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“You shall surely die”. Elijah Montalto’s Tratado and the Critique of Original Sin

Francesco Testa

Abstracts

This essay focuses on Elijah Montalto’s critique of original sin, as articulated in his anti-Christian work Tratado sobre o capitulo 53 de Isaias. The aim of this paper is to investigate the argumentative strategy employed by Montalto against the Christian doctrine of Adam’s Fall, which will be referred to as the “philological argument”. The analysis begins with an examination of the translation of Gen 2:17 (“but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you shall not eat, for in the day that you eat of it you shall surely die”) in Jerome’s Vulgate and its reception by Augustine. Following this, the focus shifts to Montalto’s exegesis of the same verse and his use of the Ferrara Bible to contest the Christian interpretation of the Gan Eden narrative. Finally, the discussion will address Montalto’s employment of the medical concept of radical moisture to explore Adam’s prelapsarian condition. By analyzing Montalto’s arguments, this essay seeks to demonstrate that the notion of mors duplex – encompassing both physical and spiritual death –, which Christians associate with Gen 2:17, is not explicitly articulated within the verse itself.

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Introduction

  • 1 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472, f. 10.
  • 2 “Elianus Montalto totius naturae interpres mirabilis, secretioris philosophiae praestantissimus alu (...)
  • 3 “Sus manuscriptos quien los tiene, los estima mas que piedras preciosas.” Cf. D. L. de Barrios, Rel (...)
  • 4 “Pues que dire de aquellos que por las letras vinieron a montar, y azerse reputados. Muchos an sido (...)

1As asserted by Bernard Cooperman in a relevant essay published in 1987, “much archival research remains before it will be possible to construct more than a summary outline of Montalto’s biography”.1 Despite his acclaim as a renowned doctor and tireless apologist of Judaism, a detailed study specifically focusing on Elijah Montalto’s life and work is still a desideratum. Nevertheless, his academic reputation was already well-established in the seventeenth century. In a treatise written to defend the Portuguese-Jewish doctors from anonymous accusers, the Hamburg based physician Bento de Castro commended Montalto as a “most wonderful interpreter of nature and of the secrets of philosophy”.2 Daniel Levi de Barrios, historian of the Amsterdam Sephardic community, defined Montalto’s anti-Christian manuscripts as “precious jewels”.3 In the 1650 work Esperança de Israel, Menasseh ben Israel included Montalto in a listing of Jews who, through their scholarly achievements, attained esteem and recognition. His name appeared alongside prominent figures such as Maimonides, Moses Hamon (physician of Suleiman the Magnificent), the Averroistic philosopher Elijah Delmedigo, grammarians like Abraham de Balmes and Elijah Levita, and, lastly, David de Pomis.4

  • 5 José Lopes Dias could track down Montalto’s certificate of baptism: “[Ano de 1567, mês de Outubro] (...)
  • 6 J. L. Dias, “Laços familiares…”, pp. 1–31.
  • 7 “Es gab trotz wiederholter Verbote noch immer viele Christen in Italien, welche […] sich lieber von (...)
  • 8 The professorship at the university of Pisa is confirmed in the preface of Monalto’s medical work O (...)
  • 9 Recalling his encounter with Rabbi Galanti, an advocate of the mysticism espoused by Ari (Isaac Lur (...)

2Elijah Montalto (1567–1616), originally named Felipe Rodrigues and born in the Portuguese town of Castelo Branco to a family of New-Christians,5 pursued medical and theological studies at the university of Salamanca. Following the establishment of his medical practice in the Adro de Santa Justa in Lisbon,6 he departed from his homeland around the turn of the century and transferred to Italy, where Jewish physicians were in considerable demand among the Christians.7 In 1606, Montalto assumed a teaching role at the University of Pisa,8 under the patronage of Grand Duke Ferdinando I de’ Medici. After a stay in Livorno he relocated to Venice in 1610 and embraced his return to Judaism. During this period, he was acquainted with Leone Modena, as inferred from a passage in Modena’s work Ari Nohem (1638),9 and Saul Levi Mortera, who later became Montalto’s personal rabbi.

  • 10 “Wenn dieser Brief einem Mitgliede der portugiesischen oder römische Inquisition in die Hände gefal (...)
  • 11 “Atropellolo el famoso Lobato (alias Abraham Cohen) con una carta abierta que dio al celebre Philos (...)
  • 12 According to Cecil Roth, Pedro Rodrigues embodies a typical figure of what could be termed “religio (...)

3Besides his medical pursuits, Elijah Montalto also embarked on a noteworthy proselytization endeavour. Among his notable successes was the re-conversion to Judaism of Paulo de Pina, a New Christian from Lisbon who had initially intended to become a Catholic friar in Rome. Persuaded by Montalto’s arguments, de Pina adopted the Hebrew name Rehuel Jessurun and settled in the Netherlands. Daniel Levi de Barrios, in the chapter dedicated to the establishment of the Amsterdam congregation Beth Jacob within his work Triumpho del Govierno Popular, recounts the existence of a letter dated 1599, written by Diego Gomez Lobato (also known as Abraham Cohen) and addressed to Montalto. Despite the inherent risks associated with the possibility of the letter falling into the hands of either the Roman or Portuguese Inquisition,10 Lobato – de Pina’s cousin – implored Montalto to guide his relative back to the observance of the Mosaic Law.11 Completely different was the case of Pedro Rodrigues, the husband of Montalto’s sister-in-law, who sought refuge in the Portuguese community of Saint Jean-de-Luz after escaping the Inquisition. Indeed, Rodrigues exhibited complete indifference to Montalto’s proselytizing efforts, demonstrating a stronger inclination towards securing a safe and comfortable life than fervently adhering to a specific religious belief.12

  • 13 In a dedicatory letter, Montalto praised the queen through astral metaphors, likening her majesty t (...)
  • 14 “Eliahu Montalto dexo por la Ley Mosayca las conveniencias Españolas, […] volvio à Paris, llamado d (...)
  • 15 “In einem Schreiben, welches er am sechsten Mai 1611 an Concini richtete, versprach er dem ehrenvol (...)
  • 16 “L’un intitulé Cheinuc, c’est à dire en langue Hebraïque, acostoumance, qui etoit une forme de Cate (...)

4In 1612, Montalto relocated to France in response to an invitation by Maria de’ Medici, appointing him as a court physician.13 Nevertheless, Montalto’s acceptance of such a significant position was contingent upon the condition of him openly professing to Judaism. De Barrios, in his work entitled Relacion de los poetas y Escritores Españoles de la Nacion Judayca, mentions the authorization granted to Montalto, allowing him to observe the sacred Law and to honor Sabbath rest14. This aspect is further highlighted by Meyer Kayserling, who refers to a letter sent by Montalto in 1611 to Concino Concini, the favourite of queen Maria,15 and also by the French magistrate Pierre de Lancre: in the section of his book titled L’incredulité et mescréance du sortilège plainement convaincue (1622) dedicated to Jews, apostates, and atheists, de Lancre not only highlights Montalto’s permission to openly practice Judaism (“exercer librement la Religion Iudaïque”), but also lists the collection of Jewish texts owned by Montalto, amongst which the Sefer ha-Ḥinuk, a rabbinic work on the 613 miṣvot, the Maḥzor, a prayer book used for the holy day of Rosh Hashanna, the Ba’al ha-Turim by Jacob ben Asher and the Synagoga Judaica authored by Johannes Buxtorf16 are mentioned.

  • 17 “Obiit 1616 d. 16. Februar & corpus ejus jussu Reginæ laudatæ inunctum & Amstelodamum per filium, M (...)

5Montalto passed away in the city of Tours in February 1616 while returning to Paris from Irun during a journey with the court. Due to the expulsion of Jews from France in 1396 and the subsequent absence of Jewish cemeteries in the country, his embalmed body was embarked in Nantes and transported to Amsterdam by Saul Levi Mortera and Moses Montalto,17 the physician’s son, who later assumed the roles of rabbi and doctor in Lublin. Montalto was eventually buried in the cemetery of Ouderkerk, where his tombstone bears a Hebrew epitaph and an inscription in Portuguese:

  • 18 H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 146.

Aqui esta sepultado o illustre e asinaado
Varao Morenu e sabio universal Medico
Del Rey de Franca o Rab Raby Eliau
Montalto cuia Memoria seia em Bendicao
O qual se apegon come el Dio em XXIX do
Mes de Sevath do anno de VMCCCLXXVI.18

  • 19 H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 152.

6Montalto’s first medical publication, released in Florence in 1606 and dedicated to Cosimo de’ Medici, bears the title Optica. The treatise opens with a compilation of referenced authors (Autores in hoc opere citati), providing insight into Montalto’s intellectual influences. Noteworthy figures among these include Aristotle, Galen, Muslim philosophers such as al-Fārābī, Avicenna, Avempace, and Averroes, as well as Renaissance scholars like Nicolaus Copernicus and Marsilio Ficino. In 1614, while in Paris, Montalto authored the Archipathologia, recognized as “one of the earliest, perhaps the earliest attempt at dealing with mental disturbances in a systematic manner”.19 The work is structured in eighteen tractates, each dedicated to the examination of distinct forms of psychological disorders, ranging from melancholy to mania, and including conditions such as epilepsy and apoplexy.

  • 20 “Escrivio tanto en defensa de la Ley sanctissima que se pudieran imprimir no pequenos volumes.” in (...)

7Montalto’s religious writings deserve a separate discussion, given their significant connection to the content of this essay. Acknowledged for having written “enough in defense of the holy Law to fill not a few printed volumes”,20 a concise overview of the anti-Christian polemics authored or ascribed to Montalto will be provided hereafter:

    • 21 J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, pp. 608–612.
    • 22 J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, p. 608.

    Livro feyto por lo ill. H. Hm. Elias Montalto de G. M. em que Monstra a verdade de diversos Textos e Cazos, que alegaon as Gentilidadez para confirmar suas Seictas, quoted by the Huguenot historian Jacques Basnages in his Histoire des Juifs.21 Judging by the succinct summary, wherein Basnages outlines the pivotal aspects of the book, it can be inferred that the Livro is largely based on Monalto’s Tratado sobre o capitulo 53 de Isaias. Themes such as Adam’s transgression – “le grand Principe des Chrétiens”22 –, the incarnation of the second person of the Trinity and the necessity of a divine atonement, are likewise addressed in the Tratado using comparable critical arguments.

    • 23 The Razonamiento del Señor Haham Montalto en Paris is replicated in Danielillo…, pp. 104–132.
    • 24 Danielillo, Preface, p. x. See also: M. Orfali, “Il Danielillo da Livorno…”, pp. 206–220.
    • 25 “le quiero dar parte de un razonnamiento, que hizo en Paris uno de nuestros Hebreos, llamado el Hah (...)
    • 26 “It is extremely unlikely, however, that Montalto participated in a public debate at the French cou (...)

