Bibliographie
Abbreviations of the Cited Bibliography
Principles of quotation: The titles of summaries of the articles in Yugoslav languages and Bulgarian are added in brackets {}; these titles may be in different languages. If there was no such summary-title, the original title is translated in English and cited between / /. The same principle is applied for the titles of monographs and periodicals in Yugoslav languages (except for Starinar and Numizmatičar) and in Bulgarian.
Austin, Michael M., “Hellenistic king, war and the economy”, The Classical Quarterly, 36, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986, pp. 450-466.
Berkeszi I., “Délmagyarorszàg éremleletei”, Történelmi és régészeti értesitö, 23, Budapest, 1907, pp. 1-49.
Bilde, Per, Engberg-Pedersen, Troels, Hannestad, Lise, Zahle, Jan & Randsborg, Klaus (eds), Centre and Periphery in the Hellenistic World, Studies in Hellenistic Civilization 4, Aarhus, Aarhus University Press, 1993.
Blackburn, Mark, “Productive sites and the pattern of coin loss in England AD 600-1180”, in The Archaeology of Inland Markets, Fairs and ‘Productive’ Sites’, Cambridge, January 2002, Cambridge, forthcoming, 12 pages of manuscript.
Bökönyi, Sándor, “L’alevamento”, in Celti, 1991, pp. 429-435.
Božić, Dragan, “Relativna kronologija mlajše železne dobe v jugoslovanskem Podonavju” {“Relative Chronologie der jüngeren Eisenzeit im jugoslawischen Donauraum”}, Acta Archaeologica– Arheološki vestnik, 32, Ljubljana, Slovenska Akademija Znanosti in Umetnosti, 1981, pp. 315-347.
Burnett, Andrew M., “The economic evidence”, in Andrew M. Burnett (ed), Coins, Interpreting the Past, London, British Museum Press, 1991, pp. 42-61.
Calataÿ, François, de, “Les derniers alexandres posthumes frappés à Odessos et Messembria”, in Dimitâr Draganov (ed.), Studies on Settlement Life in Ancient Thrace, Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium “Cabyle”, Jambol 17-21 May 1993, Jambol, Museum of History, 1994, pp. 300-342.
Casey, John P., Understanding Ancient Coins, an Introduction for Archaeologists and Historians, London, B. T. Batsford, 1986.
Christophersen, Axel, “Coins in complex archaeological contexts, a source-critical survey”, in Helen Clarke & Erik Schia (eds.), Proceedings of the First Meeting “Coins and Archaeology”, Mediaeval Archaeology Research Group, Isegran, Norway 1988, British Archaeological Reports International Series 556 (1989), pp. 1-7.
Collis, John R., “Functional and theoretical interpretations of British coinage”, World Archaeology 3, 1, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971, pp. 71-84.
Crawford, Michael H., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic – Italy and the Mediterranean Economy, London, Methuen, 1985.
Crnobrnja, Nikola & Dubravka, Ujes, “Zbirka grčkog novca u Muzeju grada Beograda”, {“Greek coins in the Numismatic Collection of the City Museum of Belgrade”}, Glasnik Srpskog arheolorkog drurtva {Courrier de la Société serbe d’archéologie} 15-16, Belgrade, Société Serbe d’Archéologie, 1999-2000, [2000], pp. 185-207.
Cunliffe, Barry, Les Celtes, Paris, Éditions Errance, 2001; translation by P. Galliou of The Celts, Oxford University Press, 1997.
Dandoy, Jeremiah R., Selinsky, Page & Voigt, Mary M., “Celtic sacrifice – Grim deposits of butchered bones attest ritual slaughter by Galatians at Gordion”, Archaeology, New York, The Archaeological Institute of America, 2002, pp. 44-49.
Dautova-Ruševljanin, Velika & Popović, Petar, “Ostava varvarskog novca iz Krčedina” {“Le trésor de monnaies barbares de Krčedin”}, Numizmaticar, 4, Belgrade, National Museum in Belgrade and Serbian Numismatic Society, 1981, pp. 15-59.
Davies, John K., “Hellenistic economies in the post-Finley era”, in Zofia H. Archibald, John K. Davies, Vincent Gabrielsen & Graham J. Oliver (eds), Hellenistic Economies, London-New York, Routledge, 2001, pp. 11-62.
Dimitriu, Suzana & Iliescu, Octavian, “About the issues of the Apollo-Amphipolis type and their role in the currency history of the Geto-Dacians”, Dacia 3, Bucarest, Institut d’Archéologie de l’Académie de la République Populaire Roumaine, 1950, pp. 259-310.
Dušanić, Slobodan, “Aspects of Roman mining in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Superior”, in Hildegard Temporini & Wolfgang Haase (eds), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Geschichte und Kultur Roms in Spiegel der neueren Forschung, Principat ii, 6, Berlin–New York, W. de Gruyter 1977, pp. 52-94.
Duval, Alain, “La società”, Celti, pp. 485-490.
Ercegović-Pavlović, Slavenka & Kostić, Dušica, Arheolorki spomenici i nalazirta leskovackog kraja {Les monuments et les sites archéologiques dans la région de Leskovac}, Belgrade – Leskovac, Institut d’Archéologie – Musée National de Leskovac, 1988.
FrGrHist = Jacoby, Felix (ed.), Die Fragmente der grichischen Historiker, Leiden, Brill, 1940.
Garlan, Yvon, La guerre dans l’antiquité, Paris, Nathan, 1972.
– Guerre et économie en Grèce ancienne, Paris, La Découverte, 1989.
Gerasimov, Todor, “Kolektivni nahodki na moneti prez 1940” / “The coin hoards discovered in 1940” /, Izvestiâ na B´´lgarski Arheologiceski Institut {Bulletin de l’Institut Archéologique Bulgare} 14, Sofia, 1940-1942, [1943], pp. 282-285.
Gjongecaj, Shpresa, “Le trésor de Hija e Korbit”, Iliria, 1, Tirana, Centre des Recherches Archéologiques, 1985, pp. 167-209.
Grierson, Philip, “The interpretation of coin finds (i)”, Numismatic Chronicle7 125, London, The Royal Numismatic Society, 1965, pp. i-xvi.
– “The interpretation of coin finds (ii)”, Numismatic Chronicle7 126, London, The Royal Numismatic Society, 1966, pp. i-xiii.
Griffith, Guy Thompson, Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1935.
Gruen, Erich S., “The last years of Philip v”, Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies, 15, Durham, Duke University, 1979, pp. 221-246.
Hackens, Tony, “La circulation monétaire, questions de méthode”, in Jean-Marie Dentzer, Philippe, Gauthier & Tony Hackens (eds), Numismatique antique, problèmes et méthodes, Actes du Colloque de Nancy 1971, Études d’archéologie classique 4, Annales de l’Est, Mémoires 44, Nancy-Louvain, Peeters, 1975, pp. 213-222.
Hammond, Nicholas, Lampière, Geoffrey & Walbank, Frank William, A History of Macedonia iii, 336-167 B.C., Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988.
Hannestad, Lise, “Greeks and Celts: the creation of a myth”, in Bilde & al. (eds), 1993, pp. 15-38.
Horvat, Benko, “Još o nekim važnim nalazima u Jugoslaviji” / “More about some important coin hoards from Yugoslavia”/, Numizmatika, 3-4, Zagreb, Croatian Numismatic Society, 1934-1936, [1936], pp. 134-137.
