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Internet Memes: A Cognitive Approach to the Issue of Semantic Translatability

Lire les mèmes partagés sur Internet : le traduisible en question
Caroline Rossi et Ievgeniia Bondarenko

Résumés

L’article se concentre sur la question de la lisibilité des mèmes ukrainiens du conflit actuel. Dans ce travail, nous vérifions l’hypothèse selon laquelle il existe un ensemble de facteurs contextuels culturels et sans doute plus larges (exégétiques et politiques) susceptibles d’entraver la perception de la valeur sémantique des mèmes. L’article analyse la procédure de repérage de ces facteurs par un test associatif dirigé. Sur le plan théorique, nous considérons chaque mème comme un groupe barthien de récits verbalisés, plus ou moins lisibles pour un initié et/ou un étranger à la culture ukrainienne. Une expérience en deux étapes éclaire le mécanisme cognitif de formation des récits de mèmes en décomposant le processus de leur sémiose chez les initiés et les étrangers. Tirés au hasard d’un corpus de 1 000 mèmes ukrainiens2 de la guerre, 24 mèmes ont d’abord été proposés à 10 informateurs ukrainiens pour aboutir à un ensemble de récits, puis les mèmes et récits associés ont été proposés à 10 répondants non ukrainiens pour confirmer ou refuser les éléments de cet ensemble. Au total, les trois ensembles de mèmes suivants ont été distingués : les mèmes traduisibles sémantiquement, c’est-à-dire les mèmes dont les contextes et récits sont détectés symétriquement par les deux groupes ; les mèmes partiellement traduisibles sémantiquement, porteurs de récits dont les contextes ont une saillance similaire pour les deux groupes de répondants ; et les mèmes sémantiquement intraduisibles, dont les récits ont une importance différente pour deux groupes d’informateurs. Nous identifions chez les initiés et les étrangers des tendances à détecter différents contextes, qui influencent également la traduisibilité sémantique des mèmes.

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Texte intégral

1The Ukrainian war and its subsequent trauma inevitably find their societal entrenchment in different communication formats, notably the numerous Internet memes currently posted on social platforms. Notwithstanding their ubiquitous and seemingly universal nature, however, multiple attempts to introduce them to other cultures’ representatives evince either their complete failure to comprehend the memes or, in the best case scenario, their ability to perceive the memes in part. The present research was inspired by such differences, and seeks to verify the hypothesis that there exists the whole gamut of factors that might impede the semantic readability and, as a consequence, the translatability of Ukrainian war memes. To single out these factors, we facilitated a directed associative experiment that would involve ‘both sides’ of the audience: on the one hand, immediate content makers and users, that is the representatives of the Ukrainian culture who closely follow the upgrades of the situation in Ukraine, and, on the other hand, the outsiders, i.e. the representatives of other cultures (mainly the French), who are not aware of all the nuances of the current situation. Hypothetically, these factors are not exclusively conditioned by culture. They also reside in existential and institutional (e.g., political) contexts (Musolff, 2021). Pinpointing and grouping them by cognitive aspects is the ultimate aim of the research.

1. Memes in the directed associative experiment: theoretical prerequisites

2Memes have remained in the focus of modern humanities since the very moment of their emergence as an immediate product of Web 2.0 and its following versions. On their platforms, the users seized an opportunity not only to passively customize the content, but also to create it themselves.

3The concept of meme was proposed by biologist Richard Dawkins in 1976 and defined as an operational unit of culture (idea), which, in order to survive (like a species in biology), seeks to reproduce or replicate (Dawkins, 2006). The term has become widespread in cultural studies and sociology in various interpretations as a media virus, electric/Internet meme, etc. (Aunger, 2002; Blackmore, 1999, 2000; Brodie, 1996; Rushkoff, 1994). However, the wide array of meme nominations underscores its immanent nature as a multimodal Internet object that possesses a considerable social potential (Hollm, 2021).

4Remarkably enough, the humanitarian trend in memetics (for details, see [Brodie, 1996]), which developed as a result of revising the essence of the meme, has not been successful in devising a stable set of features relevant for this science. Moreover, recently, the issue of meme redefinition arose as a follow‑up to a number of cultural studies maintaining that memes had ceased to hold their initial meaning. As specified by the critique, i) memes are interpreted too simply as a direct cultural analogue of the biological replicator gene (Deacon, 2004; Lissak, 2003); ii) meme analysis misses the opportunity to study it as a cultural genre (Wiggins & Bowers, 2014), iii) memes evolve on the net (Heylighen, 1996). We hypothesize that all these prerequisites are applicable to Ukrainian memes and will reconsider them in discussing the results of the experiment. However currently, the state-of-the-art humanitarian memetics has to content itself with a specific and therefore biased approach to the meme that presupposes the conventional option of features relevant for the concrete research.

5In our case study, we will deal with the meme as a rhizomic cultural entity that possesses its semiotic value as long as it is interpreted by the viewer (Hollm, 2021). This view of the meme conforms with Peircean’s vision of the sign in terms of his classic triangle of the signifier, signified and interpreter (Hoopes, 1991: 141–144). With regard to the configuration mode, the signifier may convey the message in verbal and/or visual forms.

6The presence of the visual element accounts for the possibility of its analysis in accordance with Roland Barthes’s tenet of the interface between the visual and the verbal in the sign, where the visual, like the verbal, presents itself as a narrative (Barthes, 1977). Cognitively, in conjunction with the verbal components of the memes, visual narratives are often inherently metaphoric or metonymic. Although visual metaphor and other tropes have been in the focus of modern cognitive science (Forceville, 2015; Benczes & Szelid, 2022), the nature of the memetic metaphor is yet to be divulged, as a rhizome is not inherently subject to the simple deconstruction even in terms of the Theory of Extended Metaphor. However, the meme narrative analysis might contribute in the development of specifically memetic areas of cognitive tropes.

