭四個 假珊瑚記念三十個 假珊瑚塔一個

116 Chi-fa 莊吉發 Chuang, « Man wen shi liao yu yong zheng chao de li shi yan jiu 滿文史料與雍正朝的歷史研究 », The First International Symposium Organized by the Palace Museum Across the Strait The Complexities and Challenges of Rulership: Emperor Yongzheng and His Accomplishments in His Time 兩岸故宮第一屆學術研討會:為君難-雍正其人其事及其時代, 2010, p. 232‑233.

117 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 701 五年九月二十八日 假松石色玻璃...

The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 5, p. 264 十年五月二十日 假松石色玻璃帶頭傍帶甚好... 珊瑚的亦做些欽此

118 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 696 二年二月初二 傳旨著將假紅寶石碧牙西墜角與背雲燒造些呈覽 欽此

119 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 661 五年七月十二 圓明園來帖內稱本月初十日郎中海望奉 旨 新燒的透明黃玻璃大有像琥珀蜜蠟 俟燒玻璃時照樣將數珠做幾籃俱配莊嚴 欽此

120 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 6, p. 243 養心殿造辦處收貯物件清冊 雍正十一年正月初一日至十二月三十日止 假金剛石四十參塊 p 246 假洋漆摺疊腰圓式黑漆堆金桌一張

121 Yuanmingyuan qihuo caiqi yangjin dingli is currently in the collection of Zhongguo wenhua yichan yanjiuyuan中國文化遺產研究院 (Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage), as part of Neiting Yuanmingyuan nei gongzuo zhuxianhangze內庭圓明園內工作諸現行則(Qianlong version)the original text mentioned yangqi 洋漆is:諧奇趣舊水法香几. 雕花漆活見方尺:鑽生漆壹道, 使灰參道, 戳絹壹道, 糙漆, 墊光漆, 光洋漆. 每尺用:嚴生漆陸兩玖錢, 退光漆肆錢, 洋漆陸錢, 土子麵壹兩壹錢壹分, 貳官絹壹尺伍寸, 每貳尺柒寸漆匠壹工. 退光漆, 洋漆每斤外加絲棉貳錢肆分. 洋漆每斤外加石土玄紙肆張. 磨洗糙漆, 墊光漆每伍拾尺外加白布壹尺

122 Liu qian means six qian; one unit qian is equal to 3.75 grams.

123 Mei jin means one or each jin; one jin is equal to 500 grams.

124 Hui-hsia 陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio’s Imitation of Japanese Lacquerware during the Yongzheng Reign) », The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 故宮學術季刊, 2010, vol. 28, no 1, p. 141-195.

125 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 524: 二十五年十月十四日 如意館 太監胡世傑交 松樹賈(假)盆景陳設一件 喀拉河屯有地方 隨鉛托 (lead mat) 水仙花假盆景陳設一件 青綠飛脊瓶假陳設一件 青綠雙鳳罇假陳設一件 青綠雙耳缾假陳設一件 均窯梅瓶假陳設一件 傳旨 著交造辦處代(帶)進京 長高放寬 得時仍擺喀拉河屯 欽此; vol 25, p. 525 二十五年十月十五日 如意館 總管張玉交 磁魚缸假陳設一件 磁菓洗假陳設一件 各隨鉛托 傳旨 做材料用

126 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 3, p. 305, 306: 六年六月二十 畫作 圓明園來帖... 旨 准平頭案式樣一張著郎石寧放大樣畫西洋畫其案上陳設古董八件 畫完刻下來用合牌托平若不能平用銅片掐邊 欽此 于八月初六畫得 西洋案畫一張并托合牌假古董畫八件郎中海望持進貼在西峰秀色屋內訖... 走槽... 應留透眼處... 搭色時酌量留透眼...

127 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 524: 二十五年十月十四日 如意館 太監胡世傑交 松樹賈(假)盆景陳設一件 喀拉河屯有地方 隨鉛托 (lead mat) 水仙花假盆景陳設一件 青綠飛脊瓶假陳設一件 青綠雙鳳罇假陳設一件 青綠雙耳缾假陳設一件 均窯梅瓶假陳設一件 傳旨 著交造辦處代(帶)進京 長高放寬 得時仍擺喀拉河屯 欽此

128 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 523: 二十五年十月二十二日 如意館 郎中白世秀員外郎金輝將催長六達子隨圍帶來 假盆景陳設六件 呈覽 奉旨 著如意館

