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Museums and city aestheticization policies: controversies between the touristification of public spaces and the social role of museological institutions

Les musées et les politiques d’esthétisation des musées et des villes: controverses entre la touristification des espaces publics et le rôle social des institutions muséales
Karla Estelita Godoy et Sarah Borges Luna
p. 99-112


La création de nouveaux musées, ainsi que les politiques d’esthétisation des villes et de touristification des espaces publics – visant à attirer les consommateurs et à développer des destinations touristiques – suscitent des controverses quant au rôle social des institutions muséales et leur relation avec leur environnement. Ce phénomène est à la fois lié au processus de gentrification et aux exigences du marché, qui influencent l’esthétique et permettent des améliorations structurelles à certaines parties de la population. De tels musées deviennent les produits d'un processus d'urbanisation touristique et intègrent les paysages dits touristiques ou les aménagements culturels – « un concept qui implique l'idée d'artificialisme et de superficialité, liés à une vision strictement marchande ». Ainsi, le musée devient le catalyseur des oppositions au sein du paysage culturel, se mettant au service de la « mise en paysage culturel » et contredisant le rôle social qu’il devrait jouer. Cet article présente des exemples qui semblent rompre avec cette logique.

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  • 1 For our studies, we have used the term gentrification as one that "designates urban interventions a (...)

1The creation of new museums, together with policies for the aestheticization of cities and for the touristification of public spaces - aimed at attracting consumers and developing touristic destinations – generates controversies on the social role of the museological institutions themselves and on their relationship with their environment, since they are both directly or indirectly linked to processes of gentrification1 and market demands while producing aesthetic fruition, and can guarantee structural improvements to certain parts of the population. Such museums become products of a "touristic urbanization" process and integrate the so-called touristic landscapes or cultural landscaping - "a concept that involves the idea of artificialism and superficiality, connected to a strictly market view" (Godoy, 2016).

  • 2 The acronym refers to the word "SEA", alluding to the shore of Rio de Janeiro and its international (...)

2It is important, then, to question the extent to which museological institutions, when integrated into the turistification of public spaces, can (or will) subvert the mere logic of aestheticization of cities and cultural landscapes. By working with the concepts present in this question, we will try to address the issue based on a theoretical approach that supports the discussion, later pointing out initiatives that are consistent with the theme proposed here. The Museu de Arte do Rio (MAR2) was chosen as object of analysis both because it was created having in mind the remodeling process of Cais do Porto in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil – preceding the hosting of huge sport events such as the World Cup (2014) and the Olympic Games (2016) – and because of the actions developed by the institution aiming at integrating with its surroundings, seeking to exert part of its social function. Nevertheless, the project is surrounded by controversies, especially regarding local heritage and native communities, what instigated us to research it further.

  • 3 Scheduled to last 30 years, the project was implemented at the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics in (...)

3Opened in 2013, MAR is located in the Port Zone of the city. The museum is composed of two buildings - the Dom João VI Mansion (older) and the deactivated building of the Mariano Procópio bus terminal (more modern) – interconnected by a suspended footbridge. While the mansion houses the exhibition halls, its neighbor houses the administrative sector and the Escola do Olhar. The institution was one of the first projects implemented during the execution of Porto Maravilha3, which remodeled and established a series of transformations in the landscape of the downtown neighborhoods of Caju, Gamboa, Saúde, and Santo Cristo. Since its inception, there have been several controversies, specifically related to the process of gentrification resulting from its renovation. 

  • 4 "’New Black’ or 'boçais' was the denomination given to slaves newly arrived from Africa in Brazil a (...)

4There are significant disputes between cultural and ethnic groups in the region where MAR is located. It should be noted that the Port Zone is home to what was dubbed "Little Africa", an effervescent environment of Afro-Brazilian cultural manifestations. In Colonial Brazil, this was the landing place for slaves from the African continent. In its surroundings, there was a large slave complex consisting of the Slave Market, the Pier of Valongo, the Lazaretto (hospital for the slaves who arrived sick) and the Cemetery of the New Black4, where those who did not survive the crossing or died in the hospital were buried. The Cemetery remained hidden with the transfer of the Market to another location but was discovered in the 1990s by Ana Maria Merced e Petrúcio Guimarães while working on their property. They opened the site for visitation and, later, founded the Institute of the New Black (IPN).

