Bibliography
Manuscripts
AGUILAR, Moses Raphael de, Discurso sobre o estado de Adam antes e depois do Peccado (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 A 11).
MONTALTO, Elijah, Exposicion y Respuesta a los Christianos sobre el capitulo 53: de Isayas, echo por el Doctissimo Doctor Montalto (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 D 08).
MONTALTO, Elijah, Tratado sobre o capitulo 53 de Isaias. The manuscript used for this paper and conserved at the British Library bears a slightly different title: Declaraçaõ do cap. 53: de Izaias feito por o Doutor Eliau Montalto (British Library, Ms. Or. 8698).
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Notes
B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472, f. 10.
“Elianus Montalto totius naturae interpres mirabilis, secretioris philosophiae praestantissimus alumnus.” in B. de Castro, Flagellum Calumniantium…, p. 75.
“Sus manuscriptos quien los tiene, los estima mas que piedras preciosas.” Cf. D. L. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, cited in M. Kayserling, “Une histoire de la littérature juive…”, p. 283.
“Pues que dire de aquellos que por las letras vinieron a montar, y azerse reputados. Muchos an sido, medico de saladino rey de Egipto, fue el grande R. Mosseh bar Moymon. De Sultan Bayasit, Mosseh Amon, de la serenissima Reyna Medicea de Francia, Elias Montalto, dignissimo consejero suyo. Lehia Philosophia, Elias Cretenses en Padova, y R. Abraham de Balmas, la grammatica Hebrea. Fue muy estimado en Roma, Elias Gramatico, y David de Pomis, del Papa Sisto v. al qual dedicó su obra.” in M. ben Israel, Esperança…, pp. 106–107. Cf. also S. Rauschenbach, Judentum für Christen…, p. 190.
José Lopes Dias could track down Montalto’s certificate of baptism: “[Ano de 1567, mês de Outubro] aos seis dias do dito mês baptizei Felipe filho legitimo de Antonio Ayres e de Catarina Ayres forão padrinhos Manuel Viegas e Guiomar Anriquez os quaes o tomão de pya e conforme ao Santo Concilio lhes declarey o parentesquo em que ficavão.” in J. L. Dias, “Laços familiares…”, p. 6.
J. L. Dias, “Laços familiares…”, pp. 1–31.
“Es gab trotz wiederholter Verbote noch immer viele Christen in Italien, welche […] sich lieber von jüdischen bewährten Aerzten, wie David de Pomis, Elia Montalto, als von christlichen Quacksalbern heilen lassen mochten.” in H. Graetz, Geschichte…, p. 500.
The professorship at the university of Pisa is confirmed in the preface of Monalto’s medical work Optica (1606), dedicated to Cosimo de’ Medici: “Licet autem propositus mihi viae scopus romana est aula, protinusinstituti immemor, solum ut tanti principis iussa capesserem, & ut mei erga ipsum observantissimi amoris significationem aliquam exhiberem, Philosophiam e supremo loco edocendam suscepi, in nouis illis Athenis, Pisana in quam academia.” in F. V. Frade, “Philoteo Elianus Montaltus Lusitanus…”, p. 85.
Recalling his encounter with Rabbi Galanti, an advocate of the mysticism espoused by Ari (Isaac Luria), Leone Modena chronicles: “While we were there, Rabbi Galanti who had arrived from the land of Israel began to tell of the wonders and miracles performed by the ‘Ari’. When he (Galanti) had been speaking for some time, the physician (Montalto) sat up in his bed and began to cry out in a loud voice. We did not know what had happened to him, and we thought perhaps he had been seized by pains due to his illness. In his crying out, he spoke in Spanish: I cannot keep quiet and endure this, it is all lies and falsehood… Either he (Luria) is a sorcerer or all these tales are false. Do not talk to me of this anymore.” in L. Modena, Ari…, Venice, 1638, p. 66. Cited by H. Friedenwald, “Montalto: A Jewish Physician…”, p. 134.