Howgego, Christopher, Ancient History from Coins, London, Routledge, 1995.
Hunter, Virginia Joyce, “Hoard from Serbia and its significance for Celtic history”, American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 13, New York, The American Numismatic Society, 1967, pp. 17-40.
IGCH = Thompson, Margaret, Mørkholm, Otto & Kraay, Collin Mackennal (eds), An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards, New York, The American Numismatic Society, Published for the International Numismatic Commission, 1973
Janković-Mihaldžić, Dušanka, “Zbirka grčkog novca u Narodnom muzeju u Nišu” {“Collection of Greek coins in the National Museum in Niš”}, Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja u Nišu {Bulletin of the National Museum in Niš} 1, Niš, Narodni Muzej, 1985, pp. 33-44.
Jovanović, Borisav, “Keltska kultura u Jugoslaviji: Uvod”, and “Istočna grupa”/ “Celtic Civilisation in Yugoslavia: Introduction”, and “Eastern Celtic Group” /, in Benac Alojz and Čović Borisav, Praistorija jugoslovenskih zemalja 5: Gvozdeno doba {Prehistory of Yugoslav Regions, vol. 5: Iron Age}, Sarajevo, Centre for Balkan Studies, Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosna and Hercegovina, 1987, pp. 805-854.
Jovanović, Borisav & Jovanović, Marija, Gomolava, Late la Tène Settlement, Monographies de l’Académie serbe des sciences et arts, Institut d’Archéologie de Belgrade 21, Novi Sad–Belgrade, Musée de Vojvodina-Institut d’Archéologie, 1988.
Jovanović, Borisav & Popović, Petar, “Gli Scordisci”, Celti, pp. 337- 347.
Küster, Hansjörg, “L’agricoltura”, Celti, pp. 426-428.
Launey, Marcel L., Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, Addenda et mise à jour en postface par Yvon Garlan, Philippe Gauthier et Claude Orrieux, Bibliothèques des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 1re série fasc. 169, i-ii, Paris, de Boccard, 19872.
Le Rider, Georges, “Sur le frai de certaines monnaies anciennes et contemporaines”, Mélanges de la Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne offerts à André Tuilier, Paris, 1988, pp. 70-83. [published also in Papaefthymiou, Eleni, Callataÿ, François, de & Queyrel, François (eds), Études d’histoire monétaire et financière du monde grec, Écrits 1958-1998, tome I, Bibliothèque de la Société hellénique de numismatique 6, Hautes études numismatiques 3, École Pratique des Hautes Études, 4e section, Sciences historiques et philologiques 1, Athènes–Paris, Société hellénique de numismatiqu –École Pratique des Hautes Études, 1999, pp. 241-254.]
Majnarić-Pandžić, Nives, Keltsko-latenska kultura u Slavoniji i Srijemu {Keltisch-Latènezeitlichen Kultur in Slavonien und Syrmien}, Acta Musei Cibalensis 2, Vinkovci, Museum of Slavonia, 1970.
Mathisen, Ralph W., “Antigonus Gonatas and the silver coinage of Macedonia circa 280-270 B.C.”, American Numismatic Society Museum Notes, 26, New York, The American Numismatic Society, 1981, pp. 79-124.
Medeleț Florin, “Contribuții la repertoriul numismatic al Banatului, Epoca Laténe secolul iv în.d.Chr.–106”, Analele Banatului, Serie noua, Arheologie-istorie 3, Bucarest, Institute of History, 1994, [1995], pp. 239-308.
Meloni, Piero, Perseo e la fine della monarchia macedone, Annali della Facoltà di lettere, filosofia e di magistero dell’Università di Cagliari vol. 20, Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1953.
Mikulčić, Ivan, “Edna nova ostava na tetradrahmi i pregled na monetnite naodi od v-ii vek na st.e. vo Makedonija” {“Ein neuer Depotfund von Tetradrachmen und eine übersicht der Münzfunde von 5. Bis 2. Jh. in Makedonien”}, Godisen zbornik na Filozofski fakultet {Annual Bulletin of the Faculty of Philosophy}, 21, Skopje, Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Skopje, 1973, pp. 157-171.
Milleker, Bódog (Felix), Délmagyarország régiségleletei a honfoglalás elötti idökböl, i, Temesvár, 1897.
– Délmagyarország régiségleletei a honfoglalás elötti idökböl, iii, Temesvár, 1906.
– “Banatski deo”, in Monografija Podunavske oblasti iii, Letopisi Oprtina Podunavske oblasti {“The Banat Part”, in The Monograph of the Danubian Region, Annals of the Counties of the Danubian region}, Pančevo, Napredak, 1929, pp. 105-187.
I Celti, Catalogo, Esposizione Palazzo Grassi, Sabatino Moscati (editor in chief), Otto H. Frey, Venceslas Kruta, Barry Raftery, Miklós Szabó (collaborators), Milano, Bompiani, 1991.
Nicolet-Pierre, Hélène & Kroll, John H., “Athenian tetradrachm coinage of the third century B.C.”, American Journal of Numismatics2, 2, New York, The American Numismatic Society, 1990, pp. 1-35.
Noe, Sydney P., “Hoard evidence and its importance”, in Commemorative Studies in Honour of Theodore Leslie Shear, Hesperia Suppl. viii, Princeton NJ, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1949, pp. 235-242.
Papazoglu, Fanula, The Central Balkan Tribes in Pre-Roman Times, Triballi, Autariatae, Dardanians, Scordisci and Moesians, Amsterdam, A. Hakkert, 1978.
Pink, Karl, Die Münzprägung der Ostkelten und ihren Nachbarn, 15 Leipzig, O. Horrossowitz, 1939.
Popović, Petar, “Ostava varvarskog novca iz Barande” {“Trésor de monnaies barbares de Baranda”}, Starinar4, 31, Belgrade, Institut d’Archéologie, 1980, [1981], pp. 171-176.
– “Ostava iz ‘Jyžne Srbije’-Jabukobac” {“The hoard from ‘Southern Serbia’-Jabukovac”}, Numizmaticar5, Belgrade, National Museum in Belgrade and Serbian Numismatic Society, 1982, pp. 13-32.
– “Ostava srebrnog novca iz Krčedina” {“A hoard of silver coins from Krčedin”}, Numizmatičar6, Belgrade, National Museum in Belgrade and Serbian Numismatic Society, 1983, pp. 11-19.
– Novac Skordiska {Le monnayage des Scordisques}, Monographies de l’Académie serbe des sciences, Institut d’Archéologie vol. 19, Belgrade–Novi Sad, Institut d’Archéologie–Matica srpska, 1987.
Preda, Constantin, “Contribuții la problema provenienței argintului din tezaurele geto-dace in lumina descoperirii monetare de la Stancuța”, Studi si cercetari de istorie veche 8, 1-4, Bucarest, Academia Românâ, Institutul de arheologie “Vasile Parvan”, 1957, pp. 113-124.
– Monedele Geto-Dacilor, Bucarest, Academia de ştiințe sociale şi politice a Republicii Socialiste România, 1973.
Price, Martin J., The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus, A British Museum Catalogue, London–Zürich, The British Museum Press–The Swiss Numismatic Society, 1991.
Randsborg, Klaus, “Greek peripheries and barbarian centres – economic realities and cultural responses”, in Bilde & al. (eds), 1993, pp. 86-123.
