- 1 The author wishes to express her gratitude to the Giorgio Cini Foundation in Venice for its support (...)
1This article traces the main phases in the development of the Mediterranean Linguistic Atlas (ALM), with particular attention to its relaunch in 2015. Initiated in 1956 and continued until the Congress held in Palermo in October 1975, the project was resumed after a forty‑year hiatus, upon the initiative of the Centro di studi filologici e linguistici siciliani (Ruffino & Telmon, 2016a; Ruffino 2020). After a historical overview, the article examines initiatives from its recent phase, with particular emphasis on the digitisation of the original response corpus. A detailed analysis of the transcription system and the answer revision process will be the main subject of the article. The first two volumes, published in 2023 and 2024, are also examined, alongside a selection of illustrative case studies.1
2The Mediterranean Linguistic Atlas was first conceived in 1937 by the Croatian linguist Mirko Deanović, who observed remarkable lexical similarities between the dialect spoken in his hometown of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and that of Grau d’Agde, a small fishing village in southern France (cf. Deanović, 1975). This observation inspired the conceptualisation of an atlas representing the maritime and fishing terminology of all Mediterranean coasts, a project that aimed to document the extensive linguistic diversity characterising the region through its maritime vocabulary. The systematic comparison of linguistic data supported the idea that such analysis could extend to the entire Mediterranean region.
3It enabled scholars to reconstruct lexical diffusion patterns, their historical layers, and the integrative role of the sea. The emerging atlas was innovative from the outset, both methodologically and theoretically, given that the Mediterranean has long been a crossroads of languages, cultures, and maritime traditions. It is widely acknowledged that the sea functions as a major vector of linguistic and cultural diffusion (cf. Kahane, 1951); however, the circulation of linguistic phenomena across the sea follows its own rules, distinct from those that apply on land. Unlike traditional dialect atlases built on the assumption of linguistic unity, the ALM started from a multiplicity of languages and sought to identify unifying elements through contact and coexistence. As Deanović observed, “l’obiettivo di un atlante plurilingue è di mettere in luce particolarmente i tratti unitari interlinguistici come risultato di scambi e di convivenze” (Deanović, 1969: 189). This distinction is significant from both methodological and theoretical perspectives. The promoters of the ALM, Mirko Deanović, with the later involvement of Gianfranco Folena, were well aware that the sea required specific interpretative categories, and that, in order to meet the new challenges posed by an atlas of this kind, it was necessary to reconsider certain key concepts of geolinguistics.
4Traditional geolinguistics typically conceptualises space as continuous and land‑based, emphasizing gradual linguistic change over contiguous territories. In contrast, the ALM introduces a model that reconceptualises the Mediterranean not as a barrier but as a connective space—a network of nodes linked by maritime routes rather than terrestrial contiguity. Maritime routes, unlike land routes, enables radial, discontinuous diffusion, requiring a geolinguistic model better suited to the fluid, interconnected reality of the sea. Moreover, ports function as privileged loci of contact and exchange, where diverse linguistic systems coexist, intermingle, and evolve. This radial and nodal approach contrasts with the isogloss-based logic of continental atlases and is more consistent with the fragmented, polycentric character of maritime socio‑linguistic configurations (Deanović & Folena, 1959).
5Methodologically, this perspective is implemented in the ALM through the systematic recording of linguistic variation, with particular attention to diastratic, diaphasic, and diatopic dimensions as reflected in informant responses. The Atlas also recognises the impact of cross‑linguistic borrowing and contact-induced change, especially in liminal areas such as border ports and migrant fishing communities.
6Furthermore, the ALM framework integrates historical and anthropological dimensions. Linguistic data are interpreted considering navigation routes, trade patterns, and migration flows, allowing the Atlas to function as a multilingual palimpsest of maritime history. Rather than reducing linguistic variation to a static system, the ALM embraces its dynamic and diachronic nature, conceptualizing language as a living archive of centuries‑long maritime contact and exchange (cf. Ruffino 2018).