7Therefore, interpreting the narratives in the Ukrainian war memes is the key step in the procedure of our experiment.

2. Data and procedure of the directed associative experiment

2.1. Data used in the experiment

8As the preliminary stage of the experiment, we used our VGG Image Annotator (VIA, Dutta & Zisserman, 2019) generated corpus of 1,000 Ukrainian War memes that have been collected from Ukrainian Telegram messenger chats Laughter in a Time of War, Zbroyni Memy Ukrayiny (Armed Memes of Ukraine) and Instagram chat Saintjavelin. VIA is an AI tool that allows manual annotation of images that is adjustable to the purposes of the created database. In ours, each meme has been ascribed, among other attributes, a set of narratives that we intuitively read in them. One of the narratives for one concrete meme is demonstrated in the following screenshot (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. – The screenshot of an attributed Ukrainian War Meme in VIA Database.

Figure 1. – The screenshot of an attributed Ukrainian War Meme in VIA Database.

9The list of narratives was created on an intuitive basis and is still open for editing ((re‑)formulating, adding and eliciting). This feature served as the ground for the following procedure of the experiment.

2.2. Procedure

10The directed associative experiment was designed as a two‑stage procedure.

11At the first stage, Group 1, 10 Ukrainian informants, had to edit a list of suggested narratives to each of 24 memes randomly culled from our VGG database. Laid out in Google Forms, each was accompanied by 2–4 narratives. These narratives were offered to Ukrainian informants with the instruction to i) tick if they agreed (have ‘read’ the same), ii) to edit them if the ‘read’ this narrative but in a slightly different way, and iii) add a new one if they have ‘read’ a different narrative in the meme. The lists of narratives were not supposed to contain distractors, however, in the process of the experiment some narratives have been identified as such. In this case, they were eliminated from the list for the second stage of the experiment.

12At the second stage, we organized the query for another group (Group 2) of informants. They were 10 representatives of different cultures, mainly French, who were suggested the same set of 24 memes. At this stage, the memes were accompanied by the amended list of the narratives. This list was edited by Ukrainian informants at the first stage, besides, these narratives were re‑arranged according to the frequency in their (Ukrainians) responses. The instruction for Group 2 of informants was circumscribed to the requirement to tick the narrative(s) that they had ‘read’ and skip answers that did not seem relevant to them.

2.3. Results of the experiment

13As we have already mentioned, the sample for the experiment included 24 randomly culled memes that, in our opinion, rendered most resonant events of the war and deployed the most efficient means.

14Meme 1 Farmed Forces of Ukraine (Fig. 2) features the event of the first days of the full scale intervention into Ukraine. Then, Ukrainian farmers managed to hijack Russian armed vehicles (tanks and armored personnel carriers) using their own tractors.

Figure 2. – Meme 1: Farmed Forces of Ukraine.

Figure 2. – Meme 1: Farmed Forces of Ukraine.

15This meme became so popular that now Ukrainian Post issued a limited series with it. Moreover, in Russia, they registered an attempt to copy it in their post stamps with slightly changed outlines.

  • 3 When the narratives were long and more numerous, the results looked easier to read in a table. Howe (...)

16The answers for both groups are presented and compared in Table 1.3

Table 1. – Responses of Group 1 (Ukrainian) and Group 2 (non‑Ukrainian) to Meme 1.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non‑Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)     

Ukrainian farmers utilized (hijacked) the enemy’s battle vehicles

               8

               1

Ukrainian farmers help Ukrainian Army

               3

               1

Ukrainians are pragmatic, they utilize all the unattended things they come across       

               3

               8

Enemy’s vehicles will be used properly

               1

               1

17Meme 2 (Fig. 4) Give Planes to Ukraine! renders a message on the long‑term and disputed issue of NATO providing Ukraine with modern air fighters for facilitating its offensive. Symbolically in the meme, the planes create the emblem of Ukraine, the trident, that is used on its insignia for its Armed Forces and implements Ukrainian independence and sovereignty as a state. Besides that, the national colours (yellow and blue) augment the emotional charge of the message.

Figure 3. – Meme 2: Give Planes to Ukraine!

Figure 3. – Meme 2: Give Planes to Ukraine!

18Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 are the following (Fig. 4):

Figure 4. – Responses of Group 1 (Ukrainian, above) and Group 2 (non‑Ukrainian, below) to Meme 2.

Figure 4. – Responses of Group 1 (Ukrainian, above) and Group 2 (non‑Ukrainian, below) to Meme 2.

19Meme 3, A Dying Swan (Fig. 5), depicts Russian president as a female ballet dancer performing a once popular in the USSR the Moscow Bolshoi Theatre adaptation of a solo dance from Camille Saint-Saёns Le Cygne.

Figure 5. – Meme 3: The Dying Swan.

Figure 5. – Meme 3: The Dying Swan.

20The very name of the dance, the main figure’s posture and its sex trigger caricature effects and implement the general attitude to this personality, which is evident from the responses of Group 1, compared to Group 2 in Table 2 below.