129 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 12, p. 364: 九年八月十二日 如意館 傳旨 將做成木器假古玩六件內法子著 韓起龍 回子顧 彭年做 欽此

130 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 632: 四年五月二十五日 匣作 催總白世秀來說太監毛團傳旨 慎修思永案上著做假合牌古玩十件 欽此 於本月十一日催總白世秀將做得假合牌古玩十件交太監高玉等呈進 訖(慎修思永殿在圓明園裡)

131 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 427: 三年正月二十一日 牙作 假手一隻 傳旨 照樣做二隻 欽此 於本年三月初四日將做得 假手二隻 司庫圖拉交太監毛團呈進 奉旨 再照樣做一隻 欽此 於本年三月十五日司庫圖拉將做得假手一隻隨原樣持進 交太監毛團呈進 訖

132 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 17, p. 488, 489: 十五年十一月二十七日 雜活作 員外郎白世秀來說太監胡世傑傳旨 將新做假虎送往雍和宮 四個在呀嗎達噶檀 (yamantaka 大威德金剛)安設 再新殺虎皮有幾張俱向該處要來楦做 欽此

133 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 12, p. 464: 九年六月初三 木作 假墨刻坦坦蕩蕩扁文一張 假墨刻對子一副

The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 827: 九年七月二十七日 首領憂安交 御筆假墨刻字圍屏八張 傳旨 著畫龍在凝暉樓圍屏上用 欽此

134 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 18, p. 865: 十七年十二月十四日 鞍作 ...太監胡世傑交 綠皮鞘假腰刀一把 傳旨 著照樣做腰刀一把其刀頭臨坎時要兩截 想法成做 趕二十日要得 欽此 於本月二十九日 員外郎白世秀將做得三節刀頭木樣一件持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨 准做兩截趕正月初十日要得 欽此 於十八年正月十四日員外郎白世秀將做得綠皮兩截假腰刀一把 並原樣俱持進交太監胡世傑呈進 訖

135 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 52, p. 82, 83: 五十五年四月十八日 記事錄 蟒衣五件 金幞頭二項 假幞頭三項 送往 熱河呈進內殿訖

136 Zhen, as the opposite meaning of jia, means ‘real’ or ‘authentic’ in modern Chinese. However, in this case, the definition is closer to ‘original’.

137 Yili 侯怡利 Hou (ed.), Ji qiong zao : yuan cang zhen wan jing hua zhan : dao lan shou ce 集瓊藻: 院藏珍玩精華展: 導覽手冊 (A garland of treasures: masterpieces of precious crafts in the museum collection: a guide book), 1st éd., Taipei 臺北市, The National Palace Museum 國立故宮博物院, 2014, p. 88.

138 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 7, p. 2: 元年正月二十日 傳旨 著做念佛 真裝嚴椰子數珠十盤 假裝嚴椰子數珠十盤 欽此

139 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 8, p. 790: 四年三月二十五日 員外郎常保持來 合牌胎假盒一件 合牌胎假法瑯鐘一件 合牌胎假螭虎假玻璃瓶一件 傳旨 交造辦處照樣做真的三件 欽此 於五月初二日做得 鑲嵌盒一件 法瑯鐘一件 鑲螭虎玻璃瓶一件 隨端陽節活計呈進 訖

140 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 36: 七年十二月二十五日 傳旨 將裝假表安日晷火鏈一件改做葫蘆式 另做裝真表火鏈一件 背後安玻璃容鏡其綉片画樣送進著內庭綉做 欽此

141 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 33, p. 614: 三十五年七月初九 如意館 接得李文照等押帖一件 內開六月二十七日 五和將燙得淳化軒仙樓上西北角三面罩兩邊真假門口書格燙樣一座 呈覽 奉旨 假門口准有邊腿 書格樣做真門口扇 著如意館画畫 欽此 於七月初二日王幼學起得書格稿子呈覽 奉旨 准畫 欽此

142 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 19, p. 122: 十七年九月二十八日 ...首領鄭愛貴交... 畫假錢紙樣十六張 古錢十四包 傳旨 著將古錢接包另做新屜 上邊安真錢 下邊貼假錢 每屜上面安蓋頁 一頁亦照屜內貼假錢 要一字一面 傍邊留寫簽子的空處 俱另做新套 其舊套子並冊頁俱做材料用 先做樣呈覽 欽此 於十一月十一日員外郎白世秀將做得 上邊安真錢下邊安假錢 並蓋頁樣 持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨 將蓋頁不用另裱冊頁一冊 其真錢照樣准做 欽此

143 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 1: 七年七月二十二日 做鐘處 太監高玉傳旨 要活計呈覽 欽此 於本日司庫白世秀副催總達子將存柱做得假鐘格活計一件 持進交太監高玉呈覽 奉旨 將鐘格背後下著畫一大表盤 中一層再畫一小表盤 上一層安一實在小鐘錶 欽此 於本月二十三日太監高玉交 金盒金套小表一件 傳旨 著入在格內 欽此

144 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 13, p. 341, 342: 十年十二月十一日 花兒作 ...木胎假白石盆一件 隨假木座一件 木山子二件 象牙小魚十件 銅鑰匙一件 銅丁二件 ...