“Wenn dieser Brief einem Mitgliede der portugiesischen oder römische Inquisition in die Hände gefallen wäre, so hätte es dem Schreiber und Empfänger das Leben gekostet.” in H. Graetz, Geschichte…, p. 521.
“Atropellolo el famoso Lobato (alias Abraham Cohen) con una carta abierta que dio al celebre Philosopho, y Poeta Paulo de Pina para el sabio Doctor Elihau Montalto, de Liorne, con esta equivoca nota: Nuestro primo Paulo de Pina va à Roma a fin de ser Frayle: v.m.d me hard favor de encaminarlo. Lisboa y Abril 3 de 1599. Diego Gomez Lobato.” in D. L. de Barrios, Triumpho…, p. 414.
According to Cecil Roth, Pedro Rodrigues embodies a typical figure of what could be termed “religious indifferentism”, displaying a disinterest in religious matters and prioritizing a pragmatic approach to life: “Rodrigues n’était pas apparement pas un homme religieux et se souciait peu de l’une ou l’autre foi.” in C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 144. As Yosef Kaplan states: “Pedro Rodrigues who had succeeded in fleeing with his family to St. Jean de Luz, remained faithful to Catholicism for reasons of convenience. Actually, he was apathetic to any religious belief whatsoever.” in Y. Kaplan, “Rabbi Saul Levi Morteira…”, p. 102.
In a dedicatory letter, Montalto praised the queen through astral metaphors, likening her majesty to a full moon that emanates a luminous aura of virtue: “Vous estes icy descendue, Royne tres Illustre, comme une Lune plaine d’une gracieuse lumiere de vertus.” in E. Montalto, Lettre d’Espagne…, p. 6.
“Eliahu Montalto dexo por la Ley Mosayca las conveniencias Españolas, […] volvio à Paris, llamado de la propuesta Reyna que le embio diplomas del Rey su marido Henrique Quarto con permision de observar la sacra Ley en Francia con todos sus domesticos, como lo hizo mucho años teniendo consigo al insigne y doctissimo Jaxam Saul Levi Mortera con tanta exactitud, que mandandole el Rey irá visitar una Princesa aparte tan distante, que no podia llegar sino profonado el sancto Sabado; respondio constante que no podia obecerle, y el Rey le ordeno poner diez postas de carroça paraque llegasse á tiempo, y no prevaricasse el sagrado estatuto del Sabado.” in L. D. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, p. 55.
“In einem Schreiben, welches er am sechsten Mai 1611 an Concini richtete, versprach er dem ehrenvollen Rufe jedoch nur unter der Bedingung Folge zu leisten, dass er nicht gezwungen würde, seine religion zu verleugnen, und es ihm frei stände, vor aller Welt seinem Judenthume gemäss leben zu können.” in M. Kayserling, Geschichte der Juden…, p. 147.
“L’un intitulé Cheinuc, c’est à dire en langue Hebraïque, acostoumance, qui etoit une forme de Catechisme, contenant le six cens treize commandements de la loy Hebraïque […]. Et le second livre etoit intitulé Mechasor, c’est à dire revolution du service annuel, à l’usage des Iuifs Espagnols, imprimé à Venise. Le troisieme s’appeloit Baal Haturim, c’est à dire Patronus ordinum, le Chef & Patron des Ordres; en la premiere partie duquel, entitulée Grachchum, semita vitae, c’est à dire le chemin ou sentier de vie: qui fait mention de certaine oblatio d’un coq accoustumée entre les Juifs en la fete de reconciliacio: ofrant un coq pour leur pechez. Duquel livre Rabby Iacob soy disant Gaulois, est Autheur. Le quatrieme est intitulé […] Synagoga Iudaïca.” in P. de L’Ancre, L’incrédulité…, p. 488.
“Obiit 1616 d. 16. Februar & corpus ejus jussu Reginæ laudatæ inunctum & Amstelodamum per filium, Mosen Montalto, & Saul Levi Mortera delatum est.” in J. C. Wolff, Bibliotheca…, p. 103.