    Razonamiento del Señor Haham Montalto en Paris,23 published in Brussels by Abraham Cohen Caplan as part of the book Danielillo o Respuesta à los Cristianos. According to the editor, the Razonamiento shares with the aforementioned Livro “la même parole concise, la même éloquence énergique, la même logique à la Kant”.24 In the dialogue between a friar and “little Daniel” from Livorno, which opens the Danielillo, it is asserted that Montalto presented his razonamiento at the French court of king Henry IV, in the presence of esteemed theologians and doctors.25 This observation raises significant doubts concerning Montalto’s authorship, as it seems implausible that he would have openly criticized Christianity in a public debate. Furthermore, Montalto did not relocate to Paris until 1612, two years after the king’s demise.26

    • 27 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472.
    • 28 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 482.
    • 29 “constituien la sustancia del merecimiento en se creer aquello que no se uee y es repuñante a la ra (...)
    • 30 “Los Hebreos no solamente permiten mas mandan a los suios de todo sexo y edad leer continuamente es (...)

    Proposiçiones convinientes e ynfalibles sacados de un discurso del Señor Dottor Montalto con las quales se satisfaze a todos los argumentos que enpuñan la relijon hebraica, a four pages manuscript found in the Talmud Torah Library of Livorno and published by Bernard Cooperman in 1987. As indicated by the title, the “suitable and incontrovertible propositions” have been extracted from an apologetic discourse delivered by Montalto. Yet, the content of the propositions diverges “from the formalized discussions of biblical interpretation and philosophical plausibility”27 which characterize the treatise on Isaiah 53. The text can be seen as a propaedeutic instrument, strategically designed to motivate conversos to relinquish the Catholic religion by dismantling “the psychological barriers which kept the New Christians from formally returning to Judaism”.28 Against the irrationality of the Christian faith depicted as a black veil (velo negro), Montalto enhances the rationality of Judaism,29 regarding the spread of Christianity as a reflection of greed rather than genuine truth.30

    • 31 Montalto attributes the proliferation of Christianity to material interests: “la segunda causa fund (...)
    • 32 C. L. Wilke (ed.), The Marrakesh Dialogues…, p. 13.
    • 33 K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.
    • 34 Perhaps due to the copyists’ handwriting, who interchangeably write in Burguense or Burguese, Florb (...)

    The Tratado sobre o capitulo 53 de Isaias may be considered as the first anti-Christian polemical work composed in Portuguese. The text is believed to have been authored in Venice prior to Montalto’s departure for Paris, most likely after 1610. According to Bernard Cooperman, the Tratado is the result of a theological discussion in 1612 with a Dominican friar from the university of Padua. Cooperman asserts that “Montalto eventually reworked his responses to the monk into a more formal three-part treatise”.31 Carsten Wilke asserts that the treatise was “written around 1612 in Venice”,32 while Károly Dániel Dobos suggests his composition occurred “sometime in the second decade of the 17th century”.33 As elucidated in the author’s preface, Montalto composed the Tratado upon request of a Dominican friar who found himself constrained by limited time for engaging in theological debate. The treatise, structured into three distinct sections, extensively examines concepts related to original sin, the Trinity, the Eucharist, Limbo, and incarnation, employing both rational (ex ratione) and biblical (ex Scriptura) arguments to undermine them. Moreover, Montalto utilizes his expertise in the New Testament to critically analyze Jesus’ genealogy, aiming to demonstrate that Jesus cannot be the awaited Messiah due to his lack of direct lineage from King David. Jewish authors alluded to within the treatise are typically denoted by the expressions “our ancient sages” (os nossos antiguos sabios) or “the sages and doctors of the Holy Law” (os sabios e doctores da Divina Ley). Except for Jonathan ben Uzziel’s Chaldee Paraphrase on the Prophet Isaiah, Montalto primarily cites historical texts, including Salomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Jehuda (La Vara de Juda) and the incorporation of Flavius Josephus’ writings in the chronicle titled Josippon. Montalto consistently integrates Christian authors among the sources utilized in the Tratado, showing his profound theological knowledge. Church Fathers such as John of Damascus, Augustine and Jerome are cited alongside Thomas Aquinas, whose writings significantly influenced the revival of Scholasticism which flourished in the universities of Coimbra, Alcalá and Salamanca. Biblical exegetes like Nicholas of Lyra and the converso theologian Pablo de Santa Maria34 are also referenced within the pages of Montalto’s treatise.

  • 35 E. Montalto, Exposicion…, (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 D 08).
  • 36 P. van Rooden, “A Dutch Adaptation…”, pp. 1–50.

8To this day, a critical edition of the Tratado remains an unachieved scholarly task, necessitating a comprehensive analytical examination of the manuscripts preserved in various libraries worldwide. Among the various exemplars, copies that should be taken into account are the following: 1) Ms. Or. 8698 conserved at the British Library, which has been passed on within the Aboab family of Amsterdam; 2) Ms. 2434 traced at the Library of Jewish Theological Seminary of America; 3) Ms. Levy 20 preserved at the University Library of Hamburg and belonging to the collection of H. B. Levy; 4) Cod. Cv/1-1 d. available at the public Library of Evora; 5) Ms. EH 49 A 01 at the Library Ets Haim/Montezinos. Furthermore, it is available a Spanish version,35 a Dutch translation,36 and the first part of the Tratado published in English in 1790 by Philo-Veritas.

9The aim of this paper is to investigate the argumentative strategy employed by Montalto against the Christian doctrine of original sin, which I shall refer to as the “philological argument”. This analysis will commence with an examination of the translation of Gen 2:17 (“but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you shall not eat, for in the day that you eat of it you shall surely die”) in Jerome’s Vulgate and its reception by Augustine. Subsequently, I will focus on Montalto’s exegesis of the same verse and his utilization of the Ferrara Bible to contest the Christian interpretation of the Gan Eden narrative. Ultimately, attention will be directed towards Montalto’s employment of the medical concept of radical moisture to explore Adam’s prelapsarian condition. By drawing upon Montalto’s arguments, the article aims to demonstrate that the notion of mors duplex (comprising both physical and spiritual death), which Christians associate with Gen 2:17, is not explicitly articulated within the verse itself.

Jerome’s Vulgate, Augustine and the mors duplex

10On the first May of 418, a significant synod took place at the Basilica of Faustus in Carthage, the repercussions of which will deeply influence the course of Christian history. During this council, the theological perspectives espoused by Augustine concerning the doctrine of original sin gained ascendancy over the stance advocated by Caelestius, a disciple of Pelagius. Caelestius argued that Adam was not only created mortal, but also asserted that his sin was not inherited by his descendants, thereby upholding the preservation of human nature from the consequences of the first man’s transgression. These statements echoed the chore tenets of Pelagian doctrine, which may be encapsulated as follows: a) Adam’s fundamental nature remained unchanged before and after the Fall; b) humanity did not inherit a predisposition to sin as a result of Adam’s transgression; c) the faculty of free will remained unaltered, allowing each individual the capacity to engage in virtuous actions.

11The council issued eight anathemas against Pelagianism, among which the initial three warrant citation:

That Adam was not created by God subject to death. That whosoever says that Adam, the first man, was created mortal, so that whether he had sinned or not, he would have died in body—that is, he would have gone forth of the body, not because his sin merited this, but by natural necessity, let him be anathema.
That infants are baptized for the remission of sins. Likewise it seemed good that whosoever denies that infants newly from their mother’s wombs should be baptized, or says that baptism is for remission of sins, but that they derive from Adam no original sin, which needs to be removed by the laver of regeneration, from whence the conclusion follows, that in them the form of baptism for the remission of sins, is to be understood as false and not true, let him be anathema. For no otherwise can be understood what the Apostle says, “By one man sin is come into the world, and death through sin, and so death passed upon all men in that all have sinned,” than the Catholic Church everywhere diffused has always understood it. […]
That the grace of God not only gives remission of sins, but also affords aid that we sin no more. Likewise, it seemed good, that whoever should say that the grace of God, by which a man is justified through Jesus Christ our Lord, avails only for the remission of past sins, and not for assistance against committing sins in the future, let him be anathema.37

12The aforementioned canons constitute the focal points upon which the orthodox doctrine of original sin, as upheld by the Catholic Church throughout the centuries, is constructed. In paraphrasing the council’s response to the Pelagian dissents, it can be inferred that: firstly, Adam was created immortal by divine will, and his mortality arose not as an inherent aspect of his nature (necessitate naturae), but as a consequence of his sin; secondly, the repercussions of Adam’s transgression have been passed down to humanity, necessitating the baptism of children for the expiation of sins; thirdly, the restitution of divine grace and the salvation of the souls require the Atonement of Jesus (satisfactio Christi).

13Yet, the Christian interpretation of Adam’s Fall, which implies the notion of double death – both physical and spiritual – of the first man and his descendants, must be understood as the outcome of a long exegetical process, originating in Paul, passing through Jerome’s Vulgate and maturing in Augustine. A fundamental role in this regard had been played by Rom 5:12, as it directly invokes the narrative of the Garden of Eden, thereby laying the foundation for the notion of original sin:

Therefore, just as sin came into the world through one man, and death through sin, and so death spread to all men because all sinned.

14Paul draws a causal relationship between Adam’s transgression, through which sin entered the world, and the consequent condition of mortality. Furthermore, he argues that Adam’s descendants, who inherited his sin, were subjected to death, as all individuals have sinned through him. A similar allusion is also discernible in 1 Cor 15:21-22, in which the apostle juxtaposes Adam with Christ, enhancing the triumph of life over death:

For as by a man came death, by a man has come also the resurrection of the dead.
For as in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all be made alive.

  • 38 Joüon and Muraoka, A Grammar…, p. 392.
  • 39 Waltke and O’Connor, An Introduction…, p. 584.
  • 40 C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 46.
  • 41 C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 47.
  • 42 G. J. Wenham, Biblical World…, p. 67. In this excerpt, Wenham offers critique of the translation pr (...)
  • 43 R. M. Davidson, Flame of Yahweh…, pp. 58–59.
  • 44 In footnote 16 on page 59 of Flame of Yahweh…, Davidson provides a list of scholarly works wherein (...)
  • 45 This passage references the creation of man as described in Gen 2:7 (“Then the Lord God formed the (...)