145 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 41, p. 823: 四十三年十月初八日 如意館 ... 押帖內開九月十九首領呂進忠交 海子團河新宮 隨廊房五間半山房殿內東間東牆 真假門上橫披一張 傳旨 著袁瑛畫 欽此; vol 49, p. 128-130 五十一年五月二十六日 信帖 總管呂進忠交 熱河 惠迪吉新所 霞鮮樓下明間西牆真假門 貼 董誥宣紙畫松竹梅橫披一張 南邊假門一座 貼 徐來琛宣紙山水畫條一張 .... 西牆真假門上 貼 弘旿新宣紙山水橫披一張...北邊假門一座 貼 徐來琛宣紙山水畫條一張...抱廈東牆假門上 貼 徐來琛宣紙畫條一張....南邊假門一座 貼 徐來琛宣紙畫條一張...北邊假門一座 貼 徐來琛宣紙畫條一張 西牆真門一座 貼 徐來琛宣紙畫條一張

146 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 13, p. 578: 十年十二月初十日 記事錄 ...木胎假青綠瓶一件 內插苓芝銅磬內安鐘 傳旨 著原做之人收拾鐘 欽此 於本月十四日柏唐阿徐士英送往圓明園交西洋人習澄源 訖 於十一年正月初六日 將木胎假青綠瓶一件 收什好交司庫郎正培持去收訖

147 The name in its original language of Xi Chenyuan is untraceable, further research need to be conducted to comfirm.

148 The original text in Zhangwu zhi: 香櫞盤 有古銅青綠盤有官哥定窑冬青磁龍泉大盤有宣徳暗花白盤蘇麻尼青盤朱砂紅盤以置香櫞皆可此種出時山齋最不可少然一盆四頭既板且套㦯以大盆置二三十尤俗不如覓舊硃雕茶槖架一頭以供清玩或得舊磁盆長樣者置二頭于几案間亦可

149 The original text in Wanshou shengdian chuji, Juan fifty-forth: 誠親王長子弘晟 進 青綠夔耳敦 恒親王 進 萬年青綠銅奩 萬年青綠銅觚 皇十五子 進 靑綠三犧鼎 古青綠百圓瓶 皇十六子 進 漢銅青綠百圓尊

150 The original text in Guochao gongshi: 皇太后大慶恭進 謹按乾隆十六年辛未十一月二十五日恭遇 皇太后六十大慶於年例恭進外每日恭進 夀禮九九自二十一日起凡五日 二十一日恭進.......仙闕琅音青綠乳丁鐸一件 天杓酌酒青綠商斗一件 瑞獻般文青綠獸面髙足圓盤一件 寶氣歊雲青綠彛一件 碧牙鏤采青綠商犧獸尊一件 三才法象青綠朝天耳三足鼎一件 錦蕊生香青綠渣斗花囊一件 函關仙騎青綠犧牛尊一件 慶流三祝青綠商三喜豆一件以上青綠器一九

151 F.李福敏 Li, « Guanyu juanqinzhai chenshedang de jidian renshi 關於倦勤齋陳設檔的幾點認識 », art cit.

152 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, p. 301, 378, 379: 二年十一月五日 總管太監王以誠 劉進忠 交 青綠太極壺一件 青綠雙喜罇一件 青綠雙圓罇一件 青綠海棠罇一件

153 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, p. 439, 463, 528, 529: 三年九月初七 太監杜壽交 青綠硃砂提樑卣一件 青綠硯一方 青綠圓爐一件 青綠匙一件 青綠饕餮圓鼎一件 硃砂夔龍小蓋卣一件 青綠天雞水吸一件 青綠周尺倣圈一件 青綠饕餮有蓋觶一件 青綠硃砂夔龍提樑卣一件 青綠水銀雷紋盂一件 青綠水銀三喜夔龍大罍罇一件 青綠素線雙環瓶一件... 以上共四十七件

154 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 31, p. 678: 三十三年十一月二十四日 匣作 周犧首壘一件 周雷紋壺一件 周盟簋一件 周犧罇一件 周內言卣一件 .... 二十五日 旨 將交出青綠器十二件內....