H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 146.
H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 152.
“Escrivio tanto en defensa de la Ley sanctissima que se pudieran imprimir no pequenos volumes.” in D. L. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, p. 283.
J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, pp. 608–612.
J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, p. 608.
The Razonamiento del Señor Haham Montalto en Paris is replicated in Danielillo…, pp. 104–132.
Danielillo, Preface, p. x. See also: M. Orfali, “Il Danielillo da Livorno…”, pp. 206–220.
“le quiero dar parte de un razonnamiento, que hizo en Paris uno de nuestros Hebreos, llamado el Haham Montalto, por mandado del Rey Enrique IV, y Luis XIII su hijo (siendo principe) – pocos dias antes que empezase á reinar – delante de los mayores Teologos y Doctores de su corte.” (Danielillo…, pp. 102–103).
“It is extremely unlikely, however, that Montalto participated in a public debate at the French court, especially not during the reign of Henri IV as the author of Danielillo suggests. Montalto returned to the French court as a declared Jew only after Henri had died.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 477, f. 29.
B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472.
B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 482.
“constituien la sustancia del merecimiento en se creer aquello que no se uee y es repuñante a la razon […]; quello che prophesan los hebreos es conformismo a la razon.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…” pp. 496–497. The portrayal of Judaism as a rational religion was a prevalent theme among many anti-Christian treatises. In the preface to his work Biṭṭul‘iqqarei ha-noṣerim, Crescas underscores the rational character inherent within the Jewish religion: “faith will not force the intellect to believe something which leads to a contradiction.” in Ḥ. Crescas, The Refutation…, p. 27. In his Magen we-ḥerev, Leone Modena states: “Belief […] can refer to an order of things not found in nature (like the transformation of Moses’ staff into a snake), but not one that goes against the intellect (as would be the case – for example – with simultaneous being and not-being)”, quoted in A. Guetta, “Leone Modena’s Magen we-ḥerev…”, p. 139.
“Los Hebreos no solamente permiten mas mandan a los suios de todo sexo y edad leer continuamente estes sagrados libros.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.
Montalto attributes the proliferation of Christianity to material interests: “la segunda causa fundada en el interese, honras, riquezas, y otras deleitaçiones corporales.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 493.
C. L. Wilke (ed.), The Marrakesh Dialogues…, p. 13.
K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.
Perhaps due to the copyists’ handwriting, who interchangeably write in Burguense or Burguese, Florbela Veiga Frade fails to identify Pablo de Santa Maria, also known as Burguense, who served as bishop in the city of Burgos. Veiga Frade mistakenly associates him with Camillo Borghese, who was elected as Pope Paul V: “E por fim, refere Camilo Burguese (1522-1621), a quem chama Paulo Burguese talvez por ser mais conhecido como Paulo V (1605-1621), o papa investido na altura em que Montalto viveu.” in F. V. Frade, “Elias Montalto…”, p. 40.
E. Montalto, Exposicion…, (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 D 08).
P. van Rooden, “A Dutch Adaptation…”, pp. 1–50.
“The Canons of the Council of Carthage on sin and grace”, https://earlychurchtexts.com/public/carthage_canons_on_sin_and_grace.htm.
Joüon and Muraoka, A Grammar…, p. 392.
Waltke and O’Connor, An Introduction…, p. 584.
C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 46.
C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 47.
G. J. Wenham, Biblical World…, p. 67. In this excerpt, Wenham offers critique of the translation proposed by Ephraim Sepiser and Umberto Cassuto in their commentaries, wherein mot tamut is rendered as “you shall be doomed to death”. In his classical study concerning the doctrine of original sin, F. R. Tennant regards the death warning articulated in Gen 2:17 as a juridical proclamation: “But the original Hebrew of this passage, contained in the Cambridge fragments, has the common phrase ḥōḳ ‘ōlām (‘perpetual decree’), which perhaps describes a law of empirical observation equally well as a decree announced by authority.” in F. R. Tennant, The sources…, p. 120.