15In emphasizing the impact of Adam’s violation on humanity, Paul implicitly references the death warning associated with the prohibition against consuming from the tree of knowledge of good and evil, as articulated in Gen 2:17: “but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you shall not eat, for in the day that you eat of it you shall surely die”. The corresponding expression in the Torah reports מות תמות (mot tamut), a figura etymologica constructed with an infinitive absolute (מות – die) followed by a Qal imperfect verb of the same root (תמות – you will die), employed in Hebrew to emphasize the significance of an action. Paul Joüon and Takamitsu Muraoka highlight that “this linguistic process allows Hebrew to express certain emphatic nuances”,38 while Bruce Waltke and Michael O’Connor stress that “by bracketing the paronomastic infinitive with the verb, the verbal idea is intensified”.39 However, this syntactic structure presents a customary formula observed exclusively in legal texts – a linguistic convention employed within the Torah to articulate a royal decree or a divine mandate, as exemplified by the death threat found in Gen 2:17. According to Chris W. Lee, “this death warning is given in the form of a royal decree using the […] idiomatic phrase that employs the emphatic infinitive absolute”.40 Through a comparative analysis of the forty-eight occurrences in Genesis of the expression mot tamut (die you will die), Lee infers that these must be interpreted within a legal framework, signifying the repercussion for transgressing a commandment, without implying “the cause of […] mortality, either physical or spiritual”.41 The assertion that Gen 2:17 articulates a juridical proclamation is further substantiated by Gordon Wenham, who contends that “this is the form characteristic of divine or royal threats in narrative and prophetic texts”,42 as evidenced in passages such as 1 Sam 14:39, 1 Kgs 2:37, 2 Kgs 1:4, Ezek 33:8. Contrary to implying a direct causal link between sin and mortality, as posited by Paul in Rom 5:12, the garden narrative represents “nothing less than a legal process, a trial punishment by God”,43 wherein Adam and Eve are merely condemned to depart from the earthly paradise. The biblical passage in Gen 3:8-24 unmistakably delineates a divine trial,44 followed by a pronouncement of judgment, and culminating in the expulsion from the Garden of Eden. This expulsion consequently prompts Adam and Eve’s return to Earth, as stated in Gen 3:19 (“for you are dust and dust you shall return”).45

  • 46 Jerome’s advocacy for a translation according to meaning (ad sensum) is articulated in his letter a (...)
  • 47 The instrumental rendering of mot tamut is similarly observable in the Wycliffe Bible (1382–1395), (...)
  • 48 “Melius interpretatus est Symmachus dicens mortalis eris.” in Jerome, Quaestiones hebraicae…, p. 5. (...)

16Given these considerations, how did Gen 2:17 come to be regarded as the scriptural basis for the introduction of the concept of double death, encompassing both physical and spiritual dimensions? A significant point of juncture in its reception within the Christian audience was marked by the Vulgate, the Latin rendition of the Bible crafted by Jerome of Stridon. Applying an approach to translation in which the original meaning is conveyed ad sensum,46 Jerome remarkably deviated from a strict adherence to the literal level of the Torah. By employing this method, the emphatic sense expressed by the infinitive absolute mot tamut is entirely lacking in the Latin rendition of the verse in question. Indeed, Jerome translates the infinitive verb (mot – die) using the instrumental case, which in Latin is given through the ablative (morte – by death), thereby yielding the construction morte morieris (by death you will die).47 When regarding the infinitive absolute as a noun, Jerome aligns with the Septuagint’s version, wherein the Greek term θανάτῳ (by death) likewise conveys the instrumental dative. This translation seems to challenge Jerome’s preference for Symmachus’ interpretation, as we can read in the Quaestiones hebraicae in libro Geneseos, where he remarks, “Symmachus translated more appropriately when he rendered it as you shall be mortal”.48 Ultimately, the choice to translate an infinitive absolute through the instrumental case lays the foundation for an allegorical understanding of Gen 2:17, imparting the concept of the mors duplex: in fact, rather than capturing the emphatic sense of the original text, the rendition “by death you will die” appears to hint at a second death (spiritual) that ensues as a result of the first one (physical). The paronomastic juxtaposition of two verbs sharing the same root (mot tamut) in this case is not understood as a stylistic device characteristic of classical Hebrew; on the contrary, it is interpreted as a form of duplication that connotes the notion of dual death. This interpretive approach is clearly discernible in Philo’s Allegorical Interpretation, wherein the Jewish philosopher elucidates the biblical expression as follows:

  • 49 Philo, Allegorical Interpretation…, vol. I, p. 217.

It is for this reason that God says not only “die” but “die [by] the death,” indicating not the death common to us all, but that special death properly so called, which is that of the soul becoming entombed in passions and wickedness of all kinds.49

  • 50 Augustine commends Jerome for his linguistic scholarship (“utriusque linguae peritus”, in De Doctri (...)
  • 51 In Augustine’s work De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvolorum, the translation (...)
  • 52 Cf. particularly the Chapter 12, entitled: Prima mors corporis, secunda animae.
  • 53 “Et dicendo: Terra es et in terram ibis mortem significaverit corporis.” in Augustine, De civitate (...)
  • 54 “Ideo autem secunda, quia post illam primam est, qua fit cohaerentium diremptio naturarum, sive Dei (...)

17However, it is Augustine who establishes the primacy of the allegorical interpretation of Gen 2:17 as transmitted through the Septuagint and the Vulgate.50 An explicit allusion to the Gan Eden narrative surfaces in his work concerning the punishment and forgiveness of sins, in which he vehemently rebukes the Pelagian doctrine asserting Adam’s inherent mortality. In the first book of De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvolorum, Augustine’s citation of Gen 2:17 assumes the interpretation of the infinitive absolute as an instrumental case (morte/by death), coupled with the second person plural of the Latin future tense (moriemini/you will die, pl.). This translation approach stems from the Septuagint, which employs the second person plural form (ἀποθανεῖσθε), indicating that the death threat was addressed not only to Adam but also to Eve. Consequently, the rendering becomes morte moriemini,51 diverging from the Vulgate, which correctly translates the Hebrew verb תמות (tamut) with a second person singular (morieris). Nonetheless, a clearly articulated exposition of the allegorical concept of mors duplex is only elaborated in Book Thirteen of De civitate Dei, where Augustine elucidates the notion of double death resulting from Adam’s transgression.52 He regards the first death (prima mors) as physical and interprets the expulsion from the Garden of Eden as an allusion to the demise of the body.53 Conversely, the second death (secunda mors), termed as such because it follows the first one, pertains to the damnation of the soul.54 Finally, Augustine points out the correlation between Gen 2:17 and the concept of mors duplex, as conveyed by the expression morte moriemini:

  • 55Quacumque die ederitis ex illo, morte moriemini: non tantum primae mortis partem priorem, ubi anim (...)

“In what day soever thou shalt eat of it, thou shalt die [by] the death [morte moriemini]”, His threat included not only the first part of the first death, that is the soul’s deprivation of God; not only the second part of the first death, that is, the body’s deprivation of the soul; […] but […] that absolutely final and so-called second death.55

  • 56 Cf. J. D. Smoak, The Priestly Blessing…, pp. 86–87.
  • 57 “The immortality of the soul was not part of biblical belief at all […]. In biblical thought, accor (...)
  • 58 F. R. Tennant, The Sources of the Doctrine of the Fall…, p. 94.

18The factors accounting for such a substantial deviation from the Torah text, which establish the groundwork for an allegorical interpretation thereof, can be summarized into two primary points. On the one hand, the employment of the infinitive absolute to emphasize a divine command gradually declined during the Second Temple period, prompting the development of novel interpretative approaches regarding the expression mot tamut.56 On the other hand, Hellenistic Judaism began reading Gen 2:17 in light of the philosophical dualism between body and soul, a notion entirely absent in the Torah.57 As Frederick Robert Tennant suggests in his work on the sources of the notion of original sin, there are reasons to assert that the doctrine of Adam’s Fall was formulated within post-exilic Jewish theology, and “instead of being deduced from those chapters [Gen 2-3], was read back into them”.58

Montalto, the Ferrara Bible and Genesis 2:17

  • 59 K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.
  • 60 Despite Judaism’s historical rejection of the doctrine of original sin, thinkers such as Crescas an (...)
  • 61 S. L. Mortera, Tratado da Verdade…, chapters 67–70.
  • 62 M. R. d’Aguilar, Discurso sobre o estado de Adam…, fols. 482r–485v. The treatise remains in manuscr (...)
  • 63 I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, chapters 5 and 27.

19The critique of original sin constitutes a recurring theme within the works produced by the Jewish polemicists of the Iberian Peninsula. As Károly Dániel Dobos states, it “traces back to an old tradition in Sephardi polemical literature”.59 Starting from the second half of the twelfth century, the foremost rabbis of the Iberian Jewry discussed and commented the biblical verses pertaining to Adam’s transgression: among them, Joseph Kimḥi (Sefer ha-berit, ca. 1170), Naḥmanides (Vikkuaḥ ha-Ramban, ca. 1263), Profiat Duran (Kelimmat ha-goyyim, 1396), Ḥasdai Crescas (Biṭṭul ‘iqqarei ha-noṣerim, 1397) and Josef Albo (Sefer ha-iqqarim, 1425).60 The awareness that Adam’s sin was the cornerstone on which Christians erected their belief on Jesus – who came into the world to reconcile humanity with God after the infraction of the first man –, was likewise shared by the intellectual elite of the western Sephardic diaspora during the seventeenth century: Saul Levi Mortera, in his monumental work titled Tratado da Verdade da Lei de Moisés, undermined John Calvin’s assertions regarding the inadequacy of the Law subsequent to Adam’s sin;61 Moses Raphael d’Aguilar, an early rabbi in Dutch Brazil, authored a six-page treatise on the condition of Adam before and after the Fall;62 and Isaac Orobio de Castro addressed the doctrine of original sin in two chapters within the first volume of the Prevenciones Divinas contra la vana idolatría de la Gentes.63

  • 64 I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, p. 172. In another work of, entitled Respuesta a un escripto que pr (...)
  • 65 Leone Modena opens his Magen we-erev with a chapter entitled: “The philosophical foundation and de (...)

20In his treatise on Isaiah 53, the first anti-Christian polemical work written in Portuguese to our knowledge, Elijah Montalto asserts that the doctrine of original sin constitutes the foundational premise (fundamento) upon which Christians, portrayed as the adulterators of the holy Law, pretend to derive legitimacy. This conviction was prevalent not solely within the Sephardic community of Amsterdam, as attested by Orobio de Castro (who regards the concept of Adam’s fall in a comparable manner – el fundamento de toda la christiana secta),64 but also by other Jewish polemicists. Within his work Ḥizzuq ‘emunah (1593), the Karaite scholar Isaac ben Abraham of Troki allocates an entire chapter to scrutinize Adam’s transgression, while the Venetian rabbi Leone Modena, author of Magen we-ḥerev (1648), considers the original sin as the foundation on which Christians justify the indispensability of Jesus’ sacrificial atonement.65

21Montalto commences his Tratado by providing a succinct exposition on the theological implications stemming from Adam’s act of disobedience, as asserted by the “depravers of the Law”. These encompass concepts such as the notion of double death, the deprivation of divine grace, and the indispensability of God’s incarnation to expiate the boundless sin committed by the first man:

  • 66 “The foundation of the depravers’ argument is that through the sin of the first man, he and all his (...)

