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Rich, literate, and powerful

Jewish tenants and ecclesiastical landlords in the See’s domain over Judiaria Nova (Évora, 14th and 15th centuries)
Beatriz da Silva Felício

Abstracts

In the late Middle Ages, Iberian Jewish quarters were frequently under the Church’s lordship, as Jewish communities rented property from ecclesiastical institutions. That would be the case of Évora, the second city of the kingdom and an episcopal See of demographical, cultural, and political importance, whose Judiaria Nova was mostly owned by the See’s canons and bacharéis. This article analyses the relationship between Jewish tenants and ecclesiastical landlords through their emphyteutic everyday interactions. Using Évora and its See’s lordship as a case study, I will be resorting to deeds, donations, sentences, and compositions to ascertain the status and treatment of Jews as tenants, framing religious identities within socio‑economic interests.

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  • 1 It is the case of: J.B. Serra, “Senhorios e foreiros…”, 2009; I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, (...)
  • 2 The relations between Jewish communities and canon chapters were approached through a case study by (...)
  • 3 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “O difícil diálogo…”, 2000. M.J.P. Ferro, Os judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, 1982.
  • 4 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “A presença judaica…”, p. 225.

1In the past few decades, researchers have analysed the socio‑economic relations established through emphyteusis and urban property in medieval cities1, yet seldomly considering Jewish communities2. Although the dynamics between ecclesiastical hierarchies and Jews have been thoroughly examined3, these aspects don’t frequently intertwine. However, in Iberian Jewish quarters – here addressed by the Portuguese term “judiarias” – ecclesiastical lordship prevailed, with Jews renting from the clergy and, in diocesan seats, from the Sees4. Ownership and occupation of these areas would mirror power dynamics, shaping the social framing and everyday life of Jewish populations. Thus, this article analyses the relations between Jewish tenants and their ecclesiastical landlords through the lens of estate management, using the city of Évora and the lordship of the See as a case study.

  • 5 Bacharéis were substitute clergymen assisting the canons of the See, in a lower hierarchical stratu (...)

2Late medieval Évora was a growing episcopal seat, housing the kingdom’s second largest Jewish community in a judiaria belonging almost entirely to two corporations of the See – the canon chapter and the bacharéis5. I will focus on Judiaria Nova, the “New” judiaria, from the late 14th century until the Edict of Expulsion of Jews from Portugal (1496), when written records became the norm.

  • 6 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5.
  • 7 This analysis resorts to Júlio César Baptista’s summary of the individual parchments, collected in (...)

3My sources consist in a sample of deeds, donations, sentences and compositions from Arquivo do Cabido da Sé de Évora. The chapter’s domain is analysed through the 5th Book of Deeds6, a collection of formulaic deeds from the 1470s which allow the recovery of serial data (the names of tenants, their professions, the value of rents, the location of properties, and the duration of leases). Simultaneously, the property of the bacharéis is examined through their parchments (Pergaminhos dos Bacharéis7), dating from 1382 to the 16th century, in a wide range of the above‑mentioned typologies, allowing for a survey of lengthy descriptions of feuds and everyday interactions between tenants and landlords. Assuredly, these are Christian sources written by notaries safeguarding their institution’s interests in detriment of Jewish experiences. Still, they constitute valuable but unexplored viewpoints shedding light on Jewish-Christian relations.

1. Establishing domains and organizing space

  • 8 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 192.
  • 9 H. Vilar, As Dimensões do Poder…, p. 122. J.C. Lera Maíllo, “Propriedad urbana…”, p. 375.
  • 10 L.M. Duarte and L.C. Amaral, “Prazos do Século…”, p. 100.

4Both the canon chapter and the bacharéis of the See of Évora date back to the 13th century, and, like most Iberian ecclesiastical institutions, they would have obtained an extensive urban estate through purchases and pious donations8. Since their income and sustenance depended on the exploitation of plots of land, managing property was vital for financial gain9. Therefore, they diverged from other urban landlords with different interests, as the Crown or municipalities, concerned with matters of defence, the settlement of populations, urbanization or even the “common good” of towns and kingdoms10.

  • 11 L.M. Duarte, “A propriedade…”, p. 146.
  • 12 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 71–72.

5Canons and bacharéis tended to amass assets in specific streets and neighbourhoods11, resulting in a Judiaria Nova that constituted an “island of property” of the See12. But why?

  • 13 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 56.
  • 14 In a broader context, the Portuguese Crown was particularly protective of religious minorities, all (...)
  • 15 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66.

6Évora’s Jewish communities initially resided in inside Cerca Velha, the city’s first defence wall. By the early 14th century, they were relocated to a neighbourhood between the two defence walls, Cerca Velha and Cerca Nova, bound by Rua do Raimundo and Rua de Alconchel (today’s Rua Serpa Pinto)13Judiaria Nova. This coincided with the demographical growth of Jewish populations and the belated and uneven enforcement of Lateran IV’s (1215) segregation laws in Portugal14, but one cannot understate the role of Jews in their spatial organization. Much like any culturally cohesive group, Jews tended to organically cluster with or without the obligation to do so15.

Figure 1

Figure 1

Schematic map of Judiaria Nova at its maximum size, evolving throughout the 15th century.

  • 16 This map was made considering M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 56. G. Val‑Flores, “ (...)

Elaborated by the author16.

  • 17 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, pp. 72–73.
  • 18 According to Beirante, “it is thought that part of the judiaria’s houses was built on the land of t (...)
  • 19 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 72. J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 21.
  • 20 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 6, 53.