R. M. Davidson, Flame of Yahweh…, pp. 58–59.
In footnote 16 on page 59 of Flame of Yahweh…, Davidson provides a list of scholarly works wherein the argument is posited that the narrative of Gan Eden should be analyzed within a juridical framework. Among them, see: C. Westermann, Creation…, p. 94; W. Brueggemann, Genesis…, p. 49; P. Trible, God and the Rhetoric…, p. 117; A. Malphurs, Biblical Manhood…, p. 99.
This passage references the creation of man as described in Gen 2:7 (“Then the Lord God formed the man of dust from the ground”), suggesting that Adam was fashioned as finite and mortal.
Jerome’s advocacy for a translation according to meaning (ad sensum) is articulated in his letter addressed to Pammachius: “Ego enim non solum fateor, sed libera voce profiteor, me in interpretatione Graecorum, absque Scripturis sanctis, ubi et verborum ordo mysterium est, non verbum e verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu” (Epistula LVII. Ad Pammachium De Optimo Genere Interpretandi, V).
The instrumental rendering of mot tamut is similarly observable in the Wycliffe Bible (1382–1395), which adheres to the translation methodology of the Vulgate: “for in whatever day thou shalt eat thereof, thou shalt die by death” (Gen 2:17). Concerning the renderings of the Hebrew infinitive absolute in the Vulgate, cf. Plater and White, A Grammar…, p. 23.
“Melius interpretatus est Symmachus dicens mortalis eris.” in Jerome, Quaestiones hebraicae…, p. 5. Cf. also A. Kamesar, Jerome…, p. 90. However, Symmachus’s rendering ("you will be/become mortal") assumes Adam’s original immortality, a detail not corroborated in the Gan Eden narrative.
Philo, Allegorical Interpretation…, vol. I, p. 217.
Augustine commends Jerome for his linguistic scholarship (“utriusque linguae peritus”, in De Doctrina Christiana 4.7.15) and considers the Septuagint a translation inspired by the Holy Spirit: “Et latinis quibuslibet emendandis graeci adhibeantur, in quibus septuaginta interpretum, quod ad vetus testamentum attinet, excellit auctoritas. Qui iam per omnes peritiores ecclesias tanta praesentia sancti spiritus interpretati esse dicuntur ut os unum tot hominum fuerit.” in De Doctrina Christiana 2.53).
In Augustine’s work De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvolorum, the translation of the death threat in Genesis 2:17 as expressed by morte moriemini appears twice within the first book (II. 2 and XVI. 21).
Cf. particularly the Chapter 12, entitled: Prima mors corporis, secunda animae.
“Et dicendo: Terra es et in terram ibis mortem significaverit corporis.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 23.
“Ideo autem secunda, quia post illam primam est, qua fit cohaerentium diremptio naturarum, sive Dei et animae sive animae et corporis.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 2.
“Quacumque die ederitis ex illo, morte moriemini: non tantum primae mortis partem priorem, ubi anima privatur Deo, nec tantum posteriorem, ubi corpus privatur anima […]; sed quidquid mortis est usque ad novissimam, quae secunda dicitur, qua est nulla posterior, comminatio illa complexa est.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 12). The English quotation is taken from: Augustine, The City…, pp. 315–316.
Cf. J. D. Smoak, The Priestly Blessing…, pp. 86–87.
“The immortality of the soul was not part of biblical belief at all […]. In biblical thought, according to this viewpoint, there is no separation of body and soul.” in J. Barr, The Garden of Eden…, pp. 1–3.
F. R. Tennant, The Sources of the Doctrine of the Fall…, p. 94.
K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.