Table 2. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 3.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Tchaikovsky’s ballet The Swan Sea is a symbol of the imminent coup d’Etat as it was broadcast on TV in 1991

               5

               0

The Dying Swan (a solo dance from Camille Saint-Saёns Le Cygne) is a symbol of the decay of the president

               6

               7

There is a hope that the Russian Federation President is going to decay (personally and politically)

               6

               2

21The next Meme (4), One Doesn’t Simply… (Fig. 6) may be named international, as it is based on the well-known statement from one of the parts of the series of Lord of the Rings, which ends differently depending on the context of the meme usage. It is significant that the speaker is featured wearing black sunglasses suggesting an intention to hide one’s personality to avoid repressions on behalf of the invader.

Figure 6. – Meme 4: One Doesn’t Simply…

Figure 6. – Meme 4: One Doesn’t Simply…

22The responses of Groups 1 and 2 are the following (Table 3):

Table 3. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 4.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Conquering Ukraine (Kyiv) was supposed to be completed within 3 days

               7

               4

Invading Ukraine will involve serious consequences

               4

               5

Russia’s intention to conquer Ukraine in the shortest possible time is absurd, because we are unbreakable

               1

               2

23The following Meme (5) Killing Civilians in their Cars (Fig. 7) is a stigmatization of the fact that lots of civilians in Kharkiv oblast and other places were shot while they and their families with children and home pets attempted to leave the areas of military actions during Russian offensive at the beginning of the war.

Figure 7. – Meme 5: Killing Civilians in their Cars.

Figure 7. – Meme 5: Killing Civilians in their Cars.

24Groups 1 and 2 responded the following way (Table 4):

Table 4. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 5.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Russian Armed Forces killed lots of civilians (whole families, children and pets inclusive) who tried to leave the areas of military actions

               9

               7

Russian Armed Forces have special insignia: Z stands for the Eastern (Kharkiv Direction) Russian Army Invasion

               2

               1

Insignia Z reminds us of a Fascist symbol of swastika

               6

               1

25The next is Meme (6), From Ukraine with NLAW (Fig. 8) features the periphrasis of a well‑known classic tourist postcard logo From (place/country) with love where the last word is consonantly substituted by the name of the weapon NLAW as an acronym of Next generation Light Antitank Weapon. This meme ironically renders the message that Ukrainians, although they are usually very hospitable, are ready to meet the enemy’s tanks appropriately. This weapon has been the first one provided by European countries at the beginning of the full-scale invasion and proved its efficacy.

Figure 8. – Meme 6: From Ukraine with NLAW.

Figure 8. – Meme 6: From Ukraine with NLAW.

26Comparatively, Groups 1 and 2 responded the following way (Table 5):

Table 5. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 6.

Proposed narratives         

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

NLAW was one of the first arms provided to Ukraine by Western partners

               6

                 5

Ukrainians are amicable unless they are threatened or damaged

               7

                 4

27Meme 7 is 50 Cent, 50 Thousand: it stems from a world known meme produced by a stage rapper Curtis James Jackson that bears the stage name 50 Cent. Contextually, 50 cent is compared with 50,000 Russian soldiers who died in the battlefields of Ukrainian war, according to Ukrainian military sources. The reference to the source is explicitly rendered by an iconic personality of Valeriy Zaluzhniy, the Commander-in-Chief of Ukrainian Armed Forces.

Figure 9. – Meme 7: 50 Cent, 50 Thousand.

Figure 9. – Meme 7: 50 Cent, 50 Thousand.

28Responses of Groups 1 and 2 are as follows (Table 6):

Table 6. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 7.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Ukrainian Armed Forces report having destroyed 50K Russian soldiers

             9

             2

If every Ukrainian donates 50 cents for the Ukrainian Army (the usual practice among volunteers who raise money for minute army needs), it will make a huge sum

             1

             5

Ukrainian Armed Forces are powerful and efficient

             2

             1

Valery Zaluzhnyi, Commander-in-chief of Ukrainian Armed Forces, is one of the managers of their victories

             6

             0

29The following Meme (8) is Peaceful Future of the Free World (Fig. 10) that comes from social networks and originally featured the issue of water shortage, hypothetically, in Africa. Contextually, this version of the meme is grounded in the Ukrainian official narrative that is supported by European countries, especially in Eastern Europe. It maintains that Ukraine stands as a vanguard of the battle between two worlds and ideologies, that of the Medieval civilization of state priority over the human that Russia implements in this war and Western civilization that rests on humanitarian values.

Figure 10. – Meme 8: Peaceful Future of the Free World.

Figure 10. – Meme 8: Peaceful Future of the Free World.

30Groups 1 and 2 responded these narratives the following way (Fig. 11):

Figure 11. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 8.

Figure 11. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 8.

31Next is Meme 9, Made in Ukraine under Fire (Fig. 12), which is rooted in the fact that lots of Ukrainian enterprises (agriculture, food industry, etc.) keep functioning notwithstanding incessant shelter alarms, missile attacks and shelling. Initially, it emerged as a picture on social networks that quickly turned into a memetic development of the barcode on Ukrainian products.

Figure 12. – Meme 9: Made in Ukraine under Fire.

Figure 12. – Meme 9: Made in Ukraine under Fire.

32Responses to this meme from Groups 1 and 2 were the following (Table 7):

Table 7. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 9.

Proposed narratives           

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Even in the endangered areas and regions, shops, banks and industries go on as usual

               7

                 9

Ukrainians are fearless and firm

               5

                 2

33Meme 10 is Illegitimate Annexing Ukrainian Territories (Fig. 13) that is rooted in the mass culture memetic animated movie Shrek. In this meme, the initial argument of central characters is contextually adjusted to the situation around so‑called arguable territories initiated by Russia. The Donkey’s inherently unexpected and often inappropriate argument is deployed as an ultimate tool to complete the discussion.