7This judiaria was built in an arrabalde (outskirts) newly incorporated by the Cerca Nova, suggesting an arrangement external to the Jewish community17. Since this area encompassed fields claimed by canons and bacharéis, its urbanization resulted in Jewish quarters owned primarily by the See18. In fact, the continuity of such “Island of Property” in Chão Domingueiros, a nearby neighbourhood, reflects the institution’s domain over arrabalde de Alconchel, its most profitable urban estate overall19. In 1379, Judiaria Nova was first mentioned by the chapter, and, by 1401, the bacharéis were renting houses, cellars, shops, and workshops near the synagogue20.

  • 21 In Lisbon or Oporto, the king held most land in the Jewish quarters, but in Braga, the See was the (...)
  • 22 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 192. L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 132.

8Looking at the distribution of urban property in Évora, said neighbourhood seems indeed dominated by the See, but a closer inspection reveals an “archipelago” of landlords in its midst. In medieval Portugal, the Crown, Sees and municipalities tended to own most of the judiarias’ lots, depending on local circumstances21. This varies from other European cities, where merchants and nobles also held urban land and the middle to lower strata of society tended to rent, without much interest in securing ownership22. Property was then possessed and rented by privileged groups, contributing to their social, political, and economic status.

  • 23 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 80, 82, 93, 97–98, 107, 109.
  • 24 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 13, 11–15, 18, 21, (...)
  • 25 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 53, 55, 57, 78, 84, 85. The beit‑midrash equates to a study hal (...)

9In Judiaria Nova, the See’s domain was interrupted by lots belonging to the Crown, the municipality, and local hospitals, churches, and convents23. Even the See’s property was heterogeneous. The canons had their sphere in the western part of the neighbourhood and near the beit‑midrash24, while the bacharéis owned lots surrounding the synagogue and, also, the beit‑midrash25. Moreover, the areas with a broader variety of landlords correspond to the most commercially active streets, vital to circulation – Rua dos Ferreiros (today’s Rua dos Mercadores) and Rua do Tinhoso (today’s Rua da Moeda). Emphyteutic relations between Jews and the See were thus inevitable, as the judiaria’s property was mostly owned by canons and bacharéis. Nonetheless, Jews were not necessarily tenants of the See. Given the institution’s domain, they most likely were, but renting to other institutions was feasible.

  • 26 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66.
  • 27 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10. According to Maria Ângela Beirante, Jews represented 13, (...)
  • 28 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66. I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 51.

10Iberian judiarias were overpopulated, sometimes scarce in vacant houses or accessible rents, leading to their frequent multiplication or augmentation26. That was the case of Évora, in 1408, when D. João I granted the comuna’s request for the Judiaria Nova to be expanded towards the agro‑productive fields of Palmeira27. Other strategies could maximize the use of the available space, be it narrower streets or more compartmented, smaller, and taller buildings. This would have impacted how Jews inhabited their quarters, as well as how the See managed and explored their estates, since space compartmentation and overpopulation led to a more dynamic real estate market28.

  • 29 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 47, 75, 91.
  • 30 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Esc (...)

11The use of the judiaria itself to locate nearby lots in written records indicate that it would be recognized as a distinct neighbourhood in the city29. Still, the See would more frequently use neighbours and residents to locate their properties. When renting, purchasing, and inventorying, canons and bacharéis controlled the spaces they owned and those occupying it by pinpointing certain lots in relation to their tenants. Occasionally, the king’s or the municipality’s properties could be spatial references as well30.

  • 31 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Esc (...)
  • 32 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 94.

12Thus, toponomy took names of important and/or well‑known inhabitants or buildings. That is the case of Ruas da Sinagoga Grande/Pequena, Rua do Midras, Travessa da Tâmara, named after Tamar, wife of Judas Sassam, or the streets named after Mestre Moisés Lubel and Mestre Lázaro31. These mestres (misters) would be physicists and surgeons, holding social status in urban communities, alluding to another matter. Did the See’s register of these streets indicate that the institution recognized Jewish hierarchies and inner dynamics? Or did canons and bacharéis merely register a social system externally imposed on said community? A clue can be found in a 1498 deed in which the bacharéis rented houses near those of rabbi Moisés32. One year after the expulsion and forced conversion of Jews in Portugal (1496–1497), Évora’s Jewish structures seem to still be intact, given the mention of a rabbi, or at least still recognized by local populations and institutions.

  • 33 K. Lilley, Urban life…, pp. 194–5.

13Moreover, the plainer signs of the See’s domain are the stone plaques set in walls that remain throughout the Judiaria Nova to express ownership rights, a common practice throughout medieval western Europe33. In the Jewish quarters of Évora, an abundance of plaques still read “cabido”, “São Pedro” and “São Tiago”, evoking a variety of landlords.

  • 34 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, pp. 66–67.

14Singularly in its Iberian context, this judiaria was not suffocated by the edification of churches nearby, and while it is likely that sermons and preachings took place in its area and vicinities, I have not detected written records of it34. Still, the Church had a glaring presence in the neighborhood, enforced by the materialities and dynamics implicit in the See’s property dominion.

Figure 2

Figure 2

Plaque marking the canon chapter’s property in Judiaria Nova, Travessa da Parreira.

Photo by the author.

2. Owning and occupying urban land

  • 35 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, pp. 76–77, 91. L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 132
  • 36 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.