Despite Judaism’s historical rejection of the doctrine of original sin, thinkers such as Crescas and Albo incorporated certain elements thereof into their theological frameworks. For a brief bibliography on the topic, see: D. J. Lasker, Jewish Philosophical Polemics…, pp. 107, 226–227; S. Rauschenbach, Joseph Albo…, pp. 22–168, 207–242; J. Cohen, “Original Sin as the Evil Inclination…”, pp. 495–520; J. E. Rembaum, “Jewish Criticism…”, pp. 353–382.
S. L. Mortera, Tratado da Verdade…, chapters 67–70.
M. R. d’Aguilar, Discurso sobre o estado de Adam…, fols. 482r–485v. The treatise remains in manuscript and has yet to be thoroughly examined.
I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, chapters 5 and 27.
I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, p. 172. In another work of, entitled Respuesta a un escripto que presentó un Predicante francés a el Autor contra la observancia de la divina Ley de Moseh, Orobio makes use of the word fundamento to address the orginal sin: “El principal fundamento, que vos proponeys para vuestra doctrina, consisteen el pecado de Adam, en el qual creeis ha peccado todo el genere humano que estava contenido en Adam”. Cf. Prevenciones…, Preface, p. XLIV.
Leone Modena opens his Magen we-ḥerev with a chapter entitled: “The philosophical foundation and development of Christianity is based on the belief that the sin of Adam brought physical and spiritual death to the world.” in L. Modena, Magen…, p. 1.
“The foundation of the depravers’ argument is that through the sin of the first man, he and all his descendants were condemned to both physical and spiritual death. They describe spiritual death as the deprivation of Divine grace and glory, which could not be restored without sufficient satisfaction and expiation. Since the sin was infinite, it required infinite satisfaction, which a mere human could not provide. Thus, it was necessary for the second person of the Trinity, which they invented, to become incarnate and die for humanity’s expiation of sin and restoration to Divine grace and glory.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 145.
Montalto depicts the Scripture as the most precious treasure possessed by the world: “[El] mas precioso libro que el mundo tiene que e la scritura sagrada.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.
B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.
B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 480.
C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 157.
C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 150 and 159.
B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 63. Understanding the "ordinary style of Divine scripture" will serve as a foundational criterion for Spinoza in developing his biblical criticism: “We must investigate a passage’s sense only from its use of the language or from reasoning which accepts no other foundation than Scripture itself.” in B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 100. The assertion that the death threat of Gen 2:17 must be interpreted as a juridical precept is similarly endorsed by Uriel da Costa in his Examination of Pharisaic Tradition: “Now when the Law says: ‘He who commits such and such an action will surely die’, does it mean that if he does not commit that action he will not have to die? To be sure he has to die, but he will not have to suffer the death which is the penalty for this transgression.” in U. da Costa, Examination…, pp. 323–324).
“This reduplication is not in vain but signifies various things. Firstly, the reduplication in Adam’s purpose is to certify and confirm as if it were infallibly stated, ‘you shall surely die’, according to the ordinary style of Divine scripture.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146. In chapter 11 of his work Ḥizzuq ‘emunah, Isaac ben Abraham of Troki also examines the redundancy inherent in the biblical expression mot tamut: “We return once more to the reduplication of the term thou shalt surely die, which, as we have before stated, has been misapplied to the death of the soul. The argument is totally wrong, and rests on the misapprehension of the Hebrew idiom, according to which the infinitive is frequently placed before the ordinary tense.” in I. Troki, Faith…, p. 57. In the third division of Magen we-ḥerev’s first chapter, titled “That mot tamut does not necessarily or even properly mean physical and spiritual death”, Leone Modena writes: “[…] it is the usual grammatical form of Biblical Hebrew to use a doubled form when the punishment of death is involved in this manner. […] it is the normal form of Scripture to double the word for emphasis.” in L. Modena, Magen we-hereb…, p. 8. In his paper concerning the potential impact of Montalto’s Tratado on Modena’s apolegetic treatise, Károly D. Dobos articulates: “both of our authors agreed that the twofold use of the verb mot (to die) meant only physical punishment.” in K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 427.