He o fundam[ento] dos depravadores que pello peccado do p[rimeiro] homé foy condenado elle, e todos seus descendentes a morte corporal, e tambem a spiritual, a q[ual] dizem ser privacaõ da Divina graça e gloria e que naõ podia ser restituido sem satisfaçaõ e expiaçaõ bastante e q[ue] sendo o peccado infinito, requeria satisfaçaõ infinita a q[ual] puro homem naõ podia dar, onde era necess[ario] q[ue] a segunda pessoa da trinidade q[ue] elles inventaraõ se incorporasse, e moresse pello homem p[ara] expiaçaõ do peccado, e restituyçaõ da humana specie a graça e gloria Divina.66

  • 67 Montalto depicts the Scripture as the most precious treasure possessed by the world: “[El] mas prec (...)
  • 68 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.
  • 69 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 480.
  • 70 C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 157.
  • 71 C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 150 and 159.

22To discredit the belief in Adam’s Fall, Montalto employs three strategies. The first one can be described as a rational argument, which proceeds from a philosophical standpoint (ex ratione): given that Adam is a finite entity, his transgression cannot logically result in an infinite consequence, thereby necessitating an infinite expiation through the incarnation of God. The second one relies on biblical evidence (ex Scriptura), illustrating that adherence to the Torah’s commandments alongside repentance during the Day of Atonement suffices for the expiation of sins. The third strategy, which I shall denote as the “philological argument”, constitutes the focus of this paper. It emerges in the initial pages of the Tratado, wherein Montalto delves into the exegesis of Gen 2:17, a passage from which Christians extrapolated the concept of mors duplex. The inaccurate translation within the Vulgate, where Jerome favored an allegorical rendering of the verse, ended up obscuring the authentic sense of the Scripture.67 Allegations of the Latin Bible being deemed obscure and subjected to erroneous renditions (en la latina abstrusa traduzida con falsas traduçiones)68 can also be discerned in Montalto’s correspondence with his relative Pedro Rodrigues. In these letters, that Bernard Cooperman judges as a “polemical treatise in themselves”,69 the plain meaning of the Hebrew word (a significação da palabra hebraica)70 contrasts false translations and futile allegories that seek to obscure the light of Israel (falças traducçoins e […] vanissimas alegorias [que] pretendem eclipsar a luz de Israel).71 Employed as a pedagogical means to facilitate the re-Judaization of conversos, the examination of imprecise translations by Christians assumes a significant importance in Montalto’s treatise on Isaiah 53, in which the analysis of Gen 2:17 from a philological perspective becomes particularly relevant.

  • 72 B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 63. Understanding the "ordinary style of Divine scripture" w (...)

23According to Montalto, the redundancy of the expression mot tamut should be interpreted in accordance with the stylistic norms of Scripture. This duplication represents the customary manner in which the Torah imparts a divine directive, an argument also defended by Spinoza in his Theological-Political Treatise (1670): “that revelation [Gen 2:16-17] was a law and God was a kind of legislator or prince exclusively with respect to Adam”.72 Specifically, the placement of the infinitive absolute (mot) before a finite verb derived from the same root (tamut) serves only to underscore the certainty of an action:

  • 73 “This reduplication is not in vain but signifies various things. Firstly, the reduplication in Adam (...)

Esta reduplicaçaõ naõ he em vao mas significativa de varias couzas, a p[rimeira] he q[ue] a reduplicaçaõ no proposito de Adam he p[ara] certificar e confirmar apena como se dissera infallivelm[ente] morreras conforme ao estilo ordinario da Divina escritura.73

  • 74 וַיְצַ֣ו אֲבִימֶ֔לֶךְ אֶת־כׇּל־הָעָ֖ם לֵאמֹ֑ר הַנֹּגֵ֜עַ בָּאִ֥ישׁ הַזֶּ֛ה וּבְאִשְׁתּ֖וֹ מ֥וֹת יוּ (...)
  • 75 וְהָיָ֣ה בְּי֣וֹם צֵאתְךָ֗ וְעָֽבַרְתָּ֙ אֶת־נַ֣חַל קִדְר֔וֹן יָדֹ֥עַ תֵּדַ֖ע כִּ֣י מ֣וֹת תָּמ֑וּת (...)
  • 76 “Claro he que estes reis soo podiao apenar com morte corporal e não com spiritual.” in E. Montalto, (...)
  • 77 אֶ֗פֶס כִּֽי־נִאֵ֤ץ נִאַ֙צְתָּ֙ אֶת־אֹיְבֵ֣י יְהֹוָ֔ה בַּדָּבָ֖ר הַזֶּ֑ה גַּ֗ם הַבֵּ֛ן הַיִּלּ֥וֹד (...)
  • 78 לֹ֥א תִירָ֖א מֵהֶ֑ם זָכֹ֣ר תִּזְכֹּ֗ר אֵ֤ת אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה֙ יְהֹוָ֣ה אֱלֹהֶ֔יךָ לְפַרְעֹ֖ה וּלְכׇל־מִ (...)

24Montalto correlates a sequence of biblical instances to illustrate that the duplication of the verb does not, under any circumstances, imply the death of the soul. Firstly, he cites Gen 26, which recounts the narrative of Isaac and Rebekah following their settlement in the city of Gerar, governed by Abimelech, the Philistine king. Much like Abraham, who referred to Sarah as his sister rather than his wife, Isaac informed the inhabitants of Gerar that Rebekah was his sister. Upon Abimelech’s confrontation of Isaac’s deception, the king issued a stern warning to all the inhabitants, prohibiting any interference with Isaac’s wife, using the customary language of royal decree: “he who touches this man or his wife will certainly be put to death” (Gen 26:11).74 Within this passage, the expression mot yumat in the hophal stem is clearly embedded within a legalistic framework, denoting a death penalty for transgressing the king’s directive. Subsequently, Montalto references the first Book of Kings, in which Solomon commands Shimei to relocate to Jerusalem and remain within the city, cautioning that “the day you leave and cross the brook Kidron, you will know for certain that you will assuredly die” (1 Kgs 2:37).75 We are again confronted with a royal decree, which, under no circumstances, has the capacity to induce spiritual death.76 Similarly, in the second Book of Samuel, the prophet Nathan delivers a warning of physical death to King David’s son (mot yamut), stating that he will die due to the father’s disrespectful actions towards the Lord: “the child himself who is born to you shall certainly die” (2 Sam 12:14).77 Lastly, Montalto demonstrates that the repetition of the verb is not exclusive to the formulation mot tamut (die you shall die), but also appears in numerous other contexts, such as in Deut 7:18, where the expression zaḥor tizkor (remember you shall remember) underscores the certainty of recalling what God did to the Pharaoh.78

25Carefully scrutinizing the biblical passages cited by Montalto, it becomes evident that the Tratado draws upon the Ferrara Bible as its source text. This assertion is substantiated by the literal rendering of mot tamut, a characteristic shared between the Ladino of the Biblia Ferraresca and the Portuguese translation found in the treatise on Isaiah 53:

  • 79 Biblia de Ferrara, 1553, fol. 1r. Other Ladino translations of the Bible existing at that time do n (...)
  • 80 E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.

De arbol del saber bien y mal no comeras del q[ue] en dia de tu comer del morir moriras.79
Do arvore da sciensia do bem e do mal naõ comas q[ue] no dia de teu comer delle morrendo morreras.80

  • 81 “La literalidad de la traducción compensaba, al menos en parte, la falta de accesso al texto origin (...)
  • 82 H. den Boer, “The Ferrara Bible…”, p. 120.
  • 83 “Assi procuree que esta nuestra Biblia por ser en lengua Castellana fuesse la mas llegada a la verd (...)
  • 84 “Una forma de traducir tan literal, con calcos de la sintaxis hebrea y un peculiar léxico arcaico.” (...)
  • 85 S. Fernández López employs the expression “imagen artificiosa de antiguedad” in his article titled (...)
  • 86 “La gravedad que la antiguedad suele tener.” in Biblia de Ferrara, fol. 2v. In his Nomologia, Imanu (...)

26Published in 1553 by Yom Tov Athias and Abraham Usque, the Ferrara Bible, translated word by word (palabra por palabra) from Hebrew into Ladino, marked a significant milestone for the first generations of former conversos who reverted to Judaism. Indeed, this literal translation not only served to rectify the inaccuracies of the Vulgate but also provided access to Hebraic truth (verdade hebrayca) for neophytes lacking proficiency in Hebrew.81 As Harm den Boer states, “more than a language, Ladino is a technique, which originating as a temporary transfer in its pedagogical use of approaching Hebrew developed into a liturgical function, [becoming] a kind of sacred language”.82 As mentioned by the editors of the Bible, the translation adheres strictly to the literal meaning of the Hebrew text, yielding a rendition that was considered crude and unfamiliar when compared to the sophisticated Spanish language prevalent during that period.83 This translation strategy served as a means to convey the immutable nature of the holy Scripture, resulting in the formulation of an archaic language strongly influenced by Hebrew syntax.84 This “artificial image of antiquity”85, rooted in the preservation of the word order as it appears in the Tanakh, was intended to acquaint the new Jews of the Western Sephardic diaspora with the gravity (gravedad) inherent in the biblical style.86

  • 87 “Uno de los aspectos sintácticos menos estudiado: el del uso de las formas verbales en comparación (...)

27The fidelity to the original text is particularly evident in the rendition of the verb forms, hitherto “one of the syntactical aspects that has received less attention”87 by scholars, according to Francisco Javier del Barco. Regarding the death warning asserted in Gen 2:17, the construction of the infinite absolute (mot) followed by the Hebrew imperfect tense in the second person singular (tamut) is faithfully rendered in the Ferrara Bible – morir (die) moriras (you will die). In contrast to the allegorical interpretation present in the Vulgate, which translates the infinite absolute as an instrumental case, Montalto correctly chooses the emphatic rendition in alignment with the Ferrara Bible. However, rather than translating the infinitive with the equivalent tense in Portuguese, he opts for the gerund morrendo (dying).

  • 88 In his critical edition of the manuscript entitled Obstaculos y opoçiçiones contra la religion xpti (...)
  • 89 Hassán has emphasized the slavish nature of the translation: “aqui ladino es el resultado de la tra (...)
  • 90 “Even in the authors that held the Ferrara Bible in a semi-sacred status, changes in vocabulary and (...)
  • 91 Cf. H. den Boer, “La Biblia de Ferrara…”, pp. 257–258.