Figure 13. – Meme 10: Illegitimate Annexing Ukrainian Territories.

Figure 13. – Meme 10: Illegitimate Annexing Ukrainian Territories.

34The feedback from Groups 1 and 2 was as follows (Table 8):

Table 8. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 10.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Ukrainian territories cannot be annexed as they are protected by International Laws

               3

               2

If Russian Federation can claim Ukrainian territories, then other countries can claim Russian territories

               8

               3

Russia has turned diplomatic discourse into a mess

               1

               7

35Meme 11 is Dangerous Games (Fig. 14) based on the picture created in social networks in 2016 (it was included in the top 10 best memes of the year). In the Ukrainian context, the initial central character (a boy) has been changed to create a caricature.

Figure 14. – Meme 11: Dangerous Games.

Figure 14. – Meme 11: Dangerous Games.

36Groups 1 and 2 responded in the following way (Table 9):

Table 9. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 11.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Playing dangerous military and political games results in serious consequences for its initiators

               7

               8

Initially, a full-scale invasion in Ukraine seemed an easily manageable task

               5

               3

The enemy is not mature enough to estimate the risks

               4

               4

37The following is Meme 12, Everlasting Ukraine (Fig. 24) that was shared extensively on social networks. It looks like a string of frames that demonstrate the development of events if one branch of a powerful tree is broken.

Figure 15. – Meme 12: Everlasting Ukraine.

Figure 15. – Meme 12: Everlasting Ukraine.

38The responses of both Groups were as follows (Table 10):

Table 10. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 12.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

The more severely the enemy tries to break Ukraine and the Ukrainians, the firmer they will be

              10

               8

Due to the nature of Ukrainian soils, one can break one plant but it will grow tenfold springs

               3

               1

Our land (culture) is a good nurturing ground for life

               1

               1

39Meme 13 is The Witches of Konotop (Fig. 16). The meme is rooted in a Russian narrative that affirms Ukrainian tradition of practicing satanism. The meme paraphrases it as a folklore prejudice that Konotop (Sumskaya oblast in the North of Ukraine) is the capital of Ukrainian witches.

Figure 16. – Meme 13: The Witches of Konotop.

Figure 16. – Meme 13: The Witches of Konotop.

40Respondents’ feedback on this meme is as follows (Table 11):

Table 11. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 13.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Konotop (Sumy oblast) is a city where, according to Ukrainian folklore, they have black occult practices and witches

               4

               1

Ukrainian witches is a response to Russian propaganda narrative of Ukrainian satanism

               2

               5

Ukrainian witches do their magic against the enemies and for the safety of Ukraine

               6

               4

41Meme 14 is AI Ukraine as Poppy Flowers (Fig. 17). Created by AI, Ukraine is featured as the territory flowered in poppies that among other symbolic meanings culturally signify beauty and Sun (Kotsur, Potapenko & Kuybida, 2015: 475–476).

Figure 17. – Meme 14: AI Ukraine as Poppy Flowers.

Figure 17. – Meme 14: AI Ukraine as Poppy Flowers.

42The feedback of the Groups of respondents is as follows (Table 12):

Table 12. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 14.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

The AI picture of Ukraine coincides with the way Ukrainians see it, as a beautiful flower

             4

               0

Red Poppy Flowers are symbols of peace and V‑Day in WWII (Never Again)

             6

               5

Some day red poppy flowers will grow on Ukrainian land to symbolize victory in this war    

             1

               5

43Meme 15 is Tomato Jar Grandma (Fig. 18) that is rooted in the old Slavic tradition to store fruit and vegetables for winter in barrels and later in glass canned jars (mainly a peasant tradition). In Soviet times, this tradition was extensively developed so that every housewife, and especially old ladies, both in the cities and in villages, had their own hallmark recipe of canned tomatoes, cucumbers, vegetable salads, etc. Using it as a weapon against Russian drones symbolizes the contribution of each Ukrainian into the fight for their independence.

Figure 18. – Meme 15: Tomato Jar Grandma.

Figure 18. – Meme 15: Tomato Jar Grandma.

44Respondents feedback to this meme is featured below (Table 13):

Table 13. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 15.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non‑Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)        

Ukrainian civilians actively support actions of the Ukrainian Army and hunt for drones

               7

                 4

A 3‑liter jar or canned tomatoes stands for anything at hand (and/or the most precious good) to fight the enemy

               9

                 5

Ukrainian grandmas Master canning vegetables and fruit

               0

                 0

45Meme 16, #SlavaUkraini (Fig. 19), is grounded in the fact that the footage of executing the Ukrainian prisoner of war, Olexander Matsievsky, after his words Glory to Ukraine!, was circulated on the Internet. His words are now considered a formal settled greeting for Ukrainians and is a hashtag word in social networks. This fact served as the inspiration for the picture Hero by Rostyslav Zagornov. The message of the picture is underscored by the visual metaphor of the poppy flowers that here have a different symbolism (compare it with Meme 14). In this context, the flowers implement the old Slavic folklore narrative that the blood of the heroes on the battlefields turns into poppy flowers.

Figure 19. – Meme 16: #SlavaUkraini.

Figure 19. – Meme 16: #SlavaUkraini.

46The feedback of the two groups of informants is the following (Table 14):

Table 14. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 16.