וַיְצַ֣ו אֲבִימֶ֔לֶךְ אֶת־כׇּל־הָעָ֖ם לֵאמֹ֑ר הַנֹּגֵ֜עַ בָּאִ֥ישׁ הַזֶּ֛ה וּבְאִשְׁתּ֖וֹ מ֥וֹת יוּמָֽת (Gen 26:11). “No cap. 26 de Genesis se escreve a proposito de Ishak, e Ribka, e mandou Abimelech a todo povo diziendo, o que tocar neste varão e em sua mulher morrendo morrera.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.
וְהָיָ֣ה בְּי֣וֹם צֵאתְךָ֗ וְעָֽבַרְתָּ֙ אֶת־נַ֣חַל קִדְר֔וֹן יָדֹ֥עַ תֵּדַ֖ע כִּ֣י מ֣וֹת תָּמ֑וּת דָּמְךָ֖ יִהְיֶ֥ה בְרֹאשֶֽׁךָ (1 Kgs 2:37). “No Livro 1 dos Reis cap. 2: Pos pena el Rey Selomoh a Simhi diziendo, e seria no dia to deu sair, se passares o arroyo de Kidron, sabendo saberas que morrendo morreras.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.
“Claro he que estes reis soo podiao apenar com morte corporal e não com spiritual.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.
אֶ֗פֶס כִּֽי־נִאֵ֤ץ נִאַ֙צְתָּ֙ אֶת־אֹיְבֵ֣י יְהֹוָ֔ה בַּדָּבָ֖ר הַזֶּ֑ה גַּ֗ם הַבֵּ֛ן הַיִּלּ֥וֹד לְךָ֖ מ֥וֹת יָמֽוּת (2 Sam 12:14). “No Livro 2 de Semuel cap. 12 disse o Propheta Natan a David, tambem o filho nasido a ti morrendo morrera, […] e claro he que não se fala aquy de morte spiritual.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.
לֹ֥א תִירָ֖א מֵהֶ֑ם זָכֹ֣ר תִּזְכֹּ֗ר אֵ֤ת אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה֙ יְהֹוָ֣ה אֱלֹהֶ֔יךָ לְפַרְעֹ֖ה וּלְכׇל־מִצְרָֽיִם (Deut 7:18). “No cap. 7 do Deuteronomio, lembrando lembraras ao que fez A[donai] teu Dio a Parhoh.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.
Biblia de Ferrara, 1553, fol. 1r. Other Ladino translations of the Bible existing at that time do not incorporate the emphatic rendering of mot tamut. For instance, the Biblia del Oso (1569), translated by Casiodoro de Reina, presents: “mas del arbol de sciensia de bien y de mal, no comeras deel: por que el dia que de el comieras, moriras”. This translation remains unchanged in the revised edition published in 1602, overseen by the Spanish Protestant Reformer Cipriano de Valera.
E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.
“La literalidad de la traducción compensaba, al menos en parte, la falta de accesso al texto original.” in H. den Boer, “La Biblia de Ferrara…”, p. 253. For information on the social and theological context of the Ferrara Bible, see: C. Ricci, La Biblia de Ferrara…, pp. 1–47; C. Roth, “The Marrano Press at Ferrara…”, pp. 307–317; M. Orfali, “Contexto teológico y social…”, pp. 229–250.
H. den Boer, “The Ferrara Bible…”, p. 120.
“Assi procuree que esta nuestra Biblia por ser en lengua Castellana fuesse la mas llegada a la verdad hebrayca […]. Y aunque a algunos paresca el lenguaje della barbaro y estraño, y muy differente del polido que en nuestros tiempos se usa.” in Biblia de Ferrara, Prologo, 1553, fol. 2r.
“Una forma de traducir tan literal, con calcos de la sintaxis hebrea y un peculiar léxico arcaico.” in H. den Boer, “La Biblia entre los judiós sefardíes…”, p. 320.
S. Fernández López employs the expression “imagen artificiosa de antiguedad” in his article titled “De la Biblia de Ferrara…”, p. 337.