28This deviation from the “Ladino ferraresco” might be understood as an effort to modernize the language employed in the Ferrara Bible, tailoring it to Portuguese while effectively translating the Hebrew calque morir moriras into a smoother rendition.88 In reality, this constituted a notable characteristic among the western Sephardim, who strived over the centuries to mitigate the slavish translation of biblical syntax.89 This becomes readily apparent when considering the reception of the Ferrara Bible within the Spanish/Portuguese Jewish literary works of the 17th century. Indeed, linguistic updates are discernible in Abraham Farrar’s Declaração dos 613 encomendanças de nossa sancta Ley (1627), Menasseh ben Israel’s El Conciliador (1632), and Isaac Aboab de Fonseca’s Paráfrasis comentado sobre el Pentateuco (1681).90 This indicates a shift in perspective regarding the 1553 edition, paving the way for the production of new and enhanced editions of the Bible, commencing with the Biblia en lengua española (1630) and extending to the Biblia en dos colunas hebrayco y español (1762), both published in Amsterdam.91 Overall, it can be argued that the literal translation of the Ferrara Bible, which played a crucial role in facilitating the return to Judaism among the earliest generations of former conversos, gradually lost its importance as Sephardic community members became proficient in reading the Bible in Hebrew or the vernacular languages of their respective countries. Therefore, it is essential to analyze Montalto’s linguistic decisions within the broader framework of the reception of the Ferrara Bible, given how they sometimes diverged from those of the “Ladino ferraresco”.

The radical moisture and the natural mortality of the first man

29As elucidated by Montalto’s philological analysis, the redundant expression mot tamut does not imply the concept of mors duplex, which Christians interpret as the basis for their understanding of both bodily and spiritual death. On the contrary, it presents a characteristic formulation of a divine decree, conveying merely the certainty of a physical punishment:

  • 92 “Called Adam and Eve after the sin before the Divine tribunal, the sentence pronounced did not decl (...)

chamados Adam e Hava despois do peccado diante do Divino tribunal, a sentensa pronunciada naõ declarava outras penas q[ue] as corporais, e finalm[ente] morte corporal.92

  • 93 Augustine addresses the issue in: De Genesis ad litteram III (chapter 21), VI (chapters 22–23), VII (...)
  • 94 “o homem sugeito […] a morte accidental de varias causas violentas que muitas vezes cortão o fio da (...)

30Montalto’s assertion is explicit: the divine sentence regarding Adam’s transgression delineated solely the physical demise of humanity’s progenitor. Should we consequently infer, in consonance with the Christian tradition which relies on Augustine and the primary canon of the Carthage synod,93 that Adam possessed inherent immortality before the Fall, and that natural mortality was ushered into this world as a result of the original sin? As per Montalto’s interpretation, the disobedience of the first man led to the vulnerability of Adam and his progeny to both accidental and natural death. In the absence of divine protection, rendered distant due to Adam’s transgression, humanity becomes increasingly susceptible to fatalities, stemming from violent factors that curtail the continuum of life prior to its natural conclusion.94 However, the most severe repercussion was the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden, thereby depriving them of access to the tree of life, which sustained their existence by preserving the radical moisture within their bodies. Drawing upon a medical concept originating from Galen and subsequently elaborated upon in the Middle Ages by Avicenna, Montalto provides a naturalistic explanation of Adam’s corporeality. Specifically, within the narrative of Genesis 2-3, the lignum vitae functioned as the principal source of nourishment, thereby preventing the depletion of the first man’s radical moisture.

31An examination of Montalto’s medical writings provides valuable insights into his profound expertise in physiology. Within his treatises on optics and mental disorders, one encounters extensive references drawn from esteemed sources such as Galen’s De causis symptomatum and Methodus medendi, Aëtius’ Tetrabiblos, Trallianus’ De arte medica, Paulus Aegineta’s Opus de re medica, Avicenna’s Liber canonis medicinae, and the works of the French physician Jean Fernel.

  • 95 An exhaustive examination of the discourse surrounding radical moisture falls beyond the scope of t (...)
  • 96 Cf. Aristotle, Parva…, pp. 423–425.
  • 97 “Natura denique earum est sicca et calida, simile quid patiente corde quale utique carbo licinii in (...)
  • 98 “Quarta est humor qui est intus in membris simplicibus a principio nativitatis per quem partium eor (...)
  • 99 “Et hec est mors naturalis cuique individuo destinata, secundum suam primam complexionem usque ad t (...)
  • 100 P. H. Niebyl, “Old Age…”, p. 361.

32Montalto’s concept of humidum radicale suggests familiarity with the principal theories that have evolved over centuries concerning this subject.95 The idea that the vital principle consists of both heat and moisture finds its origins in Aristotle’s treatise Parva Naturalia. In this work, Aristotle contemplates the process of decay as the consequence of natural warmth consuming the substance in which it resides, likening it to a flame that burns up its fuel.96 The “lamp metaphor,” as it is commonly referred to, was revived in Galen’s treatise De differentiis febrium. Akin to the charred wick of a lamp that has endured repeated burning, Galen suggests that the elevated temperatures associated with hectic fevers deplete the body of its moisture.97 However, it is solely the Persian philosopher Avicenna who identifies the fourth humor within the human body with the radical moisture. The consumption of this humor, originating from the sperm and conceptualized as “radical” due to its presence since birth, causes the natural phenomenon of death through the action of innate heat.98 According to Avicenna, death must be comprehended as an inevitable and irreversible physiological process to which everyone is fated, given the finite capacity to preserve the radical moisture and the impossibility of its regeneration.99 These same concepts, originating in medieval medicine and extending into the sixteenth century through the writings of Lemnius and Fernel,100 are also evident in Montalto’s portrayal of humanity as inherently mortal:

  • 101 “By nature, man was mortal, being composed of opposing elements, and his life depended on the prese (...)

o homem per natureza era mortal sendo composto de elementos contrarios e pendendo sua vida da conservaçaõ do calor natural de cuia continua acçaõ nesessariam[ente] ou cedo, ou tarde, se consume o humido radical q[ue] he o pabulo sustento do mesmo calor.101

  • 102 Regarding this concept, cf. J. Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality…”, p. 224.
  • 103 “si Adam non peccasset, etiamsi corpus ejus ex mixtura quatuor elementorum constaret, multos plurim (...)
  • 104 Chris W. Lee argues that “the idea of an ‘immortal’ Adam before the Fall finds no explicit textual (...)
  • 105 Chiara Crisciani argues that within the discourse of medieval medical debate, Adam’s immortal state (...)

33Aligned with the trend characterized by Joseph Ziegler as the “medicalization” of the debate on the prelapsarian state of Adam,102 Montalto offers an interpretation of the tree of life as the reservoir preserving the innate vital essence of the first man. The same scientific explanation is also discernible in Menasseh ben Israel’s De Termino Vitae (1639), wherein the Amsterdam rabbi discusses the role of the tree of life in sustaining Adam’s radical moisture: Menasseh contends that had Adam not sinned, he could have potentially lived for an indefinite span of years.103 Contrary to Augustine’s perspective, which predominantly presents the first man in a supernatural light as immortal through the aid of the creator (beneficio creatoris), the influence of medical understanding on the Gan Eden narrative tends to refute the immortality status of Adam ante lapsum.104 According to Montalto’s portrayal, the “virtue” which preserves the radical moisture is not intrinsic to the first man, as it is instead attributed to the tree of life. Therefore, it would be advisable to regard Adam’s immortality as a transient condition, manifested in the indefinite extension of his life through the sustenance provided by the lignum vitae, rather than inherent to his own nature:105

  • 106 “Enjoying the privilege of eating from the tree of life, he would be preserved from natural death b (...)

gozando do privilegio de comer do arvore da vida seria preservado da [morte] natural pela virtude q[ue] a tal tinha de reparar o humido radical na mesma perfeicaõ.106

  • 107 U. da Costa, Examination…, p. 313. Da Costa’s assertion regarding Adam’s intrinsic mortality will b (...)
  • 108 J. Barr, The Garden of Eden…, p. ix.

34In this regard, the death threat delineated in Gen 2:17 (“but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you shall not eat, for in the day that you eat of it you shall surely die”) does not refer to the onset of death in the world. The rational evidence concerning Adam’s inherent mortality, supported by the medical premise of the consumption of radical moisture, is additionally affirmed ex Scriptura in Gen 3:19 – “for you are dust and dust you shall return”. Uriel da Costa, in his Examination of Pharisaic Tradition (1624), goes to employ this same biblical passage to substantiate the argument that “man was created mortal, subject to death […] and he would return to his earlier condition”.107 All in all, the entire narrative of earthly paradise portrays a juridical setting, indicating the loss of Adam’s privileged status, contingent upon the virtue of the tree of life to preserve his radical moisture. Instead of being viewed as a story detailing the origins of sin and death, as posited by Paul, Genesis 2-3 should be interpreted “as a tale of a chance of immortality, briefly accessible to humanity but quickly lost”.108

Conclusions

35Aligned with the prevailing viewpoint often found in Jewish polemical literature, Montalto’s critique of the doctrine of original sin tends to lessen the gravity of Adam’s transgression. Contrary to the Christian reading of Gen 2:17, which interprets it as implying the onset of both physical and spiritual mortality, Montalto construes the death warning “you shall surely die” within a juridical context, regarding it as a decree based on empirical observation. Consequently, the expiation of sins requires solely adherence to the commandments delineated in the Torah and repentance observed during the Day of Atonement, thus obviating the need for Christ’s redemption.

  • 109 B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 100.

36The efficacy of Montalto’s critical approach mainly hinges on the use of secular knowledge in biblical exegesis. On one hand, he utilizes the medical concept of radical moisture to interpret Adam’s corporeality within a natural framework, thereby challenging the notion of the first man’s intrinsic immortality before the Fall. On the other hand, he employs his linguistic expertise to rebut the concept of double death conveyed through allegorical interpretations of the verb mot tamut. The application of philological analysis to the Scriptures, a practice commonly widespread among Jewish polemicists for apologetic purposes, ultimately proved essential for the development of historical criticism of the Bible. This approach will lay the foundations for Spinoza’s biblical hermeneutics, which interprets a “passage’s sense only from its use of the language or from reasoning which accepts no other foundation than Scripture itself”.109

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Bibliography

Manuscripts

AGUILAR, Moses Raphael de, Discurso sobre o estado de Adam antes e depois do Peccado (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 A 11).

MONTALTO, Elijah, Exposicion y Respuesta a los Christianos sobre el capitulo 53: de Isayas, echo por el Doctissimo Doctor Montalto (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 D 08).