15When leasing, tenants had to pay a yearly sum to which secondary payments could be added, and the accumulation of these generally low rents would amount to substantial patrimonies for the landlords35, making the Judiaria Nova a lucrative estate for the See. In fact, the 1408 ordinance states that its expansion is permitted precisely because it pleased Christians or the majority of those whose houses would be incorporated into the neighbourhood36. Hence, the prospect of renting and subletting to Jews seemed highly appealing.

  • 37 L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 131.
  • 38 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 80.
  • 39 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 31. P. Desportes, Reims et le Rémois…, p. 116.

16The duration of leases varied according to their emphyteutic category – emprazamentos, measured in lifetimes, arrendamentos, lasting fixed periods of time (five to ten years), or aforamentos, perpetual and inheritable37. Throughout Europe, from the 14th century onwards, leases tended to last one to three lifetimes, promoting the mobility of estates and regular rent updates, with studies on urban property considering aforamentos as less lucrative and desirable38. But perpetual leases had their advantages, as landlords could alienate their responsibility over properties for large time periods while still profiting off them39.

  • 40 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 258.

17Concerning the See’s urban estate, Ângela Beirante concluded that emprazamentos represented a striking 74,4% of emphyteutic contracts, 21,3% were aforamentos and 4,3% arrendamentos. Said author believes that the bachareisaforamentos were profitable businesses, promoting subleases and securing property mobility40, which seems rather common. The Pergaminhos rarely mention the duration of leases in the judiaria, but emprazamentos lasting two lifetimes seem to be common practice until the 15th century, when a duration of three lifetimes became the norm. Concurrently, aforamentos appear frequently in the bacharéis’ estates. As for the chapter, the 5th Book of Deeds registers more aforamentos (7) than emprazamentos (5), indicating that the canons saw advantages in long‑term leasing. This might be skewed by the nature and quantity of my sources, not representative enough for solid quantitative analyses, benefiting from a future in‑depth comparison.

  • 41 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 18.
  • 42 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34.
  • 43 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.
  • 44 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 36.

18Additionally, the measurement of lifetimes in emprazamentos could vary. A couple signing a contract would usually account for two lifetimes, one for each individual, both in the Judiaria Nova and elsewhere. Abraão Navarro and his wife, like many, would each account for a lifetime when they became tenants of the chapter, in 1474, and were responsible for naming a third person to hold the lease; otherwise, they (and their heirs) would lose all rights over the lots41. The same applied to João Fernandes and Beatriz Vaz, a Christian couple renting in the judiaria42. But there were exceptions. Moisés Navarro and his wife, Ester, rented some of the chapter’s houses, together accounting for one lifetime only. The last to pass would name a second person43. It is not clear what differentiated this couple from other tenants. Perhaps their socio‑economic status or the circumstances of the rented properties had a role to play, but given the formulaic nature of the deeds, it is not comprehensible. A tenant’s power to nominate an inheritor for their lease would be an advantage for any townsperson, enabling them to pay for services, seal deals, honour commitments or secure a good marriage44. Thus, Moisés Navarro and his wife benefited from keeping a longer tenancy and from making more strategic nominations.

  • 45 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 263.
  • 46 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92.

19As monetary payments became frequent from the 14th century onwards, especially in the urban world, rents were usually set in coins, but additional payments in genres would remain customary, adding one to three chickens per rent45. Sometimes, other goods, perhaps relating to their availability or the tenant’s involvement in production chains, were requested. In 1495, the bacharéis would receive 700 reais and an established portion of honey from one of their Jewish tenants46.

  • 47 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 93.
  • 48 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.
  • 49 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

20Withal, monetary ratios could be problematic, leading to rent updates and articulated calculations of metal values, foreign, current, and older coins47. In 1401, the bacharéis established a rent of 5 libras in old coins circulating when 1 marco de prata was worth 25 libras worth 30 each48, and, in 1475, the chapter defines a rent of 72 reais brancos of 10 pretos each, or whatever value set by the king at the time of payment49. This last clause benefited the landlords, allowing them to freely adjust rents according to upcoming coinage flux without the need to update contracts.

21For their chronological range, the Pergaminhos exemplify a broader phenomenon, through rents imposed to Jews – the progressive substitution of libras for reais in 15th century currency. By the 1470s, when the canon chapter’s deeds are written, all payments are set in reais.

  • 50 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 267–268.

22As mentioned, these rents would be accessible. By the 15th century, for which written sources are more abundant, Beirante detected that the See’s average rent would be 314 reais, the highest 1200 reais, and the lowest 10 reais. These are heterogeneous values, somewhat coinciding with those practiced by the Crown, averaging 335 reais, but higher than the municipality’s average rent of 55,05 reais50. Hence, tenants of the Judiaria Nova could pay above average rents not because they were Jews, but because the spaces they were expected to live in were under the predominant lordship of the See and not “cheaper” institutions.

  • 51 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.
  • 52 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 92 and 84, respectively.

23Yet, the complaints leading to the judiaria’s expansion in 1408 indicate that its rents were so high that the poor could no longer support them51. While it is natural that the lack of available housing would lead to such an issue, one can see why the document would be an exaggeration. After all, the comuna had to prove the urgency of its request. In my sources, despite a lack of data for reliable calculations of average values, the highest rent charged in the neighbourhood during the 15th century cost 700 reais and the lowest 10 reais52, less extreme values than those noted above.

Figure 3

Figure 3

Maximum and minimum rents changed by the See in Évora’s Judiaria Nova and general urban estate (15th century).

Elaborated by the author.