“La gravedad que la antiguedad suele tener.” in Biblia de Ferrara, fol. 2v. In his Nomologia, Imanuel Aboab asserted that the Ladino translation did not alter the gravity of the ancient style (“la gravedad del estilo antiguo”). See I. Aboab, Nomologia…, fol. 2.
“Uno de los aspectos sintácticos menos estudiado: el del uso de las formas verbales en comparación con el hebreo.” in F. J. del Barco, “Las formas verbales…”, p. 253.
In his critical edition of the manuscript entitled Obstaculos y opoçiçiones contra la religion xptiana en Amsterdam and attributed to Saul Levi Mortera, featuring a dialogue between two conversos, Gregory Kaplan emphasizes in the Preface the author’s substitution of "morir" with "moriendo" to enhance clarity of expression. The sections of the Obstaculos concerning the "philological argument" draw significant inspiration from Montalto’s Tratado: not only do they share the same argumentative strategy, but the biblical references cited against the concept of the death of the soul are also identical (Gen 26:11, 1 Kgs 2:37, Deut 7:18). Cf. G. Kaplan (ed.), Arguments…, pp. 55–56, 109.
Hassán has emphasized the slavish nature of the translation: “aqui ladino es el resultado de la traducción servil”, see Iacob Hassán, “Dos introducciones…”, p. 26. The same has been highlighted by Orfali: “un modo de técnica de traducció que consiste en verter el texto hebreo palabra por palabra, siguiendo de un modo servil la sintaxis ebrea”, see M. Orfali, “Observaciones…”, p. 222.
“Even in the authors that held the Ferrara Bible in a semi-sacred status, changes in vocabulary and syntactical adaptations can be found. The most eminent among the rabbis (Mortera, Aboab, Menasseh, Abaz, Acosta, Nieto…) frequently adapted quotations from the BF.” in H. den Boer, “The Ferrara Bible…”, p. 127.
Cf. H. den Boer, “La Biblia de Ferrara…”, pp. 257–258.
“Called Adam and Eve after the sin before the Divine tribunal, the sentence pronounced did not declare any penalties other than the physical ones, and ultimately physical death.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 147.
Augustine addresses the issue in: De Genesis ad litteram III (chapter 21), VI (chapters 22–23), VIII; De civitate Dei, XIII (chapters 20 and 23), XIV (chapter 26). Ziegler succinctly summarizes Augustine’s ambivalent stance on Adam’s immortality as follows: “In his commentary in the book of Genesis, Augustine was intrigued by the fact that Adam was created immortal yet received nourishment from every seed-bearing herb and seed-yielding fruit (Gen 1:29). If Adam became mortal as a result of sin, surely before that event he did not need such food for his body, which could not be destroyed by starvation. […] What is the nature of his immortality? Augustine decided that Adam’s body before Sin could be reckoned at the same time mortal and immortal: mortal, because he could die (quia poterat mori); immortal because he was able not to die (quia poterat non mori). […] Adam was mortal as a result of his animate condition (mortalis erat conditione animalis), but he was rendered immortal by the help of the creator (beneficio creatoris).” in J. Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality…”, pp. 205–206. Concerning the first canon of the Carthage synod, which asserts that Adam was not created by God subject to death, cf. p. 7 of this paper.
“o homem sugeito […] a morte accidental de varias causas violentas que muitas vezes cortão o fio da vida antes do prazo limitado da compreisão natural.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.
An exhaustive examination of the discourse surrounding radical moisture falls beyond the scope of this paper’s objectives. For a bibliography pertaining to this topic, see: P. H. Niebyl, “Old age…”, pp. 351–368; T. S. Hall, “Life, death and the radical moisture…”, pp. 3–23; M. R. McVaugh, “The ‘humidum radicale’…”, pp. 259–283; C. Crisciani, “Aspetti del dibattito sull’umido radicale…”, pp. 333–380; S. Marinozzi, “Umido radicale…”, pp. 531–552.