155 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 37, p. 434, 556: 三十九年八月初二日 行文… 蘇州織造... 太監胡世傑交 青綠雙環元瓶二件 係山東巡撫徐績進 地內刨出 傳旨 將瓶內外泥土刷洗乾淨呈覽 欽此 於本日將青綠雙環元瓶二件上泥土刷洗乾淨持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨 將瓶上青綠磨一塊 透出花紋 上蠟光好呈覽 欽此 於本日將青綠雙環瓶一件在有花紋處磨出一塊光得蠟 持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨 准照此樣磨做收什~~於十二日 公額駙福 因看得青綠顏色甚好 如俱磨去以為可惜 可否交蘇州收什之處 交太監胡世傑口奏奉 旨 准發往蘇州交舒文將瓶外磨做收什 其青綠應去者去 應留者留 瓶內青綠俱著磨去 看有年款名色無有 ....

156 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 10, p. 46: 六年十月十八日 破壞青綠器皿七件 傳旨 著佛保挑選應收拾者收拾應毀銅者毀銅用 欽此

157 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 25, p. 346: 二十五年五月十九日... 太監胡世傑交 青綠出戟長方鼎一件 足傷隨紫檀木座蓋玉頂 傳旨 將傷足焊好在集鳳軒擺 欽此

158 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 11, p. 688: 八年十月二十八日 青录大朝冠爐一件 傳旨 著交佛保刷洗 欽此 於十一月初二...刷洗得 青录大朝冠爐一件....

159 Tao Wang et al., Mirroring China’s Past: Emperors, Scholars, and Their Bronzes, Chicago, Illinois, Art Institute of Chicago, 2018, p. 180.

160 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 23, p. 18: 二十二年五月十九日 木作 郎中白世秀員外郎金輝來說 太監胡世傑交 假青綠鐸一件 隨木架 一件掐子 傳旨 收貯嗣候交出配掐子鐸磬等件 俱照此掐子樣式一樣 画樣成做 欽此

The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 22, p. 598: 二十二年六月十七日 油木作 郎中白世秀員外郎金輝來說 太監胡世傑交 掐絲法瑯鐸一件 隨架樣一張鍍金掐子 傳旨 著照紙架樣 高矮按先交假青綠鐸架掐子樣式一樣 配架子掐子 欽此...於六月十八日郎中白世秀員外郎金輝將掐絲法瑯鐸一件照紙架樣高矮按假青綠鐸架掐子式画得鐸架掐子紙樣一張...

161 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p82: 乾隆十五年 唐英進貢:青綠三犧銅鼎壹件,青綠腰圓提樑銅酉壹件,青綠雙環銅瓶壹件,青綠銅渣斗壹件,青綠百子銅鼎壹件 (此五間應為古青銅器),仿青綠啇絲天祿瓷罇壹對, 仿青綠文王瓷鼎壹分 (此兩間應為仿古銅瓷器)

162 A pair of ci zun 瓷罇and a ci ding 瓷鼎. The character ci, or porcelain, indicates the material.

163 The original text in Tang Ying dutao wendang 唐英督陶文檔, p84: 乾隆十六年 唐英進貢:仿青綠瓷花罇貳對

164 Currently marked as fang tong jincai shiwen ci jiaoping仿銅金彩詩文瓷轎瓶 in the museum catalog. Nowadays, bronze-imitation porcelains are commonly referred to as gutong cai古銅彩 because of清宣統二年 1910 陳瀏在《陶 雅》中就有評述:’古銅彩獨推乾隆朝, 花紋皆凸雕夔龍, 雲雷, 青綠殊可珍玩. 款皆篆字, 或凸雕, 或以金寫之.’ However, this is a modern view compared to the record in Huoji dang.