Proposed narratives        

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)      

The execution of the wounded Ukrainian prisoner of war after his words “glory to Ukraine” was shared online

                6

               2

Ukrainians cannot be intimidated even by the threat of an imminent death

                5

               3

According to the Eastern Slavic folklore, the blood of the soldiers killed in action turns into poppy flowers

                4

               4

47Meme 17 is Battalion Gone (Fig. 20) that is rooted in the continuous reports of the Ukrainian side that due to their mass (‘meat’) offensive tactics and precise work of Ukrainian artillery and drone operators Russian troops lose their men in hundreds and thousands in Donetsk region. The message of the meme is based on the consonant periphrasis of the name of geometric figures with Greek suffix –gon (angle) into the phrase with the noun battalion.

Figure 20. – Meme 17: Battalion Gone.

Figure 20. – Meme 17: Battalion Gone.

48The feedback of the Groups concerning this meme is as follows (Table 15):

Table 15. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 17.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Russian troops suffer big losses in Donbas (Bakhmut)

               8

                  5

This is the play on the rhyme with –gon and gone, framing casualties as one of geometric figures

               4

                  5

49The following Meme (18) is Nikita (Fig. 21), which resonates with the eponymous movie and one of its most dramatic scenes when heroes have to escape the pursuit and leave their shelter to be able to take revenge for Nikita’s family. In this context, Nikita is substituted by Lesia Ukrainka (the iconic Ukrainian poetess-classicist), and Taras Shevchenko (the ‘father’ of Ukrainian poetry) implements the character of Victor. In the meme, they are depicted at the background of the main (‘Red’) administrative building of Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University. This meme emerged immediately after its severe bombing when the staff had to leave it to continue functioning.

Figure 21. – Meme 18: Nikita.

Figure 21. – Meme 18: Nikita.

50The response to this meme on behalf of the Groups of informants is the following (Table 16):

Table 16. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 18.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non‑Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Taras Shevchenko Kiyv National University (its main Red building) has been shelled severely and yet it functions

              2

              2

Its students still study and fight as drafted soldiers

              2

              2

Lesya Ukrainka (Ukrainian classic poetess) is featured as Nikita, an aprentice killer of Leon (Taras Shevchenko, Ukrainian poet and idol), taking revenge for her family

              5

              5

I don’t understand the meme

              0

              1

51The next is Meme 19, Ukrainian HIMARS (Fig. 22). It renders the iconic image of the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System provided to Ukraine that, according to Ukrainian sources, played a pivotal role in changing the dynamics of the military situation in favour of Ukraine. In the meme, the commendatory attitude to this type of the weapon is underscored by way of designing its image as a part of Ukrainian national embroidery (vyshyvanka).

Figure 22. – Meme 19: Ukrainian HIMARS.

Figure 22. – Meme 19: Ukrainian HIMARS.

52The responses to this meme are the following (Fig. 23):

Figure 23. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 19.

Figure 23. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 19.

53Meme 20 is Saint Socket, the Mother-Intercessor of Electricity (Fig. 24). This meme is an icon image that depicts the Virgin with a power saving bulb instead of Jesus Christ in her hands, which underscores the resilience of Ukrainians challenged by power terrorism of Russia in autumn-winter 2022–2023. Depicting Virgin and Christ with unusual attributes is a naïve art tradition of Ukrainian visual folklore (Milyaeva, 1996).

Figure 24. – Meme 20: Saint Socket, the Mother-Intercessor of Electricity.

Figure 24. – Meme 20: Saint Socket, the Mother-Intercessor of Electricity.

54The feedback of the informants was the following (Table 17):

Table 17. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 20.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Holy Mary holding an electric energy saving bulb stands for Ukrainian resilience challenging Russia’s power terrorism

               8

               4

Javelin (originally in the picture and here replaced with the electric bulb) is an anti-tank rocket complex that has protected Ukraine since the outbreak of the war

               2

               3

Holy Mary holding Javelin is a memic guarding icon of Ukraine

               1

               2

55Meme 21, Ukrainian Armed Forces are Pet Cats (Kotyky) (Fig. 25), is a kind of the metonymic construal of the fact that during military actions, lots of home pets remain homeless and stray. Ukrainian soldiers that are located nearby have to take care of them (mainly cats and dogs), feeding them and taming. In Ukrainian tradition, a cat is a symbol of home comfort and amicability (Slovnyk) that transforms into the concept of defense and care metonymically associated with the Ukrainian Army itself. In the meme, the effect is augmented by the metaphoric imaging of cats as a Ukrainian flag. In the footage of military actions, the Ukrainian flag is becoming the sign of the victory as liberated locations are considered as such when the flag is put on its administrative building.

Figure 25. – Meme 21: Ukrainian Armed Forces are Pet Cats (Kotyky).

Figure 25. – Meme 21: Ukrainian Armed Forces are Pet Cats (Kotyky).

56The responses of the Groups are the following (Table 18):

Table 18. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 21.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Ukrainian Armed Forces are pet cats (kotyki)

                5

                4

Blue and yellow are the symbolic colours of Ukrainian flag          

                7

                2

A put up flag stands for a de‑occupied location (victory)

                3

                5

Ukraine will hold out against all odds

                1

                1

57Meme 22, The Moskva Ship as the Titanic (Fig. 26), is a contextual adaptation of the dramatic scene from the movie Titanic featuring the main characters that face the life danger but stay faithful to each other. This motive has been developed in the caricature-like interpretation of the fact that the flagman of Russian Black Sea Military Fleet, the Moskva, was torpedoed and drowned by Ukrainian Forces. This meme elaborates this fact as a scenario of the further development of a ‘love affair’ between the leaders of Russia and Belarus.