Rowlands, Michael, Larsen, Mogens, Kristiansen, Kristian (eds), Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World, New directions in Archaeology 2, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Saria, Balduin, “Numismatische Berichit aus Jugoslavien”, Numismatische Zeitschrift 60, Wien, Österreichisches Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien, 1927, pp. 10-19.
– “Iz numizmatičke zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu ix: Ostava varvarskog novca iz Južne Srbije” {“De la collection numismatique du Musée National de Belgrade ix : Dépôt de monnaies barbares de la Serbie méridionale”}, Starinar3, 4, Belgrade, Institut d’Archéologie, 1926-1927, [1928], pp.89-90.
Szabó, Miklós, “I Celti e i loro spostamenti nel iii secolo a. C.”, Celti, pp. 303-319.
Todorović, Jovan, “Predlog hronološke podele keltskog latena u južnoj Panoniji i severnom Balkanu” {“Un essai de classification chronologique de La Tène celtique en Pannonie du Sud et dans les régions septentrionales des Balkans”}, Materijali iii /Materials [occasional publications]/, Belgrade, Association of the Archaeological Societies of republics of ex-Yugoslavia, 1965, [1966], pp. 27-52.
– Kelti u Jugoistocnoj Evropi {The Celts in South Eastern Europe}, Dissertationes 7, Belgrade, Association of the Archaeological Societies of republics of ex-Yugoslavia–Town Museum of Belgrade, 1968.
– “Le problème de l’assimilation des Scordisques avec la population autochtone”, Archaeologia Iugoslavica, 7, Belgrade, Societas Archaeologica Iugoslaviae, 1970, pp. 35-39.
– Skordisci, istorija i kultura {The Scordiscans, History and Culture}, Novi Sad–Belgrade, Serbian Archaeological Society, 1974.
Touratsoglou, Yannis, The Coin Circulation in Macedonia ca. 200 B.C.–268/286 A.D., the Hoard Evidence, Bibliotheca of the Hellenic Numismatic Society 1, Athens, The Hellenic Numismatic Society, 1993.
– “Back to the future, Alexander the Great’s Silver and gold in the Balkans, the hoard evidence”, in Andrew Burnett, Ute Wartenberg & Richard Witschonke (eds), Coins of Macedonia and Rome: Essays in Honour of Charles Hersh, London, Spink, 1998, pp. 71-101.
Ujes, Dubravka, “Le dépôt de monnaies en bronze des Rois macédoniens et des villes ouest-pontiques de l’époque hellénistique découvert à Paraćin”, Quaderni Ticinesi di Numismatica ed Antichità Classiche, xxvi, Lugano, Amici dei Quaderni Ticinesi, 1997, pp. 185-204.
Ujes, Dubravka & Bakić, Ljiljana, “Grički i helenistički novac iz Narodnog myzeja u Vršcu i pregled srodnih nalaza u jugoslovenskom delu Južog Banata” {“Greek and Hellenistic coins in the National Museum in Vršac and a review of similar finds from Yugoslavian part of Southern Banat”}, Numizmaticar, 18-19, Belgrade, National Museum in Belgrade and Serbian Numismatic Society, 1995-1996, [1996], pp. 19-30.
Vučković-Todorović, Dušanka, “Ostava grčkog novca iz sela Prilepec kod Prilepa” {“Le dépôt de monnaies grecques du village Prilepec près de Prilep”}, Glasnik na Muzejsko-konzervatorsko društvo na NR Makedonija /Currier of the Museum and Conservation Society of the Popular Republic of Macedonia/ 12, Skopje, The Museum and Conservation Society of the Popular Republic of Macedonia, 1958, pp. 213-255.
– “Ostava grčko-keltskog novca iz 3. veka p. n. e.” {“Collection de pièces d'argent gréco-celtes du 3e siècle av. J.-Ch.”}, Starinar4, 20, Belgrade, Institut d’Archéologie, 1969, [1970], pp. 391-403.
Walbank, Frank W., Philip v of Macedon, Cambridge–Hamden CT, Archon Books, 19672.
Zirra, Vlad, “Stand der Forschung der keltischen Spätlatènezeit in Rumanien”, Archeologické Rozhledy xxiii, 5, Praha, Akademia Véd, Archeologický Ústav, 1971, pp. 529-547.
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Annexe
List 1. Macedonian kings, whose coins occur in the territory of the Scordisci
The numbers of the find spots, enumerated in List 2, are given at the end of each line.
For the bibliography on each find see also List 2.
It is always indicated if a find is a coin hoard. The other entries concern isolated coin finds. The literature for the hoards is provided in List 3 (the list of the hoards).
The denomination of the silver coins found on each site is specified – tetradrachma or drachma.
If there is only one specimen of a certain issuing authority found as a single coin, there is no specification of quantity. Otherwise, the number of coins of the same type from a hoard, or from the same find spot, is specified. An unknown quantity of coins is denoted as (?).
Philip ii (359-336 B.C.)
hoard 1, Gloždar, Paraćin; bronze, 8 of 20+; 24
hoard 3, Baranda, Southern Banat; tetradrachma, 1 of 14+ ; 11
hoard 6, Slana Bara, Vidin; tetradrachmas, 7 of 164+; 22
Novi Banovci, Srem; bronze; 1
District of Belgrade; bronzes, 3
Surroundings of Smederevo; bronzes, 3; 12
Surroundings of Zaječar; bronze; 18
Alexander iii (336-323 B.C.)
hoard 1, Gloždar, Paraćin, bronzes, 10 of 20+; 24
hoard 2, Krčedin, Srem, tetradrachmas (life-time and posthumous until ca. 25 B.C.), 29 of 73+; 2
hoard 4, Jabukovac(?), Bor, tetradrachmas, 12 of (?); 17
hoard 5, Hinova, Turnu Severin, tetradrachmas, 5 of 62+; 21
hoard 6, Slana Bara, Vidin, tetradrachmas, 51 of 164+; 22
hoard 7, “Southern Serbia”, tetradrachmas 41, drachmas 39; 80 coins of 195+
Novi Banovci, Srem, drachma; 1
Susek, Srem, tetradrachma; 3
Surroundings of Sremska Mitrovica, (?); 5
Danube bank between Batajnica and Zemun, drachma; 8
Zemun, drachma; 10
District of Belgrade, drachmas, posthumous, 4; bronzes, 3; 7 coins
Surroundings of Smederevo, drachma; bronze; 2 coins; 12
Eastern Serbia, drachma; bronze; 2 coins
Pančevo, Southern Banat, (?); 13
Surroundings of Vršac, Southern Banat, tetradrachmas 2, drachmas, 2; 4 coins; 16
Pescari, Southern Banat, tetradrachma; 20
Surroundings of Jagodina and Paraćin, bronze; 25
Philip iii Arrhidaeus (323-316 B.C.)
hoard 1, Gloždar, Paraćin, Philip III, bronzes, 2 of 20
hoard 2, Krčedin, Srem, tetradrachma, 1 of 73+; 2
hoard 6, Slana Bara, tetradrachmas, 2 of 164+; 22
hoard 7, “Southern Serbia”, tetradrachmas, 2 of 195+
Kapela, Danube bank, Zemun, drachma; 9
Cassander (306-297 B.C.)