  • 53 E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, p. 86. M.J.P. Ferro has also noted that, in the 14th century, c (...)

24These rents were dictated by the location, dimension, and condition of houses. After all, judiarias would be highly populated and compartmented neighbourhoods, leaving no space for large complex housing or empty unexplored lots that would prompt drastic prices. The largest sums were charged in the top halves of Judiaria Nova’s main streets, Rua do Tinhoso and Rua dos Ferreiros, where, coincidentally, there was a greater variety of owners. In contrast, streets near Palmeira, a productive area where noise, smells and dirtiness would’ve been common, seem cheaper. So, as verified in other European Jewish quarters, Jewish tenants were not paying higher rents53. They were, nonetheless, constrained by the circumstances of their quarters, unable to seek more advantageous bargains in other urban areas.

  • 54 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 68.
  • 55 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.
  • 56 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 70, 92. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda(...)

25Moreover, not all Jews lived in judiarias, and not all these neighbourhoods’ residents would be Jewish54. In Portugal, Jews could live among Christians by royal decrees of privilege or simply out of need. The 1408 order notes that some Jews lived in other neighbourhoods due to the lack of available housing in the judiaria55. In addition, canons and bacharéis had Christian tenants in the neighbourhood, although it is unclear whether they were inhabiting or subletting these properties56, discrediting the idea of Jewish quarters as closed and impermeable segregation spaces.

  • 57 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 98.
  • 58 J.C. Lera Maíllo, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários…”, pp. 380–381. I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade ré (...)

26Religious creed aside, the See’s tenants in the judiaria would generally be craftsmen, since most Jews, and therefore most residents in judiarias, were artisans and merchants57. Besides, craftsmen were frequently preferred as tenants – they were in a stable socio‑economic position, did not have exemptions that would be disadvantageous to the landlords, and needed houses, shops, and workshops for their trades. Furthermore, their crafts gave them skills to maintain and repair properties58. Jews were desirable tenants not only because they were Jewish, which put them in a specific social stratum, but because of their professional background.

Figure 4

Figure 4

Socioprofessional categories of tenants in Judiaria Nova.

Elaborated by the author.

  • 59 L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 133.
  • 60 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.
  • 61 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92.
  • 62 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 157.

27And renting came with duties – the maintenance of buildings seems to be a concern for owners and a responsibility for tenants59. In 1401, Isaac Sadom rented a house with the condition to remake its walls, woods and rooftiles60. By 1495, Judas Sassan and his wife, Tamar, rented a house they promised to fix by making a new window in a set period of two years61. In 1497, the canons rented slums in the judiaria under the condition that the new tenant would turn them into residential houses62. In fact, the formula of the canon chapter’s deeds include that no damage should be done to their houses, which should always be in improved conditions, subject to the payment of fines for any harm found.

  • 63 J.L. Barrios Sotos, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários…”, p. 102. E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…” (...)
  • 64 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Esc (...)
  • 65 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 94.
  • 66 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “O difícil diálogo…”, pp. 55–57.

28If the owners consented, tenants could sublet these properties for their own benefit. For society’s middle strata, it was an opportunity to explore urban real estate without owning lots. Some landlords established that tenants could not sublet properties to individuals of higher social status, to avoid their “nobitalization”, or to Jews or Muslims63, but, obviously, this last condition did not apply in judiarias. In Évora, both Isaac Vivas and José Calvo were subletting properties owned by the See to other Jews64, while the Christians João Rodrigues Pechim and Beatriz Dias sublet houses to a Jewish couple65. Interestingly, there are no registered cases of Jews subletting to Christians in these sources, aligning with medieval notions that forbade Jews from establishing dominion over Christians66.

  • 67 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 9, 13.
  • 68 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 19.
  • 69 Arquivo Distrital …, Fundo da Misericórdia, Livro do Acenheiro (cot. 1796), fl. 31v.
  • 70 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 46.

29The need for separate urban equipments and the apparent appeal of subletting markets also explain why Abraão Saul, among others, held three simultaneous leases67. Additionally, it reveals how ramified the links between tenants and landlords could be. Between ecclesiastical landlords and their Jewish tenants there were webs of hierarchies and property domains that went beyond bilateral relations. These ties reflect those of ownership, with co‑property being common in medieval cities68. Salomão Caraforte, for instance, rented a house that belonged both to the Hospital of St. John and to the canons of the See69, while Salomão de Leiria and Samuel Savarigo paid rent to the king and the bacharéis for some shops70.

  • 71 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 41.
  • 72 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 9, 9v, 11, 13, 14, (...)

30Finally, despite established lease lengths, property mobility could happen through the termination of contracts due to changes in place of residence, death, widowhood, and poverty71. In fact, the deeds include formulas to express the right of any tenant to sell, exchange, or barter properties – if the owners allowed it72.

3. Avoiding conflicts and managing interests

  • 73 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 7.
  • 74 Arquivo Distrital…, Fundo Municipal, l. 67, Livro 1.º de Pergaminho, fl. 50.
  • 75 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 7. C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 37, 42.

31While my analysis has benefited from formulaic data, reports of feuds between landlords and Jewish tenants over the management of estates, such as those registered in the bacharéis’ parchments, allow for a deeper understanding of emphyteutic relations. Yet, they are not quantitatively more relevant than registers of quarrels between the See and Christian individuals/institutions. For instance, there are multiple mentions of issues between the bacharéis and the Order of the Hospital over pious donations, commonly solved by mutual agreement73. Similarly, Martim Afonso, a Christian tenant, realised he was wrongfully paying rent to the canons for houses owned by the municipality. Although my sources do not illustrate the municipality’s perspective of events, the issue was once more solved agreeably, and the payments rectified74. Friction happens even between different bodies of the See, as when canons and bacharéis disputed prebends of cereal75.