Figure 26. – Meme 22: The Moskva Ship as the Titanic.

Figure 26. – Meme 22: The Moskva Ship as the Titanic.

58The feedback of this meme in Groups is as follows (Table 19):

Table 19. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 22.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

Russian Black Sea Fleet flagman the Moskva was torpedoed and drowned by Ukrainian troops

               8

               2

The analogy with the Titanic movie plot hints at the possible tragic outcome of the ‘romantic affair’ between Puitin and Lukashenk

               8

               8

The ship is associated with the capital of Russia

               3

               1

59Meme 23, Ukraine is Our Home (Fig. 27), is rooted in the long-term arguments about the territorial integrity of Ukraine within the borders of 1991. The message is underscored by the verbal component home. with a full stop as an affirming marker.

Figure 27. – Meme 23: Ukraine is Our Home.

Figure 27. – Meme 23: Ukraine is Our Home.

60Respondents in both groups provided the following feedback to it (Table 20):

Table 20. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 23.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non‑Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

The borderline of Ukraine before 2014 is recognized by the Ukrainians as their home

               7

               6

Ukraine is the only home for Ukrainians (the emphasis is made on the full stop)

               7

               5

61The last Meme (24), is Russian Spirituality (Fig. 28). It revolves around the conflict between the Orthodox Churches of Ukrainian and Moscow Patriarchy that has a political nature. According to the Ukrainian Security Service, the latter act as collaborators of Russian aggressions against Ukraine. It entailed the social demand for circumscribing Russian influence in the sphere of religion in Ukraine and prohibiting their activity in its territory. In the meme, it is metaphtonymically rendered as domes of the cathedral in the form of missiles with Z symbols of Russian aggression (or military operation, as it is named in Russia) instead of a cross and an iconic appeal #CancelRussia.

Figure 28. – Meme 24: Russian Spirituality.

Figure 28. – Meme 24: Russian Spirituality.

62The Groups feedback to it was the following (Table 21):

Table 21. – Responses of Group 1 and Group 2 to Meme 24.

Proposed narratives

Number of Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 1)

Number of non-Ukrainian replies including this narrative (Group 2)

The Head of this church blessed murdering Ukrainians and ruining their country

               8

               3

Instead of the Christian Cross, their churches ‘warship’ the Z sign, the insignia of Russian troops that invaded Ukraine

               1

               4

Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchy is the headquarters of anti-Ukrainism

               5

               3

Ukrainian Orthodox church should be a subject of exclusively Ukrainian patriarchy

               2

               1

63In this part, we have just considered the backgrounds of the memes that were suggested to the Groups of informants and given a visual representation of their feedbacks. Thus, the issue of semantic translatability has not been tackled yet. In what follows, we briefly study informants’ responses that might pinpoint the problematic areas for memes adaptation (or translatability) in a foreign culture.

3. Discussion

64The results of such experiments provide the material for analysis that cannot be circumscribed by an unequivocal interpretation. For this case, we suggest that the narratives accompanying the memes are analyzed in terms of the at least three types of contexts that serve their underpinning: i) the exegetic context, i.e. the context that renders concrete events of Ukrainian war that the meme comments; ii) the political context, i.e. the situation in the political realm that the meme furnishes; and iii) the cultural context, i.e. the issues of Ukrainian culture that the meme suggests. We consider the salience of these three contexts in the narratives and especially their difference as the main indicator of the potential problems in the cultural translation of the memes.

65Initially, we will explore the memes that demonstrate the synchronicity of feedback between Groups 1 and 2. We surmise that these memes are semantically translatable into a different culture.

66Semantically translatable memes split into three basic samples, according to their underlying type of the context.

67The first sample of these memes incorporates those highlighting exegetic context, that is the memes that make salient the factual information about the war or its events. This type of memes is ‘read’ symmetrically by both Groups. This sample includes, for example, Meme 9, Meme 15, Meme 17, and Meme 18.

68In Meme 9, there is a conspicuous fact that lots of Ukrainian companies continue functioning in spite of the missile terrorism of Russia. As we can see, the exegetic context of this meme has been synchronously detected by both Groups due to the explicit image and verbal element that did not leave much room for deviation from the main message.

69The accompanying narrative to Meme 15 accounts for the equivocality of interpretations by both Groups. It indicates the fact that Ukrainians use anything at hand to fight with the enemy, a narrative that is readily confirmed by the representatives of both cultures.

70In Meme 17, the respondents of both Groups readily chose the exegetically contextualized narrative, the fact that Russian troops are suffering considerable losses in their effort to seize Donbass completely.

71As Meme 18 shows, according to the responses in both Groups, embodied in their paragon poetic personalities, Lesya Ukrainka and Taras Shevchenko, Ukrainians are ready to take revenge for their nation. Respondents easily read the message metaphorically encrypted in the meme due to the familiar plot of the world-famous movie Nikita.

72The second sample of semantically translatable memes covers the memes whose political context has been detected synchronously by the respondents of both Groups. These are Meme 2, Meme 3, Meme 8, Meme 11, and Meme 23.

73The political context of Meme 2 is widely known in Europe, and besides this, the meme incorporates a direct appeal that cannot be interpreted otherwise.

74In Meme 3, both Groups chose as salient the narrative that indicates public opinion and attitude to the author of Russian military aggression. The equivocality of the responses, as we surmise, is accounted for by the explicit caricature-like nature of both the image and the logo of the meme. As an inherent feature of political communication, caricature serves as a powerful metaphorical tool that creates an effect of unambiguity in terms of estimations and values.