Kapela, Danube bank near Zemun, bronze; 9
District of Belgrade, bronzes, 2
Demetrius i Poliorcetes (294-288 B.C.)
hoard 2, Krčedin, Srem, tetradrachma, 1 of 73+; 2
hoard 7, “Southern Serbia”, tetradrachma, 1 of 195+
Pyrrhus as the King of Macedonia (288-284 and 274-272 B.C.)
Zemun, area of the town, bronze; 10
Antigonus Gonatas (277-239 B.C.)
Site Klisina, Batajnica, Zemun, bronze; 7
District of Belgrade, bronze
Philip v (221-179 B.C.)
District of Belgrade, bronze, 2
Ravna, Knjaževac, bronze; 23
Perseus (178-168 B.C.)
District of Belgrade, bronze
Autonomous Coinage without King’s Name (188/187-168/167 B.C.)
“Μαχεδòνων”
Surroundings of Novi Sad, bronze; 6
Site Klisina, Batajnica, Zemun, bronze; 7
Surroundings of Smederevo, bronze; 12
Surroundings of Zaječar, bronze; 18
Vratarnica, Zaječar, bronze; 19
Ravna, Knjaževac, bronze; 23
Amphipolis
Between Batajnica and Zemun, bronze; 20
District of Belgrade, bronze
Pella
District of Belgrade, bronzes, 5
Veluća, Glogovac, bronze; 26
Thessalonica
Surduk, Srem, bronze; 4
Site Klisina, Batajnica, Zemun, bronze; 7
District of Belgrade, bronze
“Macedonian silver coins”, “Macedonian tetradrachmas”, etc.
Kovin, Southern Banat, completely unspecified; 14
Veliko Središte, Southern Banat, tetradrachmas, issue not specified; 15
List 2. Find spots in Map 2
Each find-spot or find-area is listed here under just one number, even if it yielded multiple coin finds.
The numbers progress from the west to the east, on both sides of the Danube; there follow the finds situated more to the south, in the valley of Great Morava.
The abbreviation ‘Aut’ indicates specimens of the ‘Autonomous Coinage without King’s Name’ issued during the reigns of Philip v and Perseus (188/187–168/167 B.C.).
The bibliography for each find of an isolated coin is indicated in a footnote; the bibliography for hoards 1-7 is indicated in List 3 (the list of the hoards).
As in List 1, if there is only one specimen of a certain issuing authority found as a single coin, there is no specification of quantity. Otherwise, the number of coins of the same type from a hoard, or from the same find spot, is specified. An unknown quantity of coins is denoted as (?).
1. Novi Banovci, Srem; Philip ii, bronze; Alexander iii, drachma82.
2. Krčedin, Srem; hoard 2, tetradrachmas, 73+: Alexander iii (life-time and posthumous until ca. 225 B.C.), 29; Philip iii, 1; Demetrius Poliorcetes, 1.
3. Susek, Srem; Alexander iii, tetradrachma83.
4. Surduk, Srem; Aut, bronze84.
5. Surroundings of Sremska Mitrovica; Alexander iii, (?)85.
6. Surroundings of Novi Sad, Bačka; Aut, bronze86.
7. Site Klisina, Batajnica, Zemun; A. Gonatas, bronze; Aut, bronze; 2 coins87.
8. Between Batajnica and Zemun; Alexander iii, drachma; Aut, bronze; 2 coins88.
9. Kapela, Danube bank, Zemun; Philip iii, drachma; Cassander, bronze; 2 coins89.
10. Zemun; Alexander iii, drachma; Pyrrhus, bronze; 2 coins90.
- The District of Belgrade; Philip ii, bronze, 3; Alexander iii, drachmas (1 LT and 3 PH) 4, bronzes 3; Cassander, bronze, 2; A. Gonatas, bronze; Philip v, bronze, 2; Perseus, bronze; Aut, bronze, 9; 25 coins91.
11. Baranda, Southern Banat; hoard 3, tetradrachmas, 14+: Philip ii, 1.
12. Surroundings of Smederevo; Philip ii, bronze, 3; Alexander iii, drachma, and bronze; Aut, bronze; 6 coins92.
13. Pančevo, Southern Banat; Alexander iii, “silver coins”, (?)93.
14. Kovin, Southern Banat; “Macedonian silver coins/tetradrachmas”, (?)94.
15. Veliko Središte, Southern Banat; “Macedonian tetradrachma”95.
16. Surroundings of Vršac, Southern Banat; Alexander iii, tetradrachmas 2, drachmas 2; 4 coins96.
17. Jabukovac, Bor; hoard 4, tetradrachmas, (?): Alexander iii, 12.
18. Surroundings of Zaječar; Philip ii, bronze; Aut, bronze; 2 coins97.
19. Vratarnica, Zaječar; Aut, bronze98.
– Eastern Serbia; Alexander iii, drachma, and bronze; 2 coins99.
20. Pescari, Southern Banat; Alexander iii, tetradrachma100.
21. Hinova, Turnu Severin; hoard 5, tetradrachmas, 62+: Alexander iii, 5.
22. Slana Bara, Vidin; hoard 6, tetradrachmas, 164+: Philip ii, 7; Alexander iii, 51; Philip iii, 2.
23. Ravna, Knjaževac; Philip v, bronze; Aut, bronze; 2 coins101.
24. Gloždar, Paračin; hoard 1, bronze, 20+: Philip ii, 8; Alexander iii, 10; Philip iii, 2.
25. Surroundings of Jagodina and Paraćin; Alexander iii, bronze102.
26. Veluća, Glogovac; Aut, bronze103.
– ”Southern Serbia”; hoard 7, tetradrachmas and drachmas, 195+: Alexander iii, tetradrachmas 41, drachmas 39; Philip iii, tetradrachmas, 2; Demetrius Poliorcetes, tetradrachma.
Additional numbers for the finds of Macedonian royal coins which are not taken into consideration in this study:
27. Drencova, Southern Banat; pot hoard, gold, staters, ca. 200: Alexander iii.
28. Sopotul Vechi, Southern Banat; hoard, tetradrachmas, 3-5(?+): Alexander iii.
29. Surroundings of Kostolac and Požarevac; Alexander iii, gold, staters, 3 separately recorded specimens.
30. Vračevgaj, Southern Banat; Alexander iii, gold, stater.
31. Site Davolji Most (also as Teufelsbruck), Vračevgaj, Southern Banat; Alexander iii, gold, stater.
List 3. Hoards, in a chronological sequence (see Table of coin hoards)
Burial date ca. 230-210 B.C.
hoard 1, 24. Gloždar, Paraćin; bronze coins, Philip ii, Alexander iii, Philip iii104.
Burial date for hoards 2-7: around the middle of the 2nd century B.C. and later
hoard 2, 2. Krčedin, Srem, tetradrachmas105.
hoard 3, 11. Baranda, Southern Banat, tetradrachmas106.
hoard 4, 17. Jabukovac (?), Bor, tetradrachmas107.
hoard 5, 21. Hinova, Turnu Severin, tetradrachmas108.
hoard 6, 22. Slana Bara, Vidin, tetradrachmas109.
hoard 7, “Southern Serbia”, tetradrachmas and drachmas110.
Additional hoards, not taken into consideration in this study:
(27. hoard; Drencova, Southern Banat111; gold, staters, ca. 200: Alexander iii112).
(28. hoard; Sopotul Vechi, Southern Banat, tetradrachmas, 3-5(?+): Alexander iii113).