165 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 23, p. 128: 二十二年二月初二日 (雜錄檔 宮中檔簿) 奉旨 尤拔世所進 瓷嵌花卉插瓶四座 仿青綠鎏金轎瓶一對 汝釉洋彩轎瓶一對 各種瓷帶鈎五十件 洋彩玲瓏花籃一對 洋彩九如花插一對 仿流金小方鼎一對 洋彩六合同春瓶一對 霽青描金方瓶一對 ...黃錦地洋彩花茶壺一對 黃錦地洋花蓋碗十對 著伊差人送至京城 交與三和查收貯 欽此 本日尤拔世領去

166 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 355: 四十五年二月二十三日 奉旨 九江關監督額爾登布所進 金地洋彩寶珠冠架一對 掐絲法瑯寶珠冠架一對 御製詩洋紅地洋彩轎瓶一對 御製詩黃地洋彩轎瓶一對 御製詩宋釉描金轎瓶一對 御製詩青綠鎏金轎瓶一對 綠地洋彩花卉轎瓶一對 礬紅地描金洋彩花卉轎瓶一對 霽青描金洋彩花卉轎瓶一對 ....

167 H.陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio’s Imitation of Japanese Lacquerware during the Yongzheng Reign) », art cit.

168 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 30, p. 52: 三十年七月初六 金玉作 催長四德 筆帖式五德 來說太監胡世傑交 洋漆磁葫蘆瓶一對 洋彩磁瓶一對 各隨紫檀木作 傳旨... 洋磁瓶二對個配得牙花持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨....

169 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 55, p. 139, 140: 五十九年十二月初七 呈貢擋 浙閩總督伍拉那進貢 洋彩縀五十端.

170 Each with eight auspicious Daoist emblems on the dish, including guqian古錢, shuangqian雙錢, yinding銀錠, danqian單錢, xijiao犀角, fangsheng方勝, jinding金錠, and shanhu 珊瑚.

171 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, 乾隆四十五年...黃地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 翡翠地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 仿拉古里銀裏奶茶碗四十件 仿拉古里奶茶碗四十件 著伊差人送往京城交與內務府大臣英廉 欽此.

172 P.廖寶秀 Liao, Hua li cai ci, op. cit.

173 In Taocheng jishi 陶成紀事 published in Yongzheng thirteenth year (1735), chapter Yuanzhuo yangcai圓琢洋彩.

174 The original text in Taocheng jishi: 洋彩器皿,新仿西洋琺瑯畫法,人物, 山水, 花卉, 翎毛無不精細入神.

175 The original text in Taoyetu bianci: 圓琢白器五釆繪畫,模仿西洋, 故曰洋彩.

176 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 1, p. 232: 元年四月二十四日 怡親王呈進 洋磁繡球一件.

177 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 339, 340 洋磁倣哥窯圓筆洗一件

178 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 2, p. 79, 152: 四年十月二十五日 入木作 洋磁葡萄葉式洗一件 奉 旨 配做獨挺座 欽此 p. 175 二十五日郎中海望持出 桄榔木盤一件 奉 旨 蠢著收拾 欽此; vol 4, p. 190 七年四月十一日 洋磁小圓盒一件 奉旨 著照此盒釉水燒造幾件 其盒蓋上的花紋不甚好看 著他另改画花樣 欽此 于四月十四日將磁盒一件交年希堯家人鄭旺持去訖.

179 Hui-hsia 陳慧霞 Chen, « Qing Yongzhengchao de yangqi yu fangyangqi 清雍正朝的洋漆與仿洋漆 (On the Imperial Studio’s Imitation of Japanese Lacquerware during the Yongzheng Reign) », The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly 故宮學術季刊, 2010, vol. 28, no 1, fig. 1, 3.

180 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 30, p. 52: 三十年七月初六 金玉作 催長四德 筆帖式五德 來說太監胡世傑交 洋漆磁葫蘆瓶一對 洋彩磁瓶一對 各隨紫檀木作 傳旨... 洋磁瓶二對個配得牙花持進交太監胡世傑呈覽 奉旨.

181 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 41, p. 261: 四十三年正月初四日 記事錄 軍機處傳...賞達賴喇嘛 計開 七佛偈一分 洋磁奔巴壺一對 洋磁輪一件...

182 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 46, p. 681: 四十八年四月初七日 記事錄 員外郎五德...說太監鄂魯里... 洋彩磁輪一件 紫檀座.

183 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 54, p. 378: 五十九年正月初三 記事錄 賞達賴喇嘛 ...加海螺一件... 洋磁多穆一對...

184 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 355: 四十五年二月二十三日 奉旨 九江關監督額爾登布所進 金地洋彩寶珠冠架一對 掐絲法瑯寶珠冠架一對 御製詩洋紅地洋彩轎瓶一對 御製詩黃地洋彩轎瓶一對 御製詩宋釉描金轎瓶一對 御製詩青綠鎏金轎瓶一對 綠地洋彩花卉轎瓶一對 礬紅地描金洋彩花卉轎瓶一對 霽青描金洋彩花卉轎瓶一對...黃地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 翡翠地洋彩八寶香盤四十件 仿拉古里銀裏奶茶碗四十件 仿拉古里奶茶碗四十件 著伊差人送往京城交與內務府大臣英廉 欽此.