  • 76 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

32Emphyteusis particularly rose challenges. Even Álvaro Gonçalves, a canon renting a house belonging to the bacharéis in Judiaria Nova, was forced to give up his lease after a demand from the chapter76. That being the case of a canon, tenants of lower status would be more vulnerable. Indeed, the See as landlord seemed to always win these feuds. After all, if property accounted for most of its economic power, estate administration was vital.

  • 77 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 7, 35, 47, 59, 38.
  • 78 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 50.

33João das Calças, for example, went on a lengthy and expensive trial after refusing to pay for rents he allegedly owed the bacharéis. As both parts in a dispute could appeal to different instances, he pleaded to the king, to Compostela, and even to Rome, with a threat of excommunication, but all courts obliged him to pay the missing sum. The effort he put into the affair suggests a hope of being excused from said payments, but the bacharéis won the case77. Still, these proceedings also impacted the See negatively, demanding human and monetary resources. It is then no surprise that mutual agreements were preferred. In 1399, once the bacharéis detected contractual errors, they reached a friendly agreement with the implicated tenants, mentioning a mutual wish to avoid further conflicts78. A higher rent was imposed on the leaseholders, but they certainly were less disadvantaged than they would be in a judicial case.

  • 79 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.
  • 80 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 35v.

34Regarding Jews, excommunication was improbable, but the reasoning behind feuds, which the See tended to win, and the language to address tenants remained similar. Lack of payments led to friction, and the deeds of the chapter dictate that, in case of missed rents, the See would confiscate the tenants’ personal belongings. But other measures would be taken beforehand. In 1402, Bento Aluso was accused of missing payments to the bacharéis and, after an argument, both parties concluded that proceeding with a judicial case would be detrimental. An agreement was reached, and the Jew had to rent from then onwards, highlighting once again the common wish of the powerful and the vulnerable to mediate conflicts79. This issue would also come up with subletting, as per the case of José Calvo. While living in Castille, Calvo was leasing some of the canons’ houses in the Judiaria Nova and subletting them to José Zanda, who was missing due rents. The problem was immediately solved, as José Calvo suggests a new tenant, Isaac Benefaçam80.

  • 81 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 84.
  • 82 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 74.

35Feuds over ownership were equally common, especially considering the difficulty in keeping track of who owned each lot. After purchasing exempt houses, Jacob Moçano realised that they already belonged to the bacharéis, who then agreed to perpetually lease him the properties81, the closest Moçano could get to ownership while renting. In fact, Moçano’s argument indicates that, although “jews mainly rented”82, some did, indeed, hold their own properties.

  • 83 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 55.

36In turn, the See comprised a group of judges to deliberate on a property dispute between the bacharéis and Isaac Baceloni. Luís Gonçalves, bacharél, and Martim Mendes, a scholar, were chosen. They established that no further appeal should be pleaded to after the judges’ decision, subject to a fine, intending to avoid further developments of the feud. The resolution favoured the bacharéis, and, considering that the judges were both members of the See, the Jew was at a disadvantage83.

  • 84 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 78.
  • 85 P. Desportes, Reims et Rémois…, p. 473.

37Another unfavourable circumstance was that of Estrela, a widow, and Isaac Galite, her sons’ tutor. They argued that Estrela and her children were rightfully occupying some of the bacharéis’ houses, claimed to have been leased to their grandparents and left to them by prazo. The bacharéis alleged that was not the case and asked for probative documents. Unable to show any, Estrela gave up the houses and swore, in Jewish faith, that she had no doubts in doing so84. This highlights the growing importance of the written registers that replaced verbal agreements, safeguarding both parties’ rights in contracts and nominations85. It is equally interesting that Estrela swore in her faith, different from that of the ecclesia, reflecting a deeply religious society where oaths reinforced the validity of agreements, framed within a context where Jews were conditionally allowed to practice their religion.

  • 86 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 85.

38José Galitie appears in these sources again, claiming rights over the same houses he had attempted to claim for Estela’s sons, and stating that his wife and he had inherited the lease from their grandparents. Then, it was the bacharéis turn not to own proof of their property rights. The Jews were still obliged to pay an updated, higher rent for these lots86, but they seem to have reached a better outcome than Estrela. This seems to be a family issue over the See’s estate, with José involved in two feuds against the bacharéis. Insighted from his first attempt, at least on the value of probatory records, he then attempted a second claim, somewhat more successful.

  • 87 Author’s translation of C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57.

39But the most heated feud between Jews and the See happened in 1404, involving Isaac Vivas and the bacharéis. The clergymen declared to own some lots, rented for 15 reais, while Isaac protested that he fully owned and had never been bound to pay rent for them. Yet, Isaac claimed that “he was a Jew and someone unsuitable to demand against the bacharéis, who were rich, literate, and powerful”, preferring, instead, to reach a friendly agreement. Isaac Vivas was obliged to pay a sum in exchange for the lots, exempt from further payments87. This might not be the outcome he had hoped for, but it is certainly more advantageous than that of Isaac Moçano, whose exempt houses were then bound to yearly rents. As for the bacharéis, this certainly would not equate to the profit of effective ownership, so it seems that a somewhat mutual compromise was made.