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Notes
Sources mentioning the Celtic invasion and settling of the Scordisci: Pausanias, 1.4 and 10.19-23; Diodorus, 22.3-5 and 9; Justin, 24.4-8 and 32.3.6-8. For a survey on the eastward migrations of Celts in the 3rd century B.C. see M. Szabó, 1991, pp. 303-319 and B. Cunliffe, 2001, pp. 89-99.
The historical basis for the identification of the territory of the Scordisci is reported by Strabo, 7.5.12, with additional information in 7.2.2, and by a fragment of Posidonius quoted by Athenaeus 6.25, p. 234 B (FrGrHist. 87, F 48) and Justin, 32.3.8. See the discussion by F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 360-363, and pp. 345-389 for the Scordiscan territory from their invasion until the Roman conquest. My delineation of the Scordiscan territory in Maps 1 and 2 is based on her work, and also on the archaeological evidence as discussed by J. Todorović, 1968, pp. 19-36 and pp. 83-108; 1974, pp. 158-160 and B. Jovanović, 1987, pp. 847-850.
Ammianus Marcellinus 27.4.4, Festus 9.1, Orosius 5.23.17-19, Iordanes Rom. 219, Florus 1.39 (the Scordisci mentioned as Thracians); see F. Papazoglu 1978, pp. 294-303 for commentary on these sources.
Strabo, 7.3.11, for the time of Burebista.
For the chronology of the development of the Scordiscan and other Celtic cultures in the northern Balkans and southern Pannonia see D. Božić, 1981, passim, and J. Todorović, 1966, passim. For the characteristics of the Scordiscan culture and settlement, see B. Jovanović, 1987, pp. 822-834, J. Todorović, 1974, passim, and B. Jovanović & P. Popović, 1991, passim. The articles by numerous authors in Celti provide a comprehensive survey of Celtic culture throughout their geographical extent, including that of the Scordisci. On the assimilation of the Scordisci with the indigenous groups see J. Todorović, 1970, passim.
Strabo, 7.5.12. However, these towns might have not yet been developed in the late 3rd and early 2nd century B.C.
See the distribution maps by P. Popović 1987, pp. 47, 49, 58.
All the hoards and the majority of single finds have already been published; some single finds are still unpublished, but are assembled in the catalogue of my Ph.D. thesis – see the bibliography cited in the list of find spots (List 2).
For the negative effect of various factors see, for example, P. Grierson, 1965, pp. i-xiii; 1966, passim. T. Hackens, 1975, pp. 217-222. P. J. Casey, 1986, pp. 115-116; A. Christophersen, 1989, pp. 1-7. A. M. Burnett, 1991, pp. 48-52. C. Howgego, 1995, pp. 88-89.
For the distortion and reliability of the “numismatic sample” see P. Grierson, 1965, pp. v-vii; similarly also A. M. Burnett, 1991, p. 42.
For the representativeness of coin hoards and the kind of information they convey, see P. Grierson, 1965, pp. iii, ix-x; 1966, p. vii; and A. M. Burnett, 1991, pp. 52-56. The effects of “Gresham’s Law” directly concern hoarding, since the elimination of the larger denominations distorts the picture of the pool of currency: “in every country where two kinds of legal money are in circulation, the bad money always drives out the good”, and: “the coin which leaves circulation to pass into a hoard is ‘the better’ one of two or the best of three or more” – as quoted by S. P. Noe 1949, pp. 238-239.
For the high value of information yielded by isolated coin finds, see M. Blackburn, 2002, pp. 2-5, and P. Grierson, 1965, pp. iii and xii. For a review of the significance of coin finds for understanding an ancient economy, see A. M. Burnett, 1991, pp. 49-51.
For the benefits of correlating different types of finds, see P. Grierson, 1965, pp. ix and xii-xiii, and T. Hackens, 1975, p. 222.
The posthumously issued coins in Alexander’s name are classified under his entry. See List 1 and Table of hoards for details.
Drencova: IGCH 400; Sopotul Vechi: IGCH 428; burial dates are cited as suggested by the editors of IGCH.
For the chronology of Alexander-type tetradrachmas in the Black Sea region, see M. J. Price, 1991, pp. 173-174.
See further in the text for the distribution pattern and the chronology of hoards.
Ercegović-Pavlović, S. & Kostić, D., 1988, p. 34.
Trebellius Pollio, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tyranni Triginta 14.6.
There is a slight possibility that a minor inflow of gold into the Scordiscan lands occurred during the presence of the Bastarnae in Dardania – see further in the text, footnote 54.
In the hoards discovered inside the territory of the Macedonian kingdom, the “autonomous” coins occur approximately twice as frequently as the royal coins, see Y. Touratsoglou, 1993, p. 32. However, the frequency of occurrence of these coins among the isolated finds remains unknown.
The Roman place-names of the sites are provided if they are considered of Celtic origin. See the review of palaeo-linguistic research by F. Papazoglu 1978, pp. 368-371.
The catalogues of finds in J. Todorović, 1968 and 1974, and N. Majnarić-Pandžić, 1970, provide the main information on the Celtic finds from the mentioned sites and from the whole Scordiscan territory. More recent results are added by B. Jovanović 1987, pp. 811-825.
For the area of the village of Krčedin, which yielded a La Tène settlement and necropolis and another hoard consisting exclusively of barbarian coins, see V. Dautova-Ruševljanin & P. Popović, 1981, pp. 16-18. For Gloždar, the site of a La Tène necropolis dated, however, later than the deposition of the hoard, see D. Ujes, 1997, p. 185. For Hinova as a La Tène site see V. Zirra, 1971, map on p. 603. The region of the Iron Gates yielded a variety of Celtic sites and isolated archaeological finds, too.
See note 5 for the literature on the settlements.
Ujes, D., 1997, passim, with detailed discussion and literature.
Popović, P., 1983, pp. 11-19. Lack of space allows quoting of the main bibliography only.
Popović, P., 1980, pp. 171-176.
Vučković-Todorović, D., 1970, pp. 391-403; Preda, C., 1973, p. 138; IGCH 447; Popović, P., 1982, pp. 13-32, proposing a burial date in accordance with the chronology of the Bastarnian coinage. This hoard was taken into account in the specialized studies by R. W. Mathisen, 1981, pp. 82-83, 90, 119, 121, H. Nicolet-Pierre & J. H. Kroll, 1990, p. 8 (hoard 13) and p. 27, but, considering this and the hoard from “Southern Serbia” as the same find, and Y. Touratsoglou, 1998, p. 87.
Dimitriu, S. & Iliescu, O., 1959, pp. 261-276, 305, 308-309; Preda, C., 1973, pp. 137, 139, 141; IGCH 452.
IGCH 454.
The find spot of the hoard from “Southern Serbia” is unknown. V. J. Hunter, 1967, p. 17, proposed Zemun, but there is no reason for that, especially since B. Horvat, 1936, p. 135, clearly stated that this hoard was found in the district of Southern Serbia and offered for selling in 1925 in Skopje, its capital. P. Popović, 1982, pp. 14-15, identified it with the hoard from Jabukovac which, however, does not contain the drachmas and differs in other details. However, the hoard was quite certainly concealed outside the territory of the Macedonian kingdom, because it contains specimens of the barbarian coinages that do not appear in any hoard from the Macedonian kingdom, but do appear in the territory of the Scordisci. For that reason the hoard from “Southern Serbia” is included in my list of evidence. K. Pink, 1939, pp. 67-68; V. J. Hunter, 1967, pp. 17-40; C. Preda, 1973, p. 138; ICGH 458, as the hoard from Zemun; R. W. Mathisen, 1981, pp. 83, 119, as the “Serbia” hoard; P. Popović, 1982, pp. 13-39; H. Nicolet-Pierre & J. H. Kroll, 1990, pp. 8, 27, treating as one find the contents of the hoard from Jabukovac and this find.