75Meme 8, created on the basis of a widely known meme framework, explicitly interprets the mission of Ukraine in world politics nowadays. The synchronous responses of both Groups may be expounded by the explicit nature of the narrative that is provided by both the image and the snowflake.

76Also created on the basis of a well‑known meme framework, Meme 11 renders the political message that is made obvious by the metaphorical image. We assume the explicit nature of this metaphor as an impetus for the symmetric interpreting this meme by both Groups.

77Meme 23 is detected as underscoring the message of the sovereignty of Ukrainian borders. They equivocally detected the narratives stating that the borderline of Ukraine before 2014 is identified by them as their home.

78Finally, the cultural context of the narratives is hypothetically the most problematic realm of the meme interpretation. The experiment confirmed this conjecture, as only one, Meme 12, may be considered the sample of coincidence of responses in terms of the cultural context. However, on the other hand, the message of Ukrainian endurance and will for life in this meme is developed as a scenario that is easily readable by both insiders and outsiders of Ukrainian culture. So, this symmetry of interpretations may be considered as culturally contextualized only conventionally. The respondents were not supposed to have some special cultural knowledge to read the meme accordingly.

79Predictably, the absolute majority of memes is the sample of the memes that demonstrated partial coincidence of the responses between Group 1 and Group 2. In this case, we observed the divergence of the narratives detected by the respondents and, consequently, the variation of the contexts that underscore them.

80Partially semantically translatable memes, i.e. the memes with partial coincidence of responses, are the following: Meme 4, Meme 5, Meme 6, Meme 10, Meme 13, Meme 14, Meme 16, Meme 19, Meme 20, and Meme 22. Comparing contexts, we depart from the initial narrative list formed by Group 1.

81In terms of exegetic context, Meme 4 explains the narrative of the enemy planning to complete the seizure of Kyiv within 3 days. Whereas Group 1 concentrated on this, Group 2 made the political context salient concerning the consequences of the invasion. However, in Group 1, they also chose this narrative along with the exegetic one.

82In terms of exegetic context, in Meme 5, both Groups 1 and 2 detected the narrative concerning the fact of killing civilians when they attempted to escape from the area of military actions. At the same time, for Group 1, the political context underscoring the fact that sign Z resembles a Nazi swastika also remained in the spotlight but was not pinpointed by Group 2.

83In Meme 6, Group 1 preferred the cultural context of the narrative concerning Ukrainian character to the exegetically contextualized narrative revolving around the type of the featured weapon, whereas Group 2 focused on the cultural context.

84In Meme 16, whereas Group 1 underscored the exegetic context of the narrative of executing the Ukrainian POW, Group 2 focused on the cultural context of Ukrainian courage or their cultural symbolism concerning the blood of its soldiers that turns into poppy flowers.

85Similarly, Meme 19 attracts attention of Group 1 in terms of its exegetic context, HIMARS as an efficient weapon of Ukrainian revenge. However, Groups 2 focuses on its cultural context, Ukrainian vyshyvanka as the symbol of Ukrainian integrity.

86Political context of Meme 10 is in the spotlight of the responses in both Groups 1 and 2. However, as Group 1 underscores the fact that Ukraine and Russia have equal rights and concerns as for their territorial sovereignty, Group 2 detects the narrative that concerns the general outcome of Russia’s geopolitics.

87In Meme 22, for Groups 1 and 2, the principal narrative is underpinned by the political context, i.e. the universally known memetic metaphor of the history of Titanic and especially the movie featuring it with any unsuccessful or even disastrous enterprise. On the other hand, Group 1 also pinpointed the narrative with exegetic context that concerns the fact of torpedoing the Russian Black Sea Fleet flagman the Moskva.

88Cultural contexts that were not symmetrically detected by both Groups are singled out in Meme 14 and Meme 20.

89Meme 14 was read by Group 1 as the narrative about the cultural symbolism of poppy-flowers, whereas Group 2 also stayed in this realm but underscored the narrative that is more relevant for the common European history (WWII and V‑Day).

90For Meme 20, both Groups focused on the cultural context of the memetic icon. However, Group 1 opted for the direct deconstruction of the icon symbolism, Group 2 split their opinions between the mentioned above culturally contextualized narrative and another cultural context concerning the background of the naïve iconic traditions of Ukrainians. It is worth mentioning though that the set of the narratives for this meme was subject to the most profound transformations for Group 2. They might partly account for the diversity of the responses between the Groups.

91The third sample of the memes demonstrates the most problematic cases when the contexts were not symmetrically detected by the respondents. We would tag this sample as semantically untranslatable. They include Meme 1, Meme 7, Meme 21, and Meme 24.

92The exegetic context of Meme 1 detected by Group 1 was almost completely lost by Group 2 that opted for more general considerations of the cultural context.

93In Meme 7, the exegetic context of the meme detected by Group 2 in two narratives was not ‘read’ by Group 2. They followed the usual semantic pattern of this well‑known meme concerning the issue from another exegetic context, raising money for certain purposes. Here, Group 2 lacks political background knowledge that states persons like the Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief are not entitled to appeal for raising money. This social sector or war is an exclusive responsibility of volunteers and renowned Ukrainian media personalities.

94Meme 21 demonstrated Group 1 bias towards Ukrainian cultural context of colour symbolism, whereas Group 2 more readily supported the exegetic context referring to the symbolism of putting up the flag in the controlled locations during the war.

95Meme 24 also demonstrated distinct interpretations by the two Groups. Group 1 preferred the exegetic context concerning the head of the Moscow Patriarchy Church, and Group 2 concentrated on the cultural context of the symbolism of letter Z, which, incidentally, escaped their attention in Meme 5.