7Beyond its primary value as a linguistic repository, the ALM provides valuable opportunities for interdisciplinary research. For historians of navigation and maritime technology, the Atlas constitutes a lexical record preserving terminologies associated with maritime life, ranging from vessel typologies to meteorological words, thereby facilitating reconstructions of seafaring practices. Migration studies can draw on the Atlas’s lexical layers to trace population movements and contact zones, for example in the Neapolitan fishing communities in Algeria (Retaro, 2022, 2023) or the Sephardic influences in Israel (Altbauer, 1961). From the perspective of cultural geography, the Atlas maps both dialectal distributions and the cultural semantics of maritime space. In doing so, it contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how seaborne environments are inhabited, navigated, and symbolically constructed. In this way, the ALM transcends disciplinary boundaries, serving as a tool for reimagining the Mediterranean as a shared, multilingual, and historically dynamic environment.
8Once the foundational characteristics of the new initiative had been defined, the project was gradually put into operation. The implementation of the ALM involved intense collaboration and discussion among leading linguists of the time, who actively debated key practical issues concerning the creation and structure of the linguistic atlas. As a preliminary step, a network of survey points was established, extending across the entire Mediterranean basin, from Gibraltar to the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (see fig. 1).
Figure 1. – Survey points.
ALM 2023, back flap.
9Between 1956 and the late 1960s, a total of 165 survey points were investigated by a wide network of fieldworkers. Among them were Manuel Alvar, who focused on the Spanish coastline; Geneviève Massignon, who worked in Corsica; and several Italian specialists, including Carlo Battisti, Manlio Cortelazzo, Giovanni Tropea, Carlo Tagliavini, and Hugo Plomteux. Giovanni Oman was particularly prolific, conducting 20 surveys in Arabic-speaking areas. Anastasios Karanastasis led the work in Greek-speaking sites. Although the original plan included 161 survey points, four additional sites (Albufeira, Cassis, Salin de Giraud, and Piran) were incorporated during the 1970s. Some of the original points were chosen directly by the fieldworkers, such as the Algerian site of Mers el Kebir, selected according to specific criteria that will be examined in a later section. Fieldwork involved interviewing fishermen and sailors across a wide range of coastal sites throughout the Mediterranean.
10The project also required the meticulous preparation of an Italian/French bilingual questionnaire and the definition of a phonetic transcription system, an effort that demanded repeated refinement due to the heterogeneous practices of the fieldworkers. The questionnaire comprises 810 items structured around semantic domains pertaining to the sea, coastal geomorphology, meteorology, astronomy (especially the stars and constellations), navigation, seafaring vessels, life on board, trade, fishing, and marine fauna and flora. It also includes 35 open-ended questions to elicit information on fishermen’s practices and related ritual elements. The questionnaire was intended to gather not only lexical data but also ethnolinguistic and cultural information, thus providing a multidimensional insight into the maritime communities of the Mediterranean.
11In addition to the field surveys, the organizers launched a key journal, the Bollettino of the Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo (BALM), which continued publication until 1986. In 1971, a sample of 25 maps was also published, focusing on the names of winds and sparid fish, which served as a fundamental starting point for discussing various technical and methodological issues. Moreover, in 1977, the Sicilian surveys were published in a volume by Giovanni Ruffino entitled Il dialetto delle Pelagie e le inchieste dell’Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo in Sicilia.
12The project advanced steadily, thanks to the dedicated work of the young Gaetano Berruto, who was appointed in the late 1960s to oversee the processing of the extensive materials accumulated at the Cini Foundation, the institution that had supported the project from its inception. This enormous undertaking reached an advanced stage by the mid‑1970s. Nevertheless, as is often the case with large-scale and complex geolinguistic endeavours, the ALM encountered a significant hiatus during the mid‑1970s due to a combination of institutional and logistical challenges. Consequently, the project entered a prolonged period of dormancy. It was only revived in 2015 thanks to the efforts of Franco Crevatin, Giovanni Ruffino, and Tullio Telmon. In the current phase of recovery and revitalisation of the project, coordination has been entrusted to a small committee composed of Andrea Barbon (IT Manager), Riccardo Contini (University of Naples ‘L’Orientale’), Franco Crevatin (University of Trieste), Giovanni Ruffino (University of Palermo, Centro di Studi filologici e linguistici siciliani), and Tullio Telmon (University of Turin). This was followed by several years of necessary reflection, during which, among other tasks, it was essential to assess the condition of the preserved materials, and the progress made in processing the original transcriptions.