There is no hoard of analogous content, except for that from Chişineu Criş (formerly Kisjenö, northern Banat, neighbouring the Scordisci), dated to ca. 150 B.C. IGCH 459; K. Pink 1939, 35 and C. Preda 1973, 119, 123, 397, concerning the barbarian coinage only. The hoards from Baranda and Hinova do not contain Athenian coins. Moreover, the hoard from Baranda contains only one coin of the royal coinages: a posthumous tetradrachma of Philip ii. However, the mixture of coinages attaches both these hoards to the same group. None of these hoards is entirely preserved.
For the chronology of Antigonus Gonatas’ Alexander-type tetradrachmas, see R. W. Mathisen, 1981, p. 119.
Nicolet-Pierre, H. & Kroll, J., 1990, passim, with a reconsideration of the Hellenistic royal coinages in the hoards from Kržedin, Jabukovac and “Southern Serbia”. More recent burial dates, lower than in the IGCH, were proposed for these hoards on the basis of a re-assessment of the chronology of the Athenian coinage, ibidem 8-9, 25, 27. Yet, these dates are still too early if the chronology of the barbarian issues is concerned, which is remarked in ibidem, 25.
For the coinages “Huşi-Vovrieşti”, “Banat” and “Adîncata-Mănăstirea”, see C. Preda, 1973, pp. 113-131, 55-59 and pp. 198-214 respectively. For “Jabukovac”, see P. Popović, 1987, p. 78.
See the bibliography for the hoard from Hinova in List 3.
For the attribution of this coinage to the Bastarnae on the basis of written and archaeological sources, see C. Preda, 1973, pp. 127-129. The chronology of this coinage proposed by Preda on pp. 129-131 is based on the following elements: a) its close stylistic resemblance to its prototype, Philip ii’s tetradrachma, b) its weight standard (ca. 13,40-14,90 g), comparable to that of the earliest imitative issues, and c) its degree of wear, which is usually higher even than that of the Hellenistic royal tetradrachmas.
Information on Philip v’s plans for a war against Rome, his negotiations with the Bastarnae, their migration into the Balkans and stay for three years in the Dardanian lands, and their collaboration with the Scordisci, is provided by Livy 39.35, 40.5, 40.21, 40.57-58, 41.19, 41.23, 42.11, and Polybius 25.6. For the Bastarnae in the Balkans and the foreign policy of Philip v and Perseus, see G. T. Griffith 1935, p. 76, F. W. Walbank, 1967, pp. 236-255, P. Meloni, 1953, pp. 38-39 and 78-89, 329-333, E. S. Gruen, 1979, pp. 231-245, M. Launey, 1987, pp. 418-421, F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 161-169, 281-282 et 479. The Bastarnae are commonly considered a Germanic tribe, but sometimes they are reckoned among the Celts, as, for instance, by Celti. C. Preda, 1973, p. 130, considers them as a “mixed Celto-Bastarnian tribe”. The ancient authors mention them as Galatae (Polybius, 25.6), Galli (Livy, 44.26), barbari … accolae Histri fluminis (Livy, 39.35), Getae (Appian, Mac. 18.1-3), Peucini (Tacitus, Germania 46.1), Thracians (Florus, 1.39), but it is clear from their narratives that they mean the Bastarnae.
Livy’s report that Philip v’s planned to send the Bastarnae to attack Italy from the north has sometimes been considered incorrect or merely based on Roman propaganda (thus F. Walbank, 1967, p. 237, and Hammond, 1988, p. 468). However, F. Papazoglu, 1978, p. 163, thoroughly discussed Philip’s intentions to defeat once and for all the perpetually hostile Dardanians and to attack the Romans in Italy, and concluded that it was quite possible that he shared the same idea which Hannibal had first and, later, Mithridates vi. Whether Philip v planned to attack the Romans that way or not, he certainly provoked the move of the Bastarnae into the Balkans.
Livy, 40.57.
Livy, 44.27.1-3. See also footnote 52.
See C. Preda, 1973, the catalogues of finds and maps of distribution of all the coinages in question.
Popović, P., 1980, 1982, 1983, and 1987, did not propose any particular interpretation of the presence of the Hellenistic royal coinages in these mixed hoards. R. W. Mathisen, 1981, p. 119, supposed that the hoard from “Southern Serbia” (mentioned as the “Serbia” hoard) represents a “payment to Gallic and Illyrian mercenaries who fought for Antigonus Doson at Sellasia in 222 (Polybius, 2.65)”, because of the presence of Antigonus Gonatas’ Alexander-type tetradrachmas in this hoard.
Vučković-Todorović, D., 1958, pp. 213-255.
Mikulčić, I., 1973, pp. 157-159.
Mikulčić, I., 1973, p. 159.
Gjongecaj, S., 1985, pp. 167-209.
These hoards are too numerous to be quoted here. Alexander iii’s silver coins, the primary element in all these hoards, are discussed by Y. Touratsoglou, 1998, pp. 80-101; the secondary element, Athenian 3rd century coinage, is discussed by H. Nicolet-Pierre & J. H. Kroll, 1990, passim. In fact, only a few of the hoards discussed by these authors are comparable with the hoards examined here.
See M. Launey, 1987, pp. 144-229, especially pp. 212-223 – “Les Thessaliens”.
Justin, 32.3.5: “Nam et Gallos Scordiscos ad belli societatem perpulerat…”. See the commentaries by F. W. Walbank, 1967, p. 237, and F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 164, 281 and 465.
Polybius, 29.4.7 and Livy, 44.23, on the agreement between Perseus and Illyrians; however, of the agreed 300 talents of silver, only 10 were given to Genthius: Livy, 44.27.
The agreement with the Bastarnae concerned gold coins – besides Livy, 44.26.4, see also Appian, Mac., 18.2-3. More precisely, ten gold coins should have been paid to each cavalryman, five to each infantryman and one thousand for their leader. According to Diodorus, 30.19 and Appian, Mac., 18.2-3, this totaled ca. 151 000 staters, or approximately 500 talents of gold. See M. Launey, 1987, p. 761 and P. Meloni, 1953, p. 331, note 3, for calculations of “χρυσοῦς” for the Bastarnae. However, Perseus did not keep to this agreement, which was interpreted by ancient historians as a sign of his avarice – Livy, 44.26.12 and 44.27.1 and Plutarch, Aem. Paul., 12.4-6 – although it is more probable that it happened because of mutual mistrust and suspicion, as suggested by P. Meloni, 1953, pp. 333-335. Instead of the agreed payment, Perseus sent his gifts to the Bastarnae – Livy, 44.26.9 and Appian, Mac., 18.2; Appian however mentions 10.000 staters among the gifts, but it seems that the Bastarnae did not accept them.
According to Livy 40.57.5-9.