MONTALTO, Elijah, Tratado sobre o capitulo 53 de Isaias. The manuscript used for this paper and conserved at the British Library bears a slightly different title: Declaraçaõ do cap. 53: de Izaias feito por o Doutor Eliau Montalto (British Library, Ms. Or. 8698).

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Notes

1 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472, f. 10.

2 “Elianus Montalto totius naturae interpres mirabilis, secretioris philosophiae praestantissimus alumnus.” in B. de Castro, Flagellum Calumniantium…, p. 75.

3 “Sus manuscriptos quien los tiene, los estima mas que piedras preciosas.” Cf. D. L. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, cited in M. Kayserling, “Une histoire de la littérature juive…”, p. 283.

4 “Pues que dire de aquellos que por las letras vinieron a montar, y azerse reputados. Muchos an sido, medico de saladino rey de Egipto, fue el grande R. Mosseh bar Moymon. De Sultan Bayasit, Mosseh Amon, de la serenissima Reyna Medicea de Francia, Elias Montalto, dignissimo consejero suyo. Lehia Philosophia, Elias Cretenses en Padova, y R. Abraham de Balmas, la grammatica Hebrea. Fue muy estimado en Roma, Elias Gramatico, y David de Pomis, del Papa Sisto v. al qual dedicó su obra.” in M. ben Israel, Esperança…, pp. 106–107. Cf. also S. Rauschenbach, Judentum für Christen…, p. 190.

5 José Lopes Dias could track down Montalto’s certificate of baptism: “[Ano de 1567, mês de Outubro] aos seis dias do dito mês baptizei Felipe filho legitimo de Antonio Ayres e de Catarina Ayres forão padrinhos Manuel Viegas e Guiomar Anriquez os quaes o tomão de pya e conforme ao Santo Concilio lhes declarey o parentesquo em que ficavão.” in J. L. Dias, “Laços familiares…”, p. 6.

6 J. L. Dias, “Laços familiares…”, pp. 1–31.

7 “Es gab trotz wiederholter Verbote noch immer viele Christen in Italien, welche […] sich lieber von jüdischen bewährten Aerzten, wie David de Pomis, Elia Montalto, als von christlichen Quacksalbern heilen lassen mochten.” in H. Graetz, Geschichte…, p. 500.

8 The professorship at the university of Pisa is confirmed in the preface of Monalto’s medical work Optica (1606), dedicated to Cosimo de’ Medici: “Licet autem propositus mihi viae scopus romana est aula, protinusinstituti immemor, solum ut tanti principis iussa capesserem, & ut mei erga ipsum observantissimi amoris significationem aliquam exhiberem, Philosophiam e supremo loco edocendam suscepi, in nouis illis Athenis, Pisana in quam academia.” in F. V. Frade, “Philoteo Elianus Montaltus Lusitanus…”, p. 85.

9 Recalling his encounter with Rabbi Galanti, an advocate of the mysticism espoused by Ari (Isaac Luria), Leone Modena chronicles: “While we were there, Rabbi Galanti who had arrived from the land of Israel began to tell of the wonders and miracles performed by the ‘Ari’. When he (Galanti) had been speaking for some time, the physician (Montalto) sat up in his bed and began to cry out in a loud voice. We did not know what had happened to him, and we thought perhaps he had been seized by pains due to his illness. In his crying out, he spoke in Spanish: I cannot keep quiet and endure this, it is all lies and falsehood… Either he (Luria) is a sorcerer or all these tales are false. Do not talk to me of this anymore.” in L. Modena, Ari…, Venice, 1638, p. 66. Cited by H. Friedenwald, “Montalto: A Jewish Physician…”, p. 134.

10 “Wenn dieser Brief einem Mitgliede der portugiesischen oder römische Inquisition in die Hände gefallen wäre, so hätte es dem Schreiber und Empfänger das Leben gekostet.” in H. Graetz, Geschichte…, p. 521.

11 “Atropellolo el famoso Lobato (alias Abraham Cohen) con una carta abierta que dio al celebre Philosopho, y Poeta Paulo de Pina para el sabio Doctor Elihau Montalto, de Liorne, con esta equivoca nota: Nuestro primo Paulo de Pina va à Roma a fin de ser Frayle: v.m.d me hard favor de encaminarlo. Lisboa y Abril 3 de 1599. Diego Gomez Lobato.” in D. L. de Barrios, Triumpho…, p. 414.

12 According to Cecil Roth, Pedro Rodrigues embodies a typical figure of what could be termed “religious indifferentism”, displaying a disinterest in religious matters and prioritizing a pragmatic approach to life: “Rodrigues n’était pas apparement pas un homme religieux et se souciait peu de l’une ou l’autre foi.” in C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 144. As Yosef Kaplan states: “Pedro Rodrigues who had succeeded in fleeing with his family to St. Jean de Luz, remained faithful to Catholicism for reasons of convenience. Actually, he was apathetic to any religious belief whatsoever.” in Y. Kaplan, “Rabbi Saul Levi Morteira…”, p. 102.

13 In a dedicatory letter, Montalto praised the queen through astral metaphors, likening her majesty to a full moon that emanates a luminous aura of virtue: “Vous estes icy descendue, Royne tres Illustre, comme une Lune plaine d’une gracieuse lumiere de vertus.” in E. Montalto, Lettre d’Espagne…, p. 6.

14 “Eliahu Montalto dexo por la Ley Mosayca las conveniencias Españolas, […] volvio à Paris, llamado de la propuesta Reyna que le embio diplomas del Rey su marido Henrique Quarto con permision de observar la sacra Ley en Francia con todos sus domesticos, como lo hizo mucho años teniendo consigo al insigne y doctissimo Jaxam Saul Levi Mortera con tanta exactitud, que mandandole el Rey irá visitar una Princesa aparte tan distante, que no podia llegar sino profonado el sancto Sabado; respondio constante que no podia obecerle, y el Rey le ordeno poner diez postas de carroça paraque llegasse á tiempo, y no prevaricasse el sagrado estatuto del Sabado.” in L. D. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, p. 55.

15 “In einem Schreiben, welches er am sechsten Mai 1611 an Concini richtete, versprach er dem ehrenvollen Rufe jedoch nur unter der Bedingung Folge zu leisten, dass er nicht gezwungen würde, seine religion zu verleugnen, und es ihm frei stände, vor aller Welt seinem Judenthume gemäss leben zu können.” in M. Kayserling, Geschichte der Juden…, p. 147.

16 “L’un intitulé Cheinuc, c’est à dire en langue Hebraïque, acostoumance, qui etoit une forme de Catechisme, contenant le six cens treize commandements de la loy Hebraïque […]. Et le second livre etoit intitulé Mechasor, c’est à dire revolution du service annuel, à l’usage des Iuifs Espagnols, imprimé à Venise. Le troisieme s’appeloit Baal Haturim, c’est à dire Patronus ordinum, le Chef & Patron des Ordres; en la premiere partie duquel, entitulée Grachchum, semita vitae, c’est à dire le chemin ou sentier de vie: qui fait mention de certaine oblatio d’un coq accoustumée entre les Juifs en la fete de reconciliacio: ofrant un coq pour leur pechez. Duquel livre Rabby Iacob soy disant Gaulois, est Autheur. Le quatrieme est intitulé […] Synagoga Iudaïca.” in P. de L’Ancre, L’incrédulité…, p. 488.

17 “Obiit 1616 d. 16. Februar & corpus ejus jussu Reginæ laudatæ inunctum & Amstelodamum per filium, Mosen Montalto, & Saul Levi Mortera delatum est.” in J. C. Wolff, Bibliotheca…, p. 103.

18 H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 146.

19 H. Friedenwald, “A Jewish Physician…”, p. 152.

20 “Escrivio tanto en defensa de la Ley sanctissima que se pudieran imprimir no pequenos volumes.” in D. L. de Barrios, Relacion de los poetas…, p. 283.

21 J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, pp. 608–612.

22 J. Basnages, Histoire…, vol. 9, part 2, p. 608.

23 The Razonamiento del Señor Haham Montalto en Paris is replicated in Danielillo…, pp. 104–132.

24 Danielillo, Preface, p. x. See also: M. Orfali, “Il Danielillo da Livorno…”, pp. 206–220.

25 “le quiero dar parte de un razonnamiento, que hizo en Paris uno de nuestros Hebreos, llamado el Haham Montalto, por mandado del Rey Enrique IV, y Luis XIII su hijo (siendo principe) – pocos dias antes que empezase á reinar – delante de los mayores Teologos y Doctores de su corte.” (Danielillo…, pp. 102–103).

26 “It is extremely unlikely, however, that Montalto participated in a public debate at the French court, especially not during the reign of Henri IV as the author of Danielillo suggests. Montalto returned to the French court as a declared Jew only after Henri had died.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 477, f. 29.

27 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 472.

28 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 482.

29 “constituien la sustancia del merecimiento en se creer aquello que no se uee y es repuñante a la razon […]; quello che prophesan los hebreos es conformismo a la razon.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…” pp. 496–497. The portrayal of Judaism as a rational religion was a prevalent theme among many anti-Christian treatises. In the preface to his work Biṭṭul‘iqqarei ha-noṣerim, Crescas underscores the rational character inherent within the Jewish religion: “faith will not force the intellect to believe something which leads to a contradiction.” in Ḥ. Crescas, The Refutation…, p. 27. In his Magen we-ḥerev, Leone Modena states: “Belief […] can refer to an order of things not found in nature (like the transformation of Moses’ staff into a snake), but not one that goes against the intellect (as would be the case – for example – with simultaneous being and not-being)”, quoted in A. Guetta, “Leone Modena’s Magen we-ḥerev…”, p. 139.

30 “Los Hebreos no solamente permiten mas mandan a los suios de todo sexo y edad leer continuamente estes sagrados libros.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.

31 Montalto attributes the proliferation of Christianity to material interests: “la segunda causa fundada en el interese, honras, riquezas, y otras deleitaçiones corporales.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 493.

32 C. L. Wilke (ed.), The Marrakesh Dialogues…, p. 13.

33 K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.

34 Perhaps due to the copyists’ handwriting, who interchangeably write in Burguense or Burguese, Florbela Veiga Frade fails to identify Pablo de Santa Maria, also known as Burguense, who served as bishop in the city of Burgos. Veiga Frade mistakenly associates him with Camillo Borghese, who was elected as Pope Paul V: “E por fim, refere Camilo Burguese (1522-1621), a quem chama Paulo Burguese talvez por ser mais conhecido como Paulo V (1605-1621), o papa investido na altura em que Montalto viveu.” in F. V. Frade, “Elias Montalto…”, p. 40.