13Since the project’s revival, several significant milestones have been achieved: the publication of the first issue of the new series of the Bollettino dell’Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo (BALM) in 2021—a journal that has served as the atlas’s primary voice since its inception—and the creation of a restricted-access website, developed by Andrea Barbon, where the majority of the atlas’s original materials have been uploaded.
14With the resumption of work in 2015, scholarly contributions published in conference proceedings and academic journals have become increasingly numerous. Notable among these is the contribution by Crevatin et al. (2018), which outlines the main stages in both the historical and recent development of the ALM project, as well as the two papers by Ruffino and Telmon (2016a, 2016b). A key reference for reconstructing the project’s history is the volume published in 2017 by the Centro di studi filologici e linguistici siciliani, Per l’Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo sessant’anni dopo.
15Numerous conferences have been organized both during the initial phase of the project (six international conferences) and during the recent phase of renewed activity. Three further international conferences were held in Palermo in January 2017, in Venice at the Fondazione Cini in March 2018, and in Grado in September 2019, in addition to several working meetings held within broader dialectological events, such as the conference in Potenza on 13 April 2019.
16The most significant milestone in the project’s recent phase is the publication of the first ALM volume in 2023, followed by the release of the second volume in 2024. Before examining these two volumes in detail, it is essential to address the digitisation process of the survey data.
- 2 The development of the transcription system required considerable reflection, revision and rethinki (...)
17The digital revitalisation of the ALM has been central to its recent relaunch. Although the original documents had already been archived digitally by the Cini Foundation, they were only available as static image files, thus limiting their usability. Consequently, they were not searchable, editable, or directly usable for research and data analysis. Manual transcription was therefore essential to convert the content into a structured, machine-readable format suitable for integration into a digital database. The published materials adopt the most recent ALM transcription system, which was finalized in the mid‑1970s after a prolonged period of development carried out under the direction of Gaetano Berruto. This system represented a compromise between the transcription model originally envisioned and the variety of solutions applied in the field by the many different data collectors.2
- 3 For a detailed discussion of phonetic issues and the adopted solutions, see Berruto (1971–1973; 197 (...)
18The work undertaken by Gaetano Berruto was fundamental to the development of this new transcription system and to the process of reviewing the responses. In the late 1960s, he was entrusted with defining the editorial criteria for the extensive and complex materials collected in previous years. Following a preliminary review, Berruto carried out a systematic analysis of each survey, recording uncertainties, inconsistencies, and fieldworker-specific peculiarities.3 It should be noted that, following a pre‑editorial phase of transcription normalisation carried out by Berruto survey by survey, a more advanced editorial phase was launched with the goal of enabling cross-comparison between the surveys. The responses to a given question were thus transcribed onto double-sided editorial “schedoni” (large-format sheets). Photocopies of these sheets were then sent to the original data collectors for an additional review of the transcriptions, which had already been normalised by Berruto, in order to produce a final, definitive version of the responses. As shown in figure 2, this process is illustrated by the final version of the schedone for concept no. 12, Il mare fondo, alongside a “collage”, a preparatory document compiled by Berruto that incorporated corrections and comments from fieldworkers (fig. 3).
Figure 2. – Schedone concept no. 12.
Cini Foundation’s Archive.
Figure 3. – Example of ‘Collages’.
Cini Foundation’s Archive.
19It soon became apparent that the editorial transcriptions required further verification and refinement. Although a substantial portion of the material had been processed by 1979, the editorial work remained incomplete in several key areas. The restricted-access online portal now hosts scans of the transcriptions, both those taken directly from the original field notebooks and those compiled by Berruto on the editorial sheets with revised responses.