  • 88 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 19; and M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, pp. 33–34, r (...)
  • 89 G.C. Dias made a similar remark when analysing a feud between the Jews and the canon chapter of Opo (...)

40Isaac Vivas perfectly expressed what has previously been suggested – it was undesirable to quarrel with a powerful ecclesiastical authority. Still, his intervention is described in a reported speech subject to Christian filters. Júlio César Baptista understood his comment on Jewish and ecclesiastical status as a reflection of the Jews’ tolerated and stigmatized condition in medieval society, while Maria José Ferro Tavares argued that it proves Jews were conscious of their own externally imposed inferiority88. But it is important to remember that Vivas described himself as a Jew and someone unsuitable to be arguing with the rich, literate, and powerful bacharéis in an instance of conflict, where it would be in his best interest to deescalate the situation and make himself as innocuous as possible. His observation reveals a perceptive understanding of his and others’ place in social hierarchies, using it as a discursive strategy, as the word “judeu” (Jew) seems to refer more to a social category than to its religious understanding in this context. Isaac does not argue that he is unsuitable to face the bacharéis due to their religious importance and stratum. It is their economic power and social influence that dictate their authority, as religion seems to influence but not lead these affairs, more centred on socio‑economic grounds89.

  • 90 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 85.

41An occasion highlighting the importance of socio‑economic status is that of poverty, a condition that disadvantaged any tenant, Jew or Christian. Moisés Vivas, who passed away impoverished and indebted, had his lease sold in auction by his widow, in 147890. Once again, property dynamics and interactions between tenants and landlords seem to affect and be affected by family structures and financial weight.

  • 91 F.R. Marsilla de Pascual, “Los Judios …”, p. 55.
  • 92 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, pp. 274, 310–312.

42For their economic value, the See did not intend to antagonize Jews any more than they would their Christian tenants. In Castilian regions where anti Judaism was more exteriorised, Sees would even take measures to protect local Jewish communities, especially renters and cotters, to safeguard their own interests91. Jews from various socio‑economic backgrounds were renters and loaners in Portugal, sometimes charging fees and interest rates, a growing tendency in the 15th century despite complaints in cortes assemblies. While D. João II forbade these individuals from loaning and auctioning ecclesiastical rents, such practices remained common throughout the Middle Ages, with a historiographical focus on the relationship between Jewish renters/loaners and the Crown92. Therefore, a deeper study of the economic relations between Jewish and ecclesiastical communities would contribute to a deeper understanding of this topic.

**

  • 93 E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, p. 93.

43Emphyteusis can be seen as a form of interreligious economic collaboration upholding interdependent but not necessarily pacific Jewish-Christian relations that mirror generalised dynamics. The case of Évora fits the paradigm of other European regions where “relations between Jews and members of the clergy were part of the everyday normality for both parties”93. Interactions between Jewish tenants and ecclesiastical landlords were like those implicating Christian tenants. As seen by Isaac Vivas’ reported speech, religious hostility and theological rhetoric appear to be understood by social agents, but they are not central to daily interactions. Socio‑economic motifs dictate these exchanges more than religious matters.

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Bibliography

Printed Sources

BAPTISTA, Júlio Cesar, Os Pergaminhos dos Bacharéis de Évora, separata de A Cidade de Évora 65-66, Évora, Câmara Municipal, 1983.

PEREIRA, Gabriel, Documentos Históricos da Cidade de Évora, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1998.

Manuscripts

Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda, Capelas, próprios e Foros, Escrituras, Livro 5.

Arquivo Distrital de Évora, Fundo da Misericórdia, Livro do Acenheiro (cot. 1796).

Arquivo Distrital de Évora, Fundo Municipal, l. 67, Livro 1.º de Pergaminho.

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BARRIOS SOTOS, José Luís, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários de inmuebles urbanos en Toledo durante el siglo XV”, Annales Toledanos 34, 1997, pp. 89–102.

BEIRANTE, Maria Ângela, Évora na Idade Média. Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1998.

BRUGGER, Eveline, “Smoke in the Chapel: Jews and Ecclesiastical institutions in anda round Vienna during the Fourteenth Century”, in Jews and Christians in Medieval Europe, eds. Philippe Buc, Martha Keil, John Tolan, Turnhout, Brepols, 2015, pp. 79–94.

DESPORTES, Pierre, Reims et les Rémois aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Paris, 1979.

DIAS, Geraldo J., “O Cabido da Sé do Porto e a Comunidade dos Judeus”, Humanística e Teologia, IV, 3, 1983, pp. 321–358.

DUARTE, Luís Miguel, “A propriedade urbana”, in Nova História de Portugal, dir. Joel Serrão, A.H. de Oliveira Marques, vol. V, Portugal do Renascimento à crise dinástica, coord. João José Alves Dias, Lisboa, 1998, pp. 114–160.

DUARTE, Luís Miguel, AMARAL, Luís Carlos, “Prazos do século e prazos de Deus (os aforamentos na câmara e no cabido da Sé do Porto no último quartel do século XV)”, Revista da Faculdade de Letras: História, vol. I, 6, 1984, pp. 97–182.

FERRO, Maria José Pimenta, Os Judeus em Portugal no Século XIV, Lisboa, Guimarães e C.ª, 1979.

FERRO, Maria José Pimenta, Os Judeus em Portugal no Século XV, Lisboa, Guimarães e C.ª, vol. 1, 1982.