35 E. Montalto, Exposicion…, (Biblioteca Ets Haim/Montezinos, EH 48 D 08).

36 P. van Rooden, “A Dutch Adaptation…”, pp. 1–50.

37 “The Canons of the Council of Carthage on sin and grace”, https://earlychurchtexts.com/public/carthage_canons_on_sin_and_grace.htm.

38 Joüon and Muraoka, A Grammar…, p. 392.

39 Waltke and O’Connor, An Introduction…, p. 584.

40 C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 46.

41 C. W. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 47.

42 G. J. Wenham, Biblical World…, p. 67. In this excerpt, Wenham offers critique of the translation proposed by Ephraim Sepiser and Umberto Cassuto in their commentaries, wherein mot tamut is rendered as “you shall be doomed to death”. In his classical study concerning the doctrine of original sin, F. R. Tennant regards the death warning articulated in Gen 2:17 as a juridical proclamation: “But the original Hebrew of this passage, contained in the Cambridge fragments, has the common phrase ḥōḳ ‘ōlām (‘perpetual decree’), which perhaps describes a law of empirical observation equally well as a decree announced by authority.” in F. R. Tennant, The sources…, p. 120.

43 R. M. Davidson, Flame of Yahweh…, pp. 58–59.

44 In footnote 16 on page 59 of Flame of Yahweh…, Davidson provides a list of scholarly works wherein the argument is posited that the narrative of Gan Eden should be analyzed within a juridical framework. Among them, see: C. Westermann, Creation…, p. 94; W. Brueggemann, Genesis…, p. 49; P. Trible, God and the Rhetoric…, p. 117; A. Malphurs, Biblical Manhood…, p. 99.

45 This passage references the creation of man as described in Gen 2:7 (“Then the Lord God formed the man of dust from the ground”), suggesting that Adam was fashioned as finite and mortal.

46 Jerome’s advocacy for a translation according to meaning (ad sensum) is articulated in his letter addressed to Pammachius: “Ego enim non solum fateor, sed libera voce profiteor, me in interpretatione Graecorum, absque Scripturis sanctis, ubi et verborum ordo mysterium est, non verbum e verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu” (Epistula LVII. Ad Pammachium De Optimo Genere Interpretandi, V).

47 The instrumental rendering of mot tamut is similarly observable in the Wycliffe Bible (1382–1395), which adheres to the translation methodology of the Vulgate: “for in whatever day thou shalt eat thereof, thou shalt die by death” (Gen 2:17). Concerning the renderings of the Hebrew infinitive absolute in the Vulgate, cf. Plater and White, A Grammar…, p. 23.

48 “Melius interpretatus est Symmachus dicens mortalis eris.” in Jerome, Quaestiones hebraicae…, p. 5. Cf. also A. Kamesar, Jerome…, p. 90. However, Symmachus’s rendering ("you will be/become mortal") assumes Adam’s original immortality, a detail not corroborated in the Gan Eden narrative.

49 Philo, Allegorical Interpretation…, vol. I, p. 217.

50 Augustine commends Jerome for his linguistic scholarship (“utriusque linguae peritus”, in De Doctrina Christiana 4.7.15) and considers the Septuagint a translation inspired by the Holy Spirit: “Et latinis quibuslibet emendandis graeci adhibeantur, in quibus septuaginta interpretum, quod ad vetus testamentum attinet, excellit auctoritas. Qui iam per omnes peritiores ecclesias tanta praesentia sancti spiritus interpretati esse dicuntur ut os unum tot hominum fuerit.” in De Doctrina Christiana 2.53).

51 In Augustine’s work De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvolorum, the translation of the death threat in Genesis 2:17 as expressed by morte moriemini appears twice within the first book (II. 2 and XVI. 21).

52 Cf. particularly the Chapter 12, entitled: Prima mors corporis, secunda animae.

53 “Et dicendo: Terra es et in terram ibis mortem significaverit corporis.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 23.

54 “Ideo autem secunda, quia post illam primam est, qua fit cohaerentium diremptio naturarum, sive Dei et animae sive animae et corporis.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 2.

55Quacumque die ederitis ex illo, morte moriemini: non tantum primae mortis partem priorem, ubi anima privatur Deo, nec tantum posteriorem, ubi corpus privatur anima […]; sed quidquid mortis est usque ad novissimam, quae secunda dicitur, qua est nulla posterior, comminatio illa complexa est.” in Augustine, De civitate Dei, Liber XIII: 12). The English quotation is taken from: Augustine, The City…, pp. 315–316.

56 Cf. J. D. Smoak, The Priestly Blessing…, pp. 86–87.

57 “The immortality of the soul was not part of biblical belief at all […]. In biblical thought, according to this viewpoint, there is no separation of body and soul.” in J. Barr, The Garden of Eden…, pp. 1–3.

58 F. R. Tennant, The Sources of the Doctrine of the Fall…, p. 94.

59 K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 426.

60 Despite Judaism’s historical rejection of the doctrine of original sin, thinkers such as Crescas and Albo incorporated certain elements thereof into their theological frameworks. For a brief bibliography on the topic, see: D. J. Lasker, Jewish Philosophical Polemics…, pp. 107, 226–227; S. Rauschenbach, Joseph Albo…, pp. 22–168, 207–242; J. Cohen, “Original Sin as the Evil Inclination…”, pp. 495–520; J. E. Rembaum, “Jewish Criticism…”, pp. 353–382.

61 S. L. Mortera, Tratado da Verdade…, chapters 67–70.

62 M. R. d’Aguilar, Discurso sobre o estado de Adam…, fols. 482r–485v. The treatise remains in manuscript and has yet to be thoroughly examined.

63 I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, chapters 5 and 27.

64 I. O. de Castro, Prevenciones…, p. 172. In another work of, entitled Respuesta a un escripto que presentó un Predicante francés a el Autor contra la observancia de la divina Ley de Moseh, Orobio makes use of the word fundamento to address the orginal sin: “El principal fundamento, que vos proponeys para vuestra doctrina, consisteen el pecado de Adam, en el qual creeis ha peccado todo el genere humano que estava contenido en Adam”. Cf. Prevenciones…, Preface, p. XLIV.

65 Leone Modena opens his Magen we-erev with a chapter entitled: “The philosophical foundation and development of Christianity is based on the belief that the sin of Adam brought physical and spiritual death to the world.” in L. Modena, Magen…, p. 1.

66 “The foundation of the depravers’ argument is that through the sin of the first man, he and all his descendants were condemned to both physical and spiritual death. They describe spiritual death as the deprivation of Divine grace and glory, which could not be restored without sufficient satisfaction and expiation. Since the sin was infinite, it required infinite satisfaction, which a mere human could not provide. Thus, it was necessary for the second person of the Trinity, which they invented, to become incarnate and die for humanity’s expiation of sin and restoration to Divine grace and glory.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 145.

67 Montalto depicts the Scripture as the most precious treasure possessed by the world: “[El] mas precioso libro que el mundo tiene que e la scritura sagrada.” in B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.

68 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 496.

69 B. Cooperman, “Elihau Montalto’s Suitable…”, p. 480.

70 C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 157.

71 C. Roth, “Quatre lettres…”, p. 150 and 159.

72 B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 63. Understanding the "ordinary style of Divine scripture" will serve as a foundational criterion for Spinoza in developing his biblical criticism: “We must investigate a passage’s sense only from its use of the language or from reasoning which accepts no other foundation than Scripture itself.” in B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 100. The assertion that the death threat of Gen 2:17 must be interpreted as a juridical precept is similarly endorsed by Uriel da Costa in his Examination of Pharisaic Tradition: “Now when the Law says: ‘He who commits such and such an action will surely die’, does it mean that if he does not commit that action he will not have to die? To be sure he has to die, but he will not have to suffer the death which is the penalty for this transgression.” in U. da Costa, Examination…, pp. 323–324).

73 “This reduplication is not in vain but signifies various things. Firstly, the reduplication in Adam’s purpose is to certify and confirm as if it were infallibly stated, ‘you shall surely die’, according to the ordinary style of Divine scripture.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146. In chapter 11 of his work Ḥizzuq ‘emunah, Isaac ben Abraham of Troki also examines the redundancy inherent in the biblical expression mot tamut: “We return once more to the reduplication of the term thou shalt surely die, which, as we have before stated, has been misapplied to the death of the soul. The argument is totally wrong, and rests on the misapprehension of the Hebrew idiom, according to which the infinitive is frequently placed before the ordinary tense.” in I. Troki, Faith…, p. 57. In the third division of Magen we-ḥerev’s first chapter, titled “That mot tamut does not necessarily or even properly mean physical and spiritual death”, Leone Modena writes: “[…] it is the usual grammatical form of Biblical Hebrew to use a doubled form when the punishment of death is involved in this manner. […] it is the normal form of Scripture to double the word for emphasis.” in L. Modena, Magen we-hereb…, p. 8. In his paper concerning the potential impact of Montalto’s Tratado on Modena’s apolegetic treatise, Károly D. Dobos articulates: “both of our authors agreed that the twofold use of the verb mot (to die) meant only physical punishment.” in K. D. Dobos, “The Impact of the Conversos…”, p. 427.

74 וַיְצַ֣ו אֲבִימֶ֔לֶךְ אֶת־כׇּל־הָעָ֖ם לֵאמֹ֑ר הַנֹּגֵ֜עַ בָּאִ֥ישׁ הַזֶּ֛ה וּבְאִשְׁתּ֖וֹ מ֥וֹת יוּמָֽת (Gen 26:11). “No cap. 26 de Genesis se escreve a proposito de Ishak, e Ribka, e mandou Abimelech a todo povo diziendo, o que tocar neste varão e em sua mulher morrendo morrera.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.

75 וְהָיָ֣ה בְּי֣וֹם צֵאתְךָ֗ וְעָֽבַרְתָּ֙ אֶת־נַ֣חַל קִדְר֔וֹן יָדֹ֥עַ תֵּדַ֖ע כִּ֣י מ֣וֹת תָּמ֑וּת דָּמְךָ֖ יִהְיֶ֥ה בְרֹאשֶֽׁךָ (1 Kgs 2:37). “No Livro 1 dos Reis cap. 2: Pos pena el Rey Selomoh a Simhi diziendo, e seria no dia to deu sair, se passares o arroyo de Kidron, sabendo saberas que morrendo morreras.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.

76 “Claro he que estes reis soo podiao apenar com morte corporal e não com spiritual.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.

77 אֶ֗פֶס כִּֽי־נִאֵ֤ץ נִאַ֙צְתָּ֙ אֶת־אֹיְבֵ֣י יְהֹוָ֔ה בַּדָּבָ֖ר הַזֶּ֑ה גַּ֗ם הַבֵּ֛ן הַיִּלּ֥וֹד לְךָ֖ מ֥וֹת יָמֽוּת (2 Sam 12:14). “No Livro 2 de Semuel cap. 12 disse o Propheta Natan a David, tambem o filho nasido a ti morrendo morrera, […] e claro he que não se fala aquy de morte spiritual.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.