20Since these materials existed only as image files, they had to be converted into alphanumeric characters to be properly processed. Therefore, the digitisation of the transcriptions from the editorial sheets began. The data were manually entered into a specially designed Excel file, which included an input character check (via a macro) ensuring that each symbol conformed to a list of Unicode characters defined by the transcription committee and included within the file itself. After an initial trial phase, the data entry stage began in 2020 and was completed with the complete digitisation of the material in 2022.
21Following the completion of the digitisation process, the transcription data were revised to incorporate necessary corrections. This work was made possible thanks to the recovery of handwritten working materials from the 1970s by Gaetano Berruto, and to the working notes taken on individual surveys in 1977. Additionally, the revisions sent at the time by the data collectors were also recovered, incorporating all modifications established by Gaetano Berruto and the ALM directors according to the final instructions of 1976 and 1977. In this regard, the revisions made by Berruto to the surveys concerning Albufeira (p. 1), Cassis (p. 26), Salin de Giraud (p. 27), and Piran (p. 81), which were completed in the final phase of the project and delivered to the Cini Foundation only after 1971, were also recovered. In the final phase, the commentary notes and grammatical annotations provided by the data collectors were also digitised and incorporated into the database.
22In the new planning phase, a major milestone has been the publication of the first two volumes of the ALM, which present the responses for concepts 7‑113 in the first volume (ALM 2023) and for concepts 114‑206 in the second (ALM 2024). The following section discusses key aspects of these publications.
23The data published in the volumes are presented in the form of word lists organized into columns, a methodological choice that warrants discussion. The decision to present the material in this way had already been considered by the project leaders in 1975. At that time, the Atlas was at an impasse, compounded by persistent financial difficulties that necessitated a reconsideration of the original editorial plan and led to the temporary abandonment of the initially planned linguistic maps. Several reasons underpinned this decision. First, the geolinguistic scale of the project was too broad to allow the immediate application of the traditional cartographic representation methodology. More critically, the lack of true territorial contiguity meant that the delineation of linguistic areas ha to proceed in a discontinuous manner. Accordingly, in this new phase, the editors decided to remain consistent with the project’s original guidelines while deferring the production of linguistic maps.
24A particularly significant feature of the two volumes is the inclusion of notes accompanying the concepts. Within the responses, a plus sign (+) refers to commentary notes, while a cross (×) indicates grammatical notes. The content of these notes is presented in tabular form at the end of the column corresponding to each concept. They include lexical, grammatical, and sociolinguistic annotations, often highlighting diastratic or diaphasic variation, as well as cases of lexical innovation or archaism. The following section offers a detailed examination of several particularly noteworthy examples of commentary and grammatical notes drawn from the two published volumes.
- 4 Both Corsican surveys were conducted by Geneviève Massignon.
25This section presents a case‑based analysis of the annotations recorded in the ALM, illustrated with representative examples providing insight into the sociolinguistic and lexical nuances captured by the ALM. Explanatory notes often clarify semantic distinctions, diaphasic, or diastratic aspects of the elicited data. In Kos, in the eastern part of Greece, for example, the answer collected by Karanastasis for ‘southern wind’ (c. 112 Il vento di mezzogiorno) was o nisírikos, meaning ‘from the isle of Nisyros’, because, as you can read in the note, the wind blows from the isle of Nisiros. In Rodos, the note by Thavoris for the concept 83 ‘warm humidity’ (L’afa) specifies that the term was interpreted incorrectly by the informant. At Palos de la Frontera, the answer for ‘storm’ (c. 102 La burrasca) was recorded by Manuel Alvar as čuβáhko, while a more formal variant bor̄áhka was also noted. Figs 4 and 5 illustrate examples of notes from question 36 ‘the inlet’ (L’insenatura) and question 54 ‘the saltworks’ (Le saline). As can be seen in point 32 corresponding to Cargese, the different types indicated in note 36 are distinguished based on the size and features of the inlet (see also point 37, Bonifacio).4
Figure 4. – Notes question 36 ‘the inlet’ (L’insenatura).