185 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 372: 四十五年三月二十六日 奉旨 九江關監督額爾登布所進... 仿花班石班指二十件 (reference in the National Palace Museum, accession number: 中-瓷-000991) 啿噠漢扳指二十件...著伊本人差人送往京城交與內務府大臣英廉.

186 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 384: 四十五年四月二十九日 奉旨 九江關監督額爾登布所進... 仿雕竹筆筒一對... 著伊差人送往京城交與內務府大臣英廉.

187 The original text in Qinggong neiwufu zaobanchu dang’an zonghui, vol 44, p. 482: 四十五年十二月初六日 山東巡撫國泰進貢內 奉旨 駁出 玉子春牛一件 玉文王鼎一件... 銅磁大吉尊一對.

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List of illustrations

Title Fig. 1
Caption The National Palace Museum’s collection, jia shutao 假書套
Credits © Chih-En Chen
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 2.5M
Title Fig. 2
Caption The National Palace Museum’s collection, jia shutao Shi Ji 史記
Credits © Chih-En Chen
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 1.1M
Title Fig. 3
Caption A lacquered wood bronze-fangding-imitation jia guwan 假古玩 in the collection of Palace Museum, Beijing
Credits © Chih-En Chen
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-3.jpg
File image/jpeg, 1.7M
Title Fig. 4
Caption An antler archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-4.jpg
File image/jpeg, 52k
Title Fig. 5
Caption An antler-imitation archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-5.jpg
File image/jpeg, 48k
Title Fig. 6
Caption The gilt-silver box contains a zhen 真and a jia 假archer’s ring in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-6.jpg
File image/jpeg, 68k
Title Fig. 7
Caption The gilt-silver box with archer’s rings in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei: currently on display in the exhibition Jiqiongzao: yuancang zhenwan jinghua zhan集瓊藻: 院藏珍玩精華展 at the museum
Credits © Chih-En Chen
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-7.jpg
File image/jpeg, 1.3M
Title Fig. 8
Caption A bronze-imitation porcelain bell in the collection of Palace Museum, Beijing
Credits © The Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-8.jpg
File image/jpeg, 64k
Title Fig. 9
Caption A bronze-imitation porcelain bell and a bronze-imitation tripod censer in the collection of Musée national des arts asiatiques Guimet, Paris.
Credits © Chih-En Chen
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-9.jpg
File image/jpeg, 1.6M
Title Fig. 10
Caption A fang qinglü liujin jiaoping 仿青綠鎏金轎瓶 in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-10.jpg
File image/jpeg, 80k
Title Fig. 11
Caption A yellow ground yangcai incense dish in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-11.jpg
File image/jpeg, 72k
Title Fig. 12
Caption A turquoise ground yangcai incense dish in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-12.jpg
File image/jpeg, 72k
Title Fig. 13
Caption A yangcai bronze-mounted-shagreen-imitation match box in the collection of National Palace Museum, Taipei 
Credits © The National Palace Museum
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-13.jpg
File image/jpeg, 104k
Title Fig. 14
Caption  Platter by Bernard Palissy in the MET collection, New York 
Credits © The Metropolitan Museum of Art
URL http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/docannexe/image/6246/img-14.jpg
File image/jpeg, 817k
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References

Electronic reference

Chih-en Chen, « Fooling the eye: trompe l’oeil porcelain in High Qing China », Les Cahiers de Framespa [Online], 31 | 2019, Online since 01 June 2019, connection on 11 December 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/framespa/6246 ; DOI : 10.4000/framespa.6246

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About the author

Chih-en Chen

Chih-En Chen is a PhD Candidate in History of Art and Archaeology at SOAS, University of London, and previously worked at Christie’s and Waddington’s Auctioneers. He graduated with a MA in History of Art from University of Toronto, staying as a teaching assistant for Chinese Decorative Art until 2015. He is currently a Visiting Scholar at the Academia Sinica, Taipei, sponsored by SSHRC Doctoral Fellowship, Canada, and GSSA Fellowship, Taiwan. 656581@soas.ac.uk

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Copyright

Licence Creative Commons
Les Cahiers de Framespa sont mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International.

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