FERRO, Maria José Pimenta, Os Judeus em Portugal no Século XV, Lisboa, Guimarães e C.ª, vol. 2, 1984.

GONÇALVES, Iria, “A propriedade régia no mercado imobiliário da Lisboa medieval (1438-1481)”, Fragmenta Histórica 10, 2022, pp. 17–58.

LERA MAÍLLO, José Carlos de, “Propriedad urbana del cabildo de Zamora en el siglo XIV”, in Primer Congreso de Historia de Zamora, tomo 3, Zamora, Instituto de Estudios Zamoranos y Diputación de Zamora, 1991, pp. 375–382.

LILLEY, Keith, Urban Life in the Middle Ages 1000-1450, London, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2001.

MARQUES, A.H. de Oliveira, “Portugal na crise dos séculos XIV e XV”, vol. IV in Nova História de Portugal, dir. A.H. de Oliveira Marques, Joel Serrão, Lisboa, 1987.

MARSILLA DE PASCUAL, Francisco Reyes, “Los Judios y el Cabildo Catedralicio de Murcia en el Siglo XV”, Miscelánea medieval murciana 15, 1989, pp. 53–84.

SARAIVA, Anísio Miguel de Sousa, “Metamorfoses da cidade medieval. A coexistência entre a comunidade judaica e a catedral de Viseu”, Medievalista 11, 2012.

SERRA, Joaquim Bastos, “Senhorios e foreiros no momento da rescisão dos contratos: encampações em Évora nos finais da Idade Média”, in Olhares sobre a História. Estudos oferecidos a Iria Gonçalves, dir. Maria do Rosário Themudo Barata e Luís Krus, Lisboa, 2009, pp. 571–582.

TAVARES, Maria José Pimenta Ferro, “A Presença Judaica em Portugal: o confronto dos vestígios materiais com a documentação escrita”, in CASTAÑO, Javier (ed.), ¿Una Sefarad Inventada? Los problemas de interpretación de los restos materiales de los judíos en España, Barcelona, Herder, 2017, pp. 221–284.

TAVARES, Maria José Pimenta Ferro, “O difícil diálogo entre judaísmo e cristianismo”, in História Religiosa de Portugal, vol. II, dir. C.M. Azevedo, Mem Martins, Círculo de Leitores, 2000, pp. 53–89.

TRINDADE, Luísa, “Jewish Communities in Portuguese Late Medieval Cities: Space and Identity”, in Religion, ritual and mythology: aspects of identity formation in Europe, Pisa, Pisa University Press, 2006, pp. 61–81.

VAL‑FLORES, Gustavo, “A(s) Judiaria(s) de Évora: contributos para um outro conhecimento”, Boletim de Cultura da Câmara Municipal de Évora, II, 8 (2009), pp. 163–217.

VIANA, Mário, Espaço e povoamento numa vila portuguesa (Santarém 1147-1350), Casal de Cambra, ed. Centro de História da Universidade de Lisboa, 2007.

VILAR, Hermínia, As Dimensões do Poder: A Diocese de Évora na Idade Média (1165-1423), Lisboa, Editorial Estampa, 1999.

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Notes

1 It is the case of: J.B. Serra, “Senhorios e foreiros…”, 2009; I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, 2022; J.C. Lera Maíllo, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários…”, 1997; L.M. Duarte e L.C. Dias, “Prazos do século…”, 1984; M. Viana, Espaço e Povoamento…, 2007; P. Desportes, Reims et Rémois…, 1979; K. Lilley, Urban Life…, 2001. I must also note the inclusion of property and emphyteusis as reseach topics in Nova História de Portugal, by L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, 1998, and A.H. de Oliveira Marques, Portugal na crise dos séculos…,1987.

2 The relations between Jewish communities and canon chapters were approached through a case study by G.C. Dias, “O Cabido…”, 1983, similarly to the present analysis, and, more recently, A.M.S. Saraiva, “Metamorfoses da cidade medieval …”, 2012, focused more on spatial dynamics than socio‑economic ties. This theme has also been researched by international historians such as F.R. Masilla de Pascual, “Los judios y el cabildo…”, 1989, or E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, 2015.

3 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “O difícil diálogo…”, 2000. M.J.P. Ferro, Os judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, 1982.

4 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “A presença judaica…”, p. 225.

5 Bacharéis were substitute clergymen assisting the canons of the See, in a lower hierarchical stratum than the chapter, yet connected to it. Given their specificity, I have chosen to designate them by the Portuguese term.

6 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5.

7 This analysis resorts to Júlio César Baptista’s summary of the individual parchments, collected in J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, 1993. To uniformize this article, I will transcribe and spell Jewish names according to the population survey contained in the doctoral thesis by M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 2, pp. 75–128.

8 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 192.

9 H. Vilar, As Dimensões do Poder…, p. 122. J.C. Lera Maíllo, “Propriedad urbana…”, p. 375.

10 L.M. Duarte and L.C. Amaral, “Prazos do Século…”, p. 100.

11 L.M. Duarte, “A propriedade…”, p. 146.

12 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 71–72.

13 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 56.

14 In a broader context, the Portuguese Crown was particularly protective of religious minorities, allowing for a social paradigm framed upon anti Judaism, but usually understood as more tolerant than that of other kingdoms. The pogroms taking place in Castille and Aragon in the late 14th century, for example, did not replicate in these territories.

15 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66.

16 This map was made considering M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 56. G. Val‑Flores, “A(s) Judiaria(s)…”, pp. 212–216.

17 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, pp. 72–73.