ALM 2023: 92.
Figure 5. – I luoghi dell’approdo, c. 153.
ALM 2024: 101–104.
26The commentary notes reveal also numerous references to toponymic elements, widespread throughout the ALM, such as at point 52 (notes 54), Porto Santo Stefano, in Italy (investigated by Cortelazzo), where salíne is a toponym in Orbetello lagoon, in Tuscany; or point 82, Rovinj (Deanović) where the answer li ʃalíne is a toponym near Rovinj, in Croatia. Also noteworthy is the observation of an Italianised form, salína, as recorded by Cortelazzo at point 50, Viareggio, in Tuscany. Additional toponymic information was also collected for ‘the landing place’ (I luoghi dell’approdo, c. 153) at Crotone (fig. 6).
Figure 6. – Notes question 54 ‘the saltworks’ (Le saline).
ALM 2023: 125–128.
27In other cases, it is possible to observe intergenerational variation, as at point 75, Cattolica, on the Italian North-Adriatic coast (surveyed by Cortelazzo), where the term insenadúra for L’insenatura (c. 36) is marked as being used primarily by younger speakers, or at point 93, Argostolion in Greece, where Karanastasis noted that local fishermen are unfamiliar with the term L’insenatura (c. 36) and used spianza for bay: “i pescatori non conoscendo il termine hanno dato spi̯ánza per ’baia’”. Moreover, in Haifa/Tel Aviv, two terms for ‘storm’, sufá and fortúna, were recorded, with the latter reported as being used exclusively by Sephardic fishermen. This linguistic layering also reflects deep cultural and historical links, such as the presence of Italianisms in Israeli Sephardic maritime jargon documented by Altbauer (1961).
28These examples, together with marginal notes preserved by Berruto in the “schedoni” and collated by recent editors, now appear in the published volumes as footnotes. They enhance the interpretative potential of the data by adding layers of linguistic, social, and historical commentary. The next section presents a compelling case study concerning one of the ALM survey points along the Algerian coast, as evidence of the immense significance of the Atlas as a testimony to the history of the Mediterranean.
29One of the most revealing cases emerging from the ALM fieldwork is that of Mers el Kebir, a coastal locality in Algeria surveyed in 1964 by the Arabist Giovanni Oman. Located near Oran, Mers el Kebir was historically a fishing village and later became a French naval base. The linguistic data collected there revealed a surprisingly strong presence of southern Italian dialect features. This was the result of a significant migratory wave that brought fishermen from the Phlegraean Islands, especially Ischia and Procida, to the Algerian coasts early as the mid‑19th century. This presence, documented in multiple sources, was stable rather than occasional (Giovannoni, 2014; Liauzu, 1996, 1997; Loth, 1905; Merlin, 1963), and over time became increasingly consolidated, only to begin to decline in the 1960s following Algeria’s independence and the implementation of strict measures aimed at promoting native employment (cf. Brunet, 2012). Southern Italian fishermen nevertheless played a decisive role in the history of Algerian ports in disseminating fishing practices. Fishing was not a traditional activity in Algeria, and in its underexploited waters these migrants found an environment well suited to their fishing techniques: “la pêche des poissons bleus était à l’origine une spécialité italienne, parce que les pêcheurs venaient de petits ports du golfe de Naples qui s’occupaient essentiellement de cette pêche” (Huetz de Lemps, 1955: 175). Maritime activities throughout the Oran province were thus developed by southern Italian fishermen, who introduced local population to the fishing knowledge and techniques of their native regions. According to numerous sources, a substantial number of these fishermen came from Procida and Ischia. Fishermen from Torre del Greco had been engaged in coral fishing since 1830, and like those from Procida, many settled permanently in Algeria by the mid nineteenth century (Lacaze-Duthiers, 1864). In his work Les pêcheurs d’Oran et de Mers el‑Kebir, the esteemed geographer and urban planner Pierre Merlin describes the uniqueness of this fishing port in the following terms:
Mais dès 1846 on compte une nombreuse colonie de pêcheurs espagnols (99), napolitains (129), sardes (91) et toscans et, semble‑t‑il, des aides indigènes. Les Espagnols se fixent à Oran ce qui est logique. Plus curieux est l’établissement d’une importante colonie italienne à Mers el‑Kebir. La plupart de ces Italiens sont originaires de l’île de Procida dans le golfe de Naples. À cette époque ces pêcheurs vivent encore sur leurs embarcations, mais certains ont déjà fondé Saint André de Mers el‑Kebir. Les colonies de pêcheurs d’Oran et de Mers el‑Kebir sont alors les plus importantes d’Algérie. (1963: 27)
30Throughout the nineteenth century, the community of fishermen from the Phlegraean area and Naples expanded steadily. As they settled along the Algerian coast, these migrants introduced the traditions and customs of their homeland, notably the dialect varieties spoken within their communities (Merlin, 1963: 39–40). This linguistic connection with their homelands was never entirely severed, not even among the second generations of Ischians and Procidans born in Mers el Kebir. This influence also extended to Algerian fishermen who replaced the Italians, most of whom had left by the 1960s. As noted in the 1950s, Italian influence remained evident in the technical vocabulary used by Muslim fishermen: “l’influence italienne se marque encore dans tout le vocabulaire technique employé par les Musulmans” (Huetz de Lemps, 1955: 173–174). Further evidence of this Italian linguistic imprint appears in the Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo, as will be shown below. Oman’s report had already highlighted the distinctive socio‑cultural context of Mers el Kebir, emphasising both the role of “Neapolitan” fishermen and the specificity of their lexical repertoire:
Mers el Kebir è oggi una base navale militare francese ed il porto di pesca, fiorente fino a pochissimi anni fa, è stato trasferito ad Orano. Fra i pochi civili che vi abitano ancora, si trovano alcuni pescatori pensionati fra i quali ho scelto i miei informatori: uno di origine europea, l’altro algerino. I pescatori di origine europea erano per la maggior parte originari di Ischia e Procida. Il numero dei pescatori si aggirava sui 400/500. E parlavano in genere francese e napoletano. I pescatori arabi, pochi, non avevano e non hanno un linguaggio proprio per la pesca.
31During his fieldwork in Mers el Kebir, Oman selected two informants. The first, Antoine Federico, was a 76‑year‑old fisherman (retired at the time of the interview), born in Algeria to parents originally from Forio d’Ischia; the second, Soliman el‑Guenedy, was a 56‑year‑old Algerian. The selection of a principal informant of non‑Arab origin to answer the questionnaire might appear questionable. However, Oman was fully aware of the methodological implications, being well acquainted with the social composition of the Algerian ports he was studying. His choice was, in fact, a very appropriate and perfectly aligned with the historical characteristics of the survey site. Upon arrival, Oman carefully selected his informants, and in Mers el Kebir he chose to interview a former fisherman tied to the culture and language of his parents, natives of the island of Ischia, one of the last representatives of that historic community of fishermen of southern Italian origin that had steadily dwindled following Algeria’s independence in 1962.
32At the time of Oman’s survey, the component of the population from Ischia and Procida had already declined significantly, and the number of those still engaged in fishing was rapidly decreasing. It was during this same period that the number of Arab fishermen began to rise. It is estimated that while in the 1930s there were just over 400 Algerian fishermen, by the early 1960s there were around 2.000 (Huetz de Lemps, 1955: 173; Merlin, 1963: 47). However, having learned the trade from the Ischian and Procidan migrants, these Arab fishermen also adopted much of the technical vocabulary rooted in the Neapolitan dialect. The value of the Mers el Kebir survey thus lies both in its linguistic content and in its role as a historical testimony to the cultural and linguistic influence exerted by southern Italian fishermen across the Mediterranean.