Cf. Aristotle, Parva…, pp. 423–425.
“Natura denique earum est sicca et calida, simile quid patiente corde quale utique carbo licinii in lucerna cum quamplurimum combusta fuerit. […] Nam primum quidem hec talis febris devorat familiarem ikmada (id est humiditatem) particularem a qua nutriuntur.” in K. G. Kühn (ed.), Galieni…, lib. I, cap. VIII, fols. 439–440 and 419).
“Quarta est humor qui est intus in membris simplicibus a principio nativitatis per quem partium eorum continuitas existit, cuius principium est ex spermate. Spermati vero principium est ex humoribius. […] Calor igitur innatus est causa exstinguendi seipsum accidentaliter propterea quod fit causa sui ipsius materiam consumendi, sicut lampadis flamma que extinguitur propetrea quod suam consumit materiam.”. in Avicenna, Liber canonis medicinae, “Quid sit humor et eius divisiones” and “De causis sanitatis et egritudinis et necessitatis mortis”, Lib. I, fols. 4 and 53.
“Et hec est mors naturalis cuique individuo destinata, secundum suam primam complexionem usque ad terminum, quem in sua potentia habet ad suam humiditatem conservandam.” in Avicenna, Liber canonis medicinae, fol. 4. Regarding the impossible regeneration of the radical moisture, Danielle Jacquart writes: “Dans la stricte doctrine médicale, il ne peut être régénéré ni par l’alimentation, ni par une médication quelconque”, in “La norriture…”, p. 263.
P. H. Niebyl, “Old Age…”, p. 361.
“By nature, man was mortal, being composed of opposing elements, and his life depended on the preservation of the natural heat, whose continuous action necessarily, sooner or later, consumes the radical moisture, which is the sustenance of the same heat.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.
Regarding this concept, cf. J. Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality…”, p. 224.
“si Adam non peccasset, etiamsi corpus ejus ex mixtura quatuor elementorum constaret, multos plurimos annos potuisse supervivere.” in M. ben Irsael, De Termino…, pp. 85–86. However, Menasseh also offers a miraculous interpretation of the humidum radicale. According to him, the Divine Law (instead of food) ensured Moses the preservation of radical moisture for forty days on Mount Sinai: “Quod ad primum attinet, id confirmatur exemplo Mosis, qui a Deo jussus ascedere monte Horeb, in eo fuit absque cibo & potu per quadraginta dies; ac tum lex divina illi fuit vice pabuli, quae humidum radicale in suo vigore & robore conservavit.” in M. ben Israel, De Termino…, p. 90.
Chris W. Lee argues that “the idea of an ‘immortal’ Adam before the Fall finds no explicit textual support in the garden narrative itself. Such interpretations that affirm the immortal status of Adam and Eve prior to their disobedience are often purely inferential and influenced by later traditions that have no solid grounding in the original text.” in C. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 3.
Chiara Crisciani argues that within the discourse of medieval medical debate, Adam’s immortal state is not regarded as inherently intrinsic (naturaliter) to his essence: “La traiettoria del dibattito – ricco di analisi e di proposte ardite – porta, nel suo complesso, a considerare l’immortalità edenica di Adamo come legata sì alla sua natura, ma non ‘naturaliter’, e comunque temporanea: per molti, consiste soprattutto in un protratto prolungamento della vita.” in C. Crisciani, “Aspetti del dibattito sull’umido radicale…”, pp. 339–340.
“Enjoying the privilege of eating from the tree of life, he would be preserved from natural death by the virtue that it had to restore the radical moisture to the same perfection.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fols. 146–147.
U. da Costa, Examination…, p. 313. Da Costa’s assertion regarding Adam’s intrinsic mortality will be cited and contested by Semuel da Silva in Chapter twelve of his Treatise on the Immortality of the Soul (cf. U. da Costa, Examination…, p. 459).
J. Barr, The Garden of Eden…, p. ix.
B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 100.
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