According to Posidonius, as quoted by Athenaeus, 6.23-25, p. 234 B-C (FrGrHist 87, F 48), the Scordisci considered the gold stolen from the Greek shrines to be the cause of the disasters they suffered on their return to the north and thereafter they did not import gold into their land; see the comment by F. Papazoglu, 1978, p. 465. This information considerably diminishes the probability that the finds of Alexander iii’s gold coins in List 2 might be dated to the Scordiscan epoch – more probably they might be connected to the epoch prior to the Celtic invasion. There is no information that the Dacians or Thracians abominated gold for any reason, but their contemporary coinages were also only in silver and the finds of other objects in gold are rare.
According to Plutarch, Aem. Paul., 9, Perseus adhered to Philip v’s military plans.
The plundering of the coins from the province of Macedonia should have resulted in hoards of the currently employed coins of the First Macedonian Meris – but only a few isolated specimens of this coinage have altogether been discovered in the Scordiscan territory and no hoard. However, see the further discussion of the demonetarization of the coins and the question of the origin of the minted silver among the Scordisci.
Situated in the distant Balkan hinterland, the Scordisci were not in a position to impose any tribute similar to that paid by the cities of the western Black Sea coast to the Celts from Tylis or to the Thracians (Polybius, 4.46.3), which would have brought the coins to them.
The Scordisci are not mentioned as mercenaries in any extant literary source, as emphasized by F. Papazoglu, 1978, p. 465. Yet, in some instances they are referred to as “Γαλάται”, and their country as “κάτω Γαλατία” (Plutarch, Aem. Paul., 9) – hence it cannot be excluded that they were reckoned among the Celts, without their specific tribal name being mentioned.
Despite the mention of frequent raids by the Dardanians into the territory of the Macedonian kingdom, the finds of Macedonian as well as any other Hellenistic royal coins are extremely rare in the Dardanian territory, and no hoard has yet been recorded. The monopoly in the salt-trade conceded to them after the defeat of Macedonia in 168 B.C. by Aemilius Paullus (Livy, 45.29.13) also did not leave any trace in coin finds. Moreover, there is no local coinage attributable to them. The almost complete lack of pre-Roman coin finds in the Dardanian lands needs more thorough investigation, which cannot be effected in this article.
Unlike the eastern Balkan regions and Dacia, there is no literary mention of the slave trade among either the Dardanians or the Scordisci.
For the literary sources on Scordiscan raids into the Roman province of Macedonia, see footnote 3. After the middle of the 2nd century, the Macedonian royal silver issues disappear from circulation in the territory of the Macedonian kingdom: Y. Touratsoglou, 1993, p. 32. Also, ca. 175-150 B.C. is the latest date at which the silver coins of Alexander iii appear in hoards in Macedonia and mainland Greece: see Y. Touratsoglou, 1998, pp. 71-72.
Regarding the interpretation of the function of standardized barbarian coinages in the neighbouring regions, see C. Preda, 1973, p. 25, who considers exchange and payment as the main practical function of the Daco-Getic coinages. Conversely, the functional interpretation of the appearance of Celtic coinage in Britain by J. R. Collis, 1971, pp. 71-73, considers that the primary function of high-value coins was storage of wealth and exchange or transfer of that wealth for social prestige – which generally appears as far more justifiable and analogous to the situation with the Scordisci. See also M. H. Crawford, 1985, p. 229, for a similar interpretation of the function and use of both the local-barbarian and the Hellenic coins in the Lower Danube basin, where the entire economic situation is, however, specific and more advanced than the situation in the territory of the Scordisci. For the “transaction-coinage”, see P.-J. Casey, 1986, pp. 17-18.
Callataÿ, F. de, 1994, passim, concerning Odessus and Mesembria. However, these coins are not attested in the Scordiscan territory.
In the short notes in IGCH 454 on the hoard from Slana Bara, there is no information if the coins were chisel gashed. It should, however, be noted that gashing is a usual feature of the “Huşi-Vovrieşti” type: Preda, C., 1973, pp. 113-116.
For the universally valid “Gresham’s law”, see footnote 11.
Le Rider, G., 1988, pp. 78-79, has demonstrated that in certain cases Alexander iii’s drachmas remained in use over 150 years and were deposited only ca. 150-125 B.C., despite the considerable loss of weight due to wear (e.g. in the hoard from Susa). This example belongs to a different monetary context, but the reassessment of the chronology of use based on estimation of wear may be adopted regardless of limitations of the available evidence from the Scordiscan territory. The long survival of Alexander iii’s drachmas is also indicated by the presence of very worn specimens (with their weight below 4 gr) in the hoard from “Southern Serbia”, see the catalogue by V. J. Hunter, 1967.
For suppositions that the fundamental economic activity of most of the paleo-Balkan populations before the Roman conquest, including the Scordisci, was semi-nomadic cattle breeding, see F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 473-474. This opinion must be changed in light of the results of more recent research, but the discussion cannot be further developed here; see footnote 70. However, the idea that a society whose wealth was mainly derived from cattle-raising (which was necessarily semi-nomadic in the ancient and medieval Balkans) would be so primitive that its people would not use coins, does not seem plausible. For instance, Alexander the Great had to remind his soldiers in Opis, on the occasion of their disobedience, that they had been just poor herdsmen who had difficulty defending their small flocks from the Illyrians, Triballians and the neighbouring Thracians, before his father made them a great power (Arrian, Anab. 7.9.2-3); however, the Macedonian kingdom had its own precious and base metal coinage already long before Philip ii.
Thus F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 446-447. Bathanattos is the only mentioned name: Posidonius quoted by Athenaeus 6.25, p. 234 B (FrGrHist. 87, F 48). He was a military chief who gathered together various Celtic groups scattered after their return from the south in 279 B.C. and led them in what became their new homeland.
See, for instance, S. Bökönyi, 1991, pp. 429-435 for palaeo-zoological research on the cattle-breading by the Celts, and H. Küster, 1991, pp. 246-248, for palaeo-botanical research on their agriculture.
For the practice of human sacrifice by the Scordisci, see Festus, 9.1 and Orosius, 5.23.18, and the discussion by F. Papazoglu, 1978, pp. 507-513. The discoveries of group inhumations of slaughtered individuals in Gomolava (indicated in Map 2) and Gordion indicate the existence of such rituals at two distant points of the Celtic world, see B. Jovanović & M. Jovanović, 1988, pp. 53-58, and J. R. Dandoy, P. Selinsky & M. M. Voigt, 2002, pp. 44-49. There is no essential opposition between having a highly organized society and practicing human sacrifice (cf. the gladiatorial contests at Roman funeral games, or the Aztecs).
Strabo, 12.5.1, described the organization of the “κοινὸν Γαλατῶν” as a tetrarchic confederation, with a tetrarch at the head of each tribe, a judge, a military head and two officers, and an assembly of 300 persons. The excavations of Gordion revealed an unexpectedly high level of the Celtic material culture, but the archaeological remains at Gomolava, or any other large Scordiscan settlement, are by no means similar to Gordion, see the previous footnote for literature. For a review of knowledge of the structure and organization of Celtic society, see A. Duval, 1991, pp. 485-490, and also B. Cunliffe, 2001, pp. 119-121, the latter based mostly on information from Caesar’s De Bello Gallico.