33Antoine Federico’s speech displayed classic phonetic features of the Neapolitan dialect alongside local traits of the Ischian variety, including metaphonic diphthongization (e.g. [maleti̯émp] ‘maltempo’), metaphonic high‑mid vowel closure ([frišk] ‘fresco’, [tunn] ‘tonno’), final vowel reduction ([lamp] ‘lampo’, [ki̯ov] ‘piove’), and the palatalization of pre‑consonantal /s/ ([škariká] ‘scaricare’, [peškator] ‘pescatore’). Distinctive Ischian features included the stop realisation of Latin ‑ll‑ (e.g. [d‑ak] for ‘l’acqua’) and metaphonic palatalization of stressed /a/ ([ski̯arḗt] ‘rischiarato’) (Freund, 1933; Pianese, 2022).
34In addition to phonology, the lexical data further affirmed the persistence of Neapolitan maritime vocabulary in North Africa (cf. Oman 1966; 1977). Notable examples include:
[balái̯a] ‘sogliola’ (Solea vulgaris)
[skortón] ‘lanzardo’ (Scomber colias)
[furdán] ‘sciarrano’ (Serranus scriba)
[ʾau̯ráta] ‘orata’ (Sparus aurata)
[gu̯arraʃ̌īn] ‘castagnola’ (Chromis chromis)
[su̯áč] ‘cianchetta’ (Arnoglossus laterna)
35Technical terminology relating to fishing practices also supports the link with Neapolitan maritime culture: [guǧédd] ‘cucella’ (net‑sewing needle), derived from Latin acūcella, and [grokko] ‘polpara’ (octopus lure), a form derived from crocco, with parallels in Corsica and Sicily.
36The examples from the Mers el Kebir ALM survey reinforce the theoretical premise of the Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo: that the Mediterranean constitutes a zone of linguistic convergence shaped by centuries of human mobility and cultural interaction. The preservation of southern Italian dialectal features in Algeria provides direct evidence of historical migration patterns and illustrates how language serves as a medium of cultural transmission across both generations and geographic boundaries.
37The Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo (ALM) is not only an exceptional linguistic archive but also a vivid testimony to the Mediterranean’s intertwined histories of mobility, exchange, and coexistence. Following Braudel, the Mediterranean offers another way of approaching history (cf. Braudel, 1997). In this respect, the ALM embodies a polyphonic record of seafaring cultures, and its revitalisation opens new avenues for geolinguistic inquiry and historical reflection. Beyond its descriptive purpose, the ALM serves as a methodological bridge between linguistics, anthropology, and historical geography, offering a robust empirical basis for reconstructing submerged or marginalised voices within the Mediterranean’s region. Its layered documentation enables scholars to trace the entanglement of language practices with historical migration flows, social hierarchies, and cross‑cultural transmission. Particularly in zones of intense contact, such as Mers el Kebir, the data collected allow for a nuanced examination of how lexical repertoires evolve under the influence of displacement, colonisation, and prolonged coexistence.
38Moreover, the ALM is more than a static repository of lexical items: it constitutes a dynamic archive of lived experiences encoded in language. It allows for a reconstruction of the sociolinguistic realities of diasporic communities and sheds light on how linguistic memory—especially in technical and occupational domains such as fishing—persists, adapts, or fades across generations. These insights are of particular interest to geolinguistics, as they intersect with spatialised understandings of linguistic variation and cultural resilience.
39Reviving the legacy of the ALM therefore entails an act of cultural preservation: retrieving linguistic and ethnographic traces that are in danger of disappearing amid processes of standardisation, globalisation, and historical amnesia. From this perspective, the Mediterranean emerges not as a fragmented mosaic of isolated speech communities, but as a dynamic continuum, a shared linguistic and cultural sea shaped by voices in transit. Consequently, the ALM stands not only as a valuable scientific instrument but also as a vehicle of collective memory, capable of informing both contemporary geolinguistic research and broader reflections on the role of language in shaping Mediterranean identities.