96As an interim consideration before the final conclusions, we hope to have shown that beyond its exegetic context, the meme is first and foremost a culturally contextual entity. This feature makes it extremely contaminative for the networking culture insiders but often invalidates it as a universal tool for rendering messages. This is in line with the proponents of meme redefining from the Dawkins’ cultural gene into a cultural systemic nod (see, e.g. Canizzaro, 2016: 572) that replicates the nature of the system (conceptual or semiotic national sphere [Lotman, 2001]) in each of its units. We foresee practical takeouts from this experiment in the recommendation for cultural translators of memes to always confab with cultural insiders and widely involve all possible references concerning national symbolism and other semiotic systems.

4. Conclusions

97Our research focused on the issue of the possibility of rendering the content of the memes in terms of a different culture (semantic translatability). The memes have been sampled from an annotated corpus of 1,000 memes revolving around the war in Ukraine. To analyse semantic translatability, we looked at the results of a directed associative experiment among the representatives of the Ukrainian nation and those considered the outsiders, mainly the French.

98The experiment was designed to pinpoint the contexts (exegetic, political and/or cultural) that are asymmetrically or partially asymmetrically detected in the sets of narratives accompanying the memes.

99As a result, we conclude that the most problematic areas (contexts) are predictably exegetic and cultural (the outsiders do not possess sufficient informational or cultural background). Among the conclusions worth further consideration we find the fact that cultural contexts are more often underscored by the outsiders of the culture, whereas the insiders omit them by default. Another conclusion concerns the cases when the ‘correct’ reading of memes is hindered by respondents’ familiarity with the meme framework or its initial meaning. Even if the meme suggests otherwise, its reading may be affected.

100Limitations of the research include such aspects as individual diversity of cultural and contextual awareness of the informants and the randomized criteria of culling the memes for the experiment. These limitations may be overcome by involving a greater number of informants and deploying a wider diversity of memes, which promises perspectives for our further endeavor.

101Ultimately our study shows that even though they are shared online and may be accessed worldwide, some of the memes in our corpus are most likely to be misunderstood by outsiders, and would require additional explanation. To understand the impact of semantically untranslatable memes, we call for studies on the (un)availability of explanations in social networks.

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Notes

1 The corpus will be shared on the OSF platform as soon as possible. In the meantime, it can be sent upon request.

2 Le corpus sera partagé sur OSF et peut être mis à disposition sur simple demande.

3 When the narratives were long and more numerous, the results looked easier to read in a table. However, in what follows, we preferred using a graph whenever we could (i.e. when the narratives could still be read) considering it had more visual impact.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. – The screenshot of an attributed Ukrainian War Meme in VIA Database.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 109k
Titre Figure 2. – Meme 1: Farmed Forces of Ukraine.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 33k
Titre Figure 3. – Meme 2: Give Planes to Ukraine!
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 84k
Titre Figure 4. – Responses of Group 1 (Ukrainian, above) and Group 2 (non‑Ukrainian, below) to Meme 2.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 129k
Titre Figure 5. – Meme 3: The Dying Swan.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 90k
Titre Figure 6. – Meme 4: One Doesn’t Simply…
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 91k
Titre Figure 7. – Meme 5: Killing Civilians in their Cars.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 66k
Titre Figure 8. – Meme 6: From Ukraine with NLAW.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 82k
Titre Figure 9. – Meme 7: 50 Cent, 50 Thousand.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 62k
Titre Figure 10. – Meme 8: Peaceful Future of the Free World.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 58k
Titre Figure 11. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 8.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 135k
Titre Figure 12. – Meme 9: Made in Ukraine under Fire.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 56k
Titre Figure 13. – Meme 10: Illegitimate Annexing Ukrainian Territories.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 104k
Titre Figure 14. – Meme 11: Dangerous Games.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 63k
Titre Figure 15. – Meme 12: Everlasting Ukraine.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-15.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 44k
Titre Figure 16. – Meme 13: The Witches of Konotop.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-16.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 75k
Titre Figure 17. – Meme 14: AI Ukraine as Poppy Flowers.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-17.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 45k
Titre Figure 18. – Meme 15: Tomato Jar Grandma.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-18.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 67k
Titre Figure 19. – Meme 16: #SlavaUkraini.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-19.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 82k
Titre Figure 20. – Meme 17: Battalion Gone.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-20.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 35k
Titre Figure 21. – Meme 18: Nikita.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-21.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 72k
Titre Figure 22. – Meme 19: Ukrainian HIMARS.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-22.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 82k
Titre Figure 23. – Responses of Group 1 (above) and Group 2 (below) to Meme 19.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-23.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 134k
Titre Figure 24. – Meme 20: Saint Socket, the Mother-Intercessor of Electricity.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-24.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 107k
Titre Figure 25. – Meme 21: Ukrainian Armed Forces are Pet Cats (Kotyky).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-25.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 97k
Titre Figure 26. – Meme 22: The Moskva Ship as the Titanic.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-26.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 65k
Titre Figure 27. – Meme 23: Ukraine is Our Home.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-27.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 30k
Titre Figure 28. – Meme 24: Russian Spirituality.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/docannexe/image/19860/img-28.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 46k
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Caroline Rossi et Ievgeniia Bondarenko, « Internet Memes: A Cognitive Approach to the Issue of Semantic Translatability »ILCEA [En ligne], 53 | 2024, mis en ligne le 01 février 2024, consulté le 26 février 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/19860 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ilcea.19860

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