18 According to Beirante, “it is thought that part of the judiaria’s houses was built on the land of these fields”, belonging “almost in its totality” to the See (author’s translation). M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 71–72.

19 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 72. J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 21.

20 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 6, 53.

21 In Lisbon or Oporto, the king held most land in the Jewish quarters, but in Braga, the See was the leading owner. L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 75.

22 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 192. L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 132.

23 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 80, 82, 93, 97–98, 107, 109.

24 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 13, 11–15, 18, 21, 31. J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 85.

25 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 53, 55, 57, 78, 84, 85. The beit‑midrash equates to a study hall different from the synagogue (beit‑knesseth), usually connected to the temple or located in its proximity, as Figure 1 illustrates. Since the canon chapter’s registers don’t abundantly mention the synagogue, it is expected that their properties were not physically attached to or facing that block of buildings.

26 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66.

27 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10. According to Maria Ângela Beirante, Jews represented 13,6% of Évora’s urban population of 2 000 fogos (~10 000 individuals) in the late 15th century. M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 263.

28 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 66. I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 51.

29 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 47, 75, 91.

30 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 35v.

31 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 35v., 36.

32 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 94.

33 K. Lilley, Urban life…, pp. 194–5.

34 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, pp. 66–67.

35 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, pp. 76–77, 91. L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 132.

36 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.

37 L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 131.

38 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 80.

39 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 31. P. Desportes, Reims et le Rémois…, p. 116.

40 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 258.

41 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 18.

42 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34.

43 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

44 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 36.

45 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, p. 263.

46 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92.

47 A.H. de Oliveira Marques, “Portugal na crise…”, p. 93.

48 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.

49 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

50 M.A. Beirante, Évora na Idade Média, pp. 267–268.

51 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.

52 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 92 and 84, respectively.

53 E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, p. 86. M.J.P. Ferro has also noted that, in the 14th century, contracts between Jews and the Crown would not “diverge from those established with Christians” (author’s translation), as per registered in Chancelarias Régias. M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal no século XIV, p. 56.

54 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 68.

55 G. Pereira, Documentos Históricos…, p. 10.

56 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 70, 92. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

57 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, p. 98.

58 J.C. Lera Maíllo, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários…”, pp. 380–381. I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 189.

59 L.M. Duarte “A propriedade…”, p. 133.

60 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.

61 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 92.

62 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 157.

63 J.L. Barrios Sotos, “Arrendatarios y subarrendatários…”, p. 102. E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, p. 79. L.M Duarte e L.C. Dias, “Prazos do século…”, p. 105.

64 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57. Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 35v.

65 J.C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 94.

66 M.J.P.F. Tavares, “O difícil diálogo…”, pp. 55–57.

67 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 9, 13.

68 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 19.

69 Arquivo Distrital …, Fundo da Misericórdia, Livro do Acenheiro (cot. 1796), fl. 31v.

70 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 46.

71 I. Gonçalves, “A propriedade régia…”, p. 41.

72 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fls. 9, 9v, 11, 13, 14, 34, 35v, 36.

73 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 7.

74 Arquivo Distrital…, Fundo Municipal, l. 67, Livro 1.º de Pergaminho, fl. 50.

75 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 7. C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 37, 42.

76 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 34v.

77 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, pp. 7, 35, 47, 59, 38.

78 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 50.

79 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 53.

80 Arquivo da Sé de Évora, Cabido da Sé de Évora, Fazenda…, Escrituras, l. 5, fl. 35v.

81 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 84.

82 L. Trindade, “Jewish communities…”, p. 74.

83 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 55.

84 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 78.

85 P. Desportes, Reims et Rémois…, p. 473.

86 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 85.

87 Author’s translation of C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 57.

88 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 19; and M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, pp. 33–34, respectively.

89 G.C. Dias made a similar remark when analysing a feud between the Jews and the canon chapter of Oporto, where it was the See’s safeguarding of its economic interests within the Jews’ religious concerns that sparked conflicts with the Jewish community. G.C. Dias, “O Cabido…”, pp. 340–341.

90 C. Baptista, Os Pergaminhos…, p. 85.

91 F.R. Marsilla de Pascual, “Los Judios …”, p. 55.

92 M.J.P. Ferro, Os Judeus em Portugal…, vol. 1, pp. 274, 310–312.

93 E. Brugger, “Smoke in the Chapel…”, p. 93.

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List of illustrations

Title Figure 1
Caption Schematic map of Judiaria Nova at its maximum size, evolving throughout the 15th century.
Credits Elaborated by the author16.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/docannexe/image/4552/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 214k
Title Figure 2
Caption Plaque marking the canon chapter’s property in Judiaria Nova, Travessa da Parreira.
Credits Photo by the author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/docannexe/image/4552/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 249k
Title Figure 3
Caption Maximum and minimum rents changed by the See in Évora’s Judiaria Nova and general urban estate (15th century).
Credits Elaborated by the author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/docannexe/image/4552/img-3.jpg
File image/jpeg, 117k
Title Figure 4
Caption Socioprofessional categories of tenants in Judiaria Nova.
Credits Elaborated by the author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/docannexe/image/4552/img-4.jpg
File image/jpeg, 31k
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References

Electronic reference

Beatriz da Silva Felício, “Rich, literate, and powerful”Hamsa [Online], 10 | 2024, Online since 21 October 2024, connection on 14 February 2026. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/4552; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/12jj4

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About the author

Beatriz da Silva Felício

Universidade de Évora
bearavsf@gmail.com

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