See Casey, P. J., 1986, 47-49, on the difficulties of inferring the organization of a society from a set of numismatic data where there is little other historical evidence, especially regarding the possibility of putting forward quite diverging explanations of the emergence and expansion of issuing and use of small denominations, on the basis of the same set of data.
Pink, K., 1939, p. 128, supposed that the Scordisci might have exploited the silver mines of Srebrenica (in eastern Bosnia), which in Roman times was called Domavia. But the Scordisci never inhabited that territory, where there are no traces of mining before the 1st century after Christ, see S. Dušanić, 1977, pp. 52-94.
For the acceptability of tetradrachmas weighing less than 17,00 g after c. 200 B.C. and a later reduction of 8% of the weight standard of the tetradrachmas of Perseus, and some related changes in other synchronous royal coinages, see M. J. Price, 1991, p. 44.
Cf. C. Howgego, 1995, p. 104, on the exportation of “old” Roman coins to distant regions outside of the Roman empire, where they would be used as bullion.
There are two hoards attesting the re-use of demonetarized silver, from Stancuța, Rumania (IGCH 662), see also C. Preda, 1957, pp. 113-124, and Belica, Bulgaria (IGCH 976). They contain silver coins, ingots and other small objects made out of coins, and are datable to the 1st century B.C.
Popović, P., 1987, pp. 39-41, on the coinage of “Srem” (“Syrmian”) group, which has the smaller denominations, too. On p. 68, he mentions without discussion the possibility that the Scordisci melted Hellenistic silver coins to re-use the metal.
For the “core/center-periphery” approach in interpreting the interaction between the Mediterranean and inland cultures, see M. Rowlands, M. Larsen & K. Kristiansen (eds,) 1987, especially the articles by K. Randsborg, 1993, pp. 86-123, on some economic aspects of that interaction, and by L. Hannestad, 1993, pp. 15-38, for the interaction between the Celts and the Hellenistic world. For a critical review of this approach, see J. K. Davies, 2001, pp. 40-42.
Along these lines, see Y. Garland, 1972, pp. 202-203; M. M. Austin, 1986, pp. 464-466.
Cicero, Philippics 5.5.
Unpublished; both coins from Novi Banovci are kept in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb (AMZagreb in further footnotes); I am grateful to Dr. Velika Dautova-Ruševljanin, former Keeper of Antiquities in that museum, for information on the coins from the territory of Vojvodina kept in AMZagreb.
Unpublished, AMZagreb.
Unpublished, AMZagreb.
Unpublished, AMZagreb.
Unpublished, Museum of Vojvodina.
Crnobrnja, N. & Ujes, D., 2000, n° 29 (A. Gonatas) and n° 11 (autonomous).
Crnobrnja, N. & Ujes, D., 2000, n° 6 (Alexander iii ph) and 34 (autonomous).
Crnobrnja, N. & Ujes, D., 2000, n° 24 (Philip iii) and 26 (Cassander).
Crnobrnja, N. & Ujes, D., 2000, n° 18 (Alexander iii ph), and 33 (Pyrrhus).
Crnobrnja, N. & Ujes, D., 2000, n° 12-14 (Philip ii), n° 17 (Alexander iii lt), n° 15, 19-20 (ph), n° 21-23 (bronzes), n° 25, 27 (Cassander), n° 28 (A. Gonatas), n° 30-31 (Philip v), 32 (Perseus), n° 3-10 and 34 (autonomous).
Unpublished, Museum in Smederevo.
Berkeszi, I., 1907, p. 32; Medeleț, F., 1995, n° 108-D, E.; Ujes, D. & Bakić, L., 1996, pp. 25, 27.
Milleker, B., 1897, p. 74; Berkeszi, I., 1907, p. 25 (as Temes Kubin); Mileker, F., 1929, p. 182; Medeleț, F., 1995, n° 77-A; Ujes, D. & Bakić, L., 1996, p. 25.
Ujes, D. & Bakić, L., 1996, p. 23. The issuer is not specified, but this coin was certainly not a barbarian imitation, because it would have been recorded as such by Felix Milleker, who actually registered “one Macedonian tetradrachma” in the Inventory Book of the Museum in Vršac at 16.9.1910, n° 92; the place name of the find spot appears as Nagy Szrediste in accordance with the former (Hungarian) nomenclature.
Milleker, B., 1897, p. 151; Berkeszi, I., 1907, p. 46; Medeleț, F., 1995, n° 158-B; Ujes, D. & Bakić, L., 1996, p. 24.
Unpublished, Museum in Zaječar.
Unpublished, Museum in Zaječar.
Unpublished, National Museum in Belgrade.
Milleker, B., 1906, p. 42; Berkeszi, I., 1907, p. 13; place name as Coronini and Lászlóvár.
Janković-Mihaldžić, D., 1985, n° 6 and 19.
Unpublished, Museum in Jagodina.
Unpublished, Museum in Jagodina.
Ujes, D., 1997, pp.185-204.
Dautova-Ruševljanin, V. & Popović, P., 1981, 17; Popović, P., 1983, 11-19; 1987, pp. 54-59, 80-83, 143; Nicolet-Pierre, H. & Kroll, J. H., 1990, pp. 4, 8, 15, 20, 25.
Popović, P., 1980, pp. 171-176.
Vučković-Todorović, D., 1970, pp. 391-403; Preda, C., 1973, p. 138; IGCH 447; Mathisen, R. W., 1981, pp. 83, 90, 119, 12; Popović, P., 1982, pp. 13-32 (arguing that this and the hoard from “Southern Serbia” were the same large find); Popović, P., 1987, pp. 39, 41-44, 70, 72, 78-79; Nicolet-Pierre, H. & Kroll, J. H., 1990, p. 8, n° 13 and 27 (considering this and the hoard from Southern Serbia as the same find); Touratsoglou, Y., 1998, p. 87.
Pink, K., 1939, p. 66; Dimitriu, S. & Iliescu, O., 1959, pp. 261-276, 305, 308-309; Preda, C., 1973, p. 137, 139, 141; IGCH 452; Popović, P., 1982, pp. 20-21 and 1987, p. 60.
Gerasimov, T., 1943, pp. 284-285; IGCH 454.
Saria, B., 1927, p. 11; 1928, pp. 89-90; Pink, K., 1939, pp. 67-68; Hunter, V. J., 1967, pp. 17-40, locating unfoundedly the find spot of this hoard in Zemun; Vučković-Todorović, D., 1970, p. 403; Preda, C., 1973, p. 138, treating it as the “Zemun” hoard; ICGH 458, accepting Zemun as the find spot; R. W. Mathisen, 1981, pp. 83, 119; Popović, P., 1982, pp. 13-32; 1987, pp. 41-44, 60, 70, 72-73, 78-79, but referring to it as “the hoard from Jabukovac”; Nicolet-Pierre, H. & Kroll, J. H., 1990, n° 13, p. 8 and 27, as “the hoard from Jabukovac”.
First mentioned by B. M
illeker, 1897, p. 36; IGCH 400; recently reappraised by F. M
edeleț, 1995, n° 45, and Y. T
ouratsoglou, 1998, p. 81, n° 5.
Milleker, B., 1897, p. 36; Berkeszi, I., 1907, p. 17; IGCH 400; Medeleț, F., 1995, n° 45. Touratsoglou, Y., 1998, p. 81, n° 5.
Milleker, B., 1897, p. 101; IGCH 428; Medeleț, F., 1995, n° 128.
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