78 לֹ֥א תִירָ֖א מֵהֶ֑ם זָכֹ֣ר תִּזְכֹּ֗ר אֵ֤ת אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה֙ יְהֹוָ֣ה אֱלֹהֶ֔יךָ לְפַרְעֹ֖ה וּלְכׇל־מִצְרָֽיִם (Deut 7:18). “No cap. 7 do Deuteronomio, lembrando lembraras ao que fez A[donai] teu Dio a Parhoh.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.

79 Biblia de Ferrara, 1553, fol. 1r. Other Ladino translations of the Bible existing at that time do not incorporate the emphatic rendering of mot tamut. For instance, the Biblia del Oso (1569), translated by Casiodoro de Reina, presents: “mas del arbol de sciensia de bien y de mal, no comeras deel: por que el dia que de el comieras, moriras”. This translation remains unchanged in the revised edition published in 1602, overseen by the Spanish Protestant Reformer Cipriano de Valera.

80 E. Montalto, Tratado, fol. 146.

81 “La literalidad de la traducción compensaba, al menos en parte, la falta de accesso al texto original.” in H. den Boer, “La Biblia de Ferrara…”, p. 253. For information on the social and theological context of the Ferrara Bible, see: C. Ricci, La Biblia de Ferrara…, pp. 1–47; C. Roth, “The Marrano Press at Ferrara…”, pp. 307–317; M. Orfali, “Contexto teológico y social…”, pp. 229–250.

82 H. den Boer, “The Ferrara Bible…”, p. 120.

83 “Assi procuree que esta nuestra Biblia por ser en lengua Castellana fuesse la mas llegada a la verdad hebrayca […]. Y aunque a algunos paresca el lenguaje della barbaro y estraño, y muy differente del polido que en nuestros tiempos se usa.” in Biblia de Ferrara, Prologo, 1553, fol. 2r.

84 “Una forma de traducir tan literal, con calcos de la sintaxis hebrea y un peculiar léxico arcaico.” in H. den Boer, “La Biblia entre los judiós sefardíes…”, p. 320.

85 S. Fernández López employs the expression “imagen artificiosa de antiguedad” in his article titled “De la Biblia de Ferrara…”, p. 337.

86 “La gravedad que la antiguedad suele tener.” in Biblia de Ferrara, fol. 2v. In his Nomologia, Imanuel Aboab asserted that the Ladino translation did not alter the gravity of the ancient style (“la gravedad del estilo antiguo”). See I. Aboab, Nomologia…, fol. 2.

87 “Uno de los aspectos sintácticos menos estudiado: el del uso de las formas verbales en comparación con el hebreo.” in F. J. del Barco, “Las formas verbales…”, p. 253.

88 In his critical edition of the manuscript entitled Obstaculos y opoçiçiones contra la religion xptiana en Amsterdam and attributed to Saul Levi Mortera, featuring a dialogue between two conversos, Gregory Kaplan emphasizes in the Preface the author’s substitution of "morir" with "moriendo" to enhance clarity of expression. The sections of the Obstaculos concerning the "philological argument" draw significant inspiration from Montalto’s Tratado: not only do they share the same argumentative strategy, but the biblical references cited against the concept of the death of the soul are also identical (Gen 26:11, 1 Kgs 2:37, Deut 7:18). Cf. G. Kaplan (ed.), Arguments…, pp. 55–56, 109.

89 Hassán has emphasized the slavish nature of the translation: “aqui ladino es el resultado de la traducción servil”, see Iacob Hassán, “Dos introducciones…”, p. 26. The same has been highlighted by Orfali: “un modo de técnica de traducció que consiste en verter el texto hebreo palabra por palabra, siguiendo de un modo servil la sintaxis ebrea”, see M. Orfali, “Observaciones…”, p. 222.

90 “Even in the authors that held the Ferrara Bible in a semi-sacred status, changes in vocabulary and syntactical adaptations can be found. The most eminent among the rabbis (Mortera, Aboab, Menasseh, Abaz, Acosta, Nieto…) frequently adapted quotations from the BF.” in H. den Boer, “The Ferrara Bible…”, p. 127.

91 Cf. H. den Boer, “La Biblia de Ferrara…”, pp. 257–258.

92 “Called Adam and Eve after the sin before the Divine tribunal, the sentence pronounced did not declare any penalties other than the physical ones, and ultimately physical death.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 147.

93 Augustine addresses the issue in: De Genesis ad litteram III (chapter 21), VI (chapters 22–23), VIII; De civitate Dei, XIII (chapters 20 and 23), XIV (chapter 26). Ziegler succinctly summarizes Augustine’s ambivalent stance on Adam’s immortality as follows: “In his commentary in the book of Genesis, Augustine was intrigued by the fact that Adam was created immortal yet received nourishment from every seed-bearing herb and seed-yielding fruit (Gen 1:29). If Adam became mortal as a result of sin, surely before that event he did not need such food for his body, which could not be destroyed by starvation. […] What is the nature of his immortality? Augustine decided that Adam’s body before Sin could be reckoned at the same time mortal and immortal: mortal, because he could die (quia poterat mori); immortal because he was able not to die (quia poterat non mori). […] Adam was mortal as a result of his animate condition (mortalis erat conditione animalis), but he was rendered immortal by the help of the creator (beneficio creatoris).” in J. Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality…”, pp. 205–206. Concerning the first canon of the Carthage synod, which asserts that Adam was not created by God subject to death, cf. p. 7 of this paper.

94 “o homem sugeito […] a morte accidental de varias causas violentas que muitas vezes cortão o fio da vida antes do prazo limitado da compreisão natural.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.

95 An exhaustive examination of the discourse surrounding radical moisture falls beyond the scope of this paper’s objectives. For a bibliography pertaining to this topic, see: P. H. Niebyl, “Old age…”, pp. 351–368; T. S. Hall, “Life, death and the radical moisture…”, pp. 3–23; M. R. McVaugh, “The ‘humidum radicale’…”, pp. 259–283; C. Crisciani, “Aspetti del dibattito sull’umido radicale…”, pp. 333–380; S. Marinozzi, “Umido radicale…”, pp. 531–552.

96 Cf. Aristotle, Parva…, pp. 423–425.

97 “Natura denique earum est sicca et calida, simile quid patiente corde quale utique carbo licinii in lucerna cum quamplurimum combusta fuerit. […] Nam primum quidem hec talis febris devorat familiarem ikmada (id est humiditatem) particularem a qua nutriuntur.” in K. G. Kühn (ed.), Galieni…, lib. I, cap. VIII, fols. 439–440 and 419).

98 “Quarta est humor qui est intus in membris simplicibus a principio nativitatis per quem partium eorum continuitas existit, cuius principium est ex spermate. Spermati vero principium est ex humoribius. […] Calor igitur innatus est causa exstinguendi seipsum accidentaliter propterea quod fit causa sui ipsius materiam consumendi, sicut lampadis flamma que extinguitur propetrea quod suam consumit materiam.”. in Avicenna, Liber canonis medicinae, “Quid sit humor et eius divisiones” and “De causis sanitatis et egritudinis et necessitatis mortis”, Lib. I, fols. 4 and 53.

99 “Et hec est mors naturalis cuique individuo destinata, secundum suam primam complexionem usque ad terminum, quem in sua potentia habet ad suam humiditatem conservandam.” in Avicenna, Liber canonis medicinae, fol. 4. Regarding the impossible regeneration of the radical moisture, Danielle Jacquart writes: “Dans la stricte doctrine médicale, il ne peut être régénéré ni par l’alimentation, ni par une médication quelconque”, in “La norriture…”, p. 263.

100 P. H. Niebyl, “Old Age…”, p. 361.

101 “By nature, man was mortal, being composed of opposing elements, and his life depended on the preservation of the natural heat, whose continuous action necessarily, sooner or later, consumes the radical moisture, which is the sustenance of the same heat.” in E. Montalto, Tratado…, fol. 146.

102 Regarding this concept, cf. J. Ziegler, “Medicine and Immortality…”, p. 224.

103 “si Adam non peccasset, etiamsi corpus ejus ex mixtura quatuor elementorum constaret, multos plurimos annos potuisse supervivere.” in M. ben Irsael, De Termino…, pp. 85–86. However, Menasseh also offers a miraculous interpretation of the humidum radicale. According to him, the Divine Law (instead of food) ensured Moses the preservation of radical moisture for forty days on Mount Sinai: “Quod ad primum attinet, id confirmatur exemplo Mosis, qui a Deo jussus ascedere monte Horeb, in eo fuit absque cibo & potu per quadraginta dies; ac tum lex divina illi fuit vice pabuli, quae humidum radicale in suo vigore & robore conservavit.” in M. ben Israel, De Termino…, p. 90.

104 Chris W. Lee argues that “the idea of an ‘immortal’ Adam before the Fall finds no explicit textual support in the garden narrative itself. Such interpretations that affirm the immortal status of Adam and Eve prior to their disobedience are often purely inferential and influenced by later traditions that have no solid grounding in the original text.” in C. Lee, Death Warning…, p. 3.

105 Chiara Crisciani argues that within the discourse of medieval medical debate, Adam’s immortal state is not regarded as inherently intrinsic (naturaliter) to his essence: “La traiettoria del dibattito – ricco di analisi e di proposte ardite – porta, nel suo complesso, a considerare l’immortalità edenica di Adamo come legata sì alla sua natura, ma non ‘naturaliter’, e comunque temporanea: per molti, consiste soprattutto in un protratto prolungamento della vita.” in C. Crisciani, “Aspetti del dibattito sull’umido radicale…”, pp. 339–340.

106 “Enjoying the privilege of eating from the tree of life, he would be preserved from natural death by the virtue that it had to restore the radical moisture to the same perfection.” in E. Montalto, Tratado, fols. 146–147.

107 U. da Costa, Examination…, p. 313. Da Costa’s assertion regarding Adam’s intrinsic mortality will be cited and contested by Semuel da Silva in Chapter twelve of his Treatise on the Immortality of the Soul (cf. U. da Costa, Examination…, p. 459).

108 J. Barr, The Garden of Eden…, p. ix.

109 B. Spinoza, Theological-Political…, p. 100.

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References

Electronic reference

Francesco Testa, ““You shall surely die”. Elijah Montalto’s Tratado and the Critique of Original Sin”Hamsa [Online], 10 | 2024, Online since 21 October 2024, connection on 08 February 2026. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/hamsa/4598; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/12jj7

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About the author

Francesco Testa

Centro de História, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Lisboa
franciscus.testa@gmail.com

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