  • 5 Groups that are part of the collective: AACATED - Associação do Armazém Cultural das Artes e Técnic (...)

5The Cemetery's casual discovery further evidenced attempts to silence and erase black culture, like the persecution of African gathering yards and samba music. Although several groups have been seeking strategies to protect these manifestations, they face actions of the Porto Maravilha Project. Cavalcanti (2016) informs that the "Porto Maravilha Cultural" allows the Urban Development Company of the Region of Porto de Rio de Janeiro (CDURP) to manage 3% of the resources available through incentive announcements and sponsorships for cultural projects. According to the author, older groups ask for greater attention to actions prior to the Project. As a result, the collective "ComDomínio Cultural"5 was founded, aiming at bringing together entities, groups and artists from the region. Cavalcanti (2016) notes that the collective is composed both by groups that exist prior to Porto Maravilha as well as newer ones - as is the case of MAR itself. This way, there is mutual empowering for attracting incentives.

6The most significant initiatives of Porto Maravilha are MAR and the Museum of Tomorrow. MAR is a result of the Law of Incentive to Culture, with support from the Rio de Janeiro City Hall and the Roberto Marinho Foundation, and is managed by the Odeon Institute – a non-profit private organization. The museum offers diverse programs and holds temporary exhibitions despite having its own collection. The Museum of Tomorrow, inaugurated in 2015, poses as a highly technological museum of science. Its construction, of great proportions, uses technologies called sustainable. Both seek to communicate with neighboring communities; however, this relationship is considered controversial, especially regarding the affiliation of these groups to institutions associated with such projects.

7Considering the controversies as a starting point for starting a discussion on the subject, we refer to anthropologist and philosopher Bruno Latour (2000), one of the authors who is the foundation of the studies carried out by our research group, regarding the analyzes of several phenomena, such as those that cross the museological field. In this regard, it should be stressed that the theme chosen by the International Council of Museums (ICOM) for International Museums Day (18 May), in 2017, was precisely "Museums and controversial stories: to say the unspeakable in museums". ICOM sought to highlight the role of museums as instruments capable of fostering peaceful relations among peoples and, thus, favoring their reconciliation. However, according to Godoy (2017), "museums are far from being places of consonance – they are rather spaces of controversy" (Godoy, 2017).

8Thus, once the concept is recovered, when controversial situations are not yet stabilized in a field of study, what Latour (2000) calls "controversies" come into play. This epistemological view, which implies the way in which one can deal with knowledge, is the basis of a methodology that consists in mapping controversial issues that emerge from the object of study, in a two-way process, moving the researcher between the theoretical and empirical fields. In this process, it is fundamental to consider the various elements involved – human and nonhuman – forming a network that intertwines science, technology and society. This view implies in listening to what the object says and what its observers – specialists and non- specialists – have to say about it.

9It is in this way that we seek to develop our research on tourism and museums, going to the field to map controversies and to create a circularity between the empirical, the theories and the social actors involved in this relation. Thus, mapping and analyzing controversies compose one of the research methods adopted by the Center for Studies and Research on Tourism and Museums, a research line linked to the Group of Tourism, Culture and Society Research, hosted by the Postgraduate Program in Tourism (PPGTUR) at Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), and registered with the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). The studies and projects that we develop, targeted more specifically towards the relationship between tourism and museums and vice versa, presuppose the science under construction – or Science in Action (Latour, 2000) –, in which the controversies are adopted as starting point. They speak directly to our studies on tourist supply and demand in museums, the theme of hospitality in museums, the experience of tourist visitation in these institutions, the management of museums for tourism, and studies of tourist audiences in museums. In addition, we incorporate other methodologies that converse with each other and agree with the objectives to be achieved, without losing sight of the controversies that emerge from the field or even from theories. In the light of the cartography of the controversies, proposed by Latour (2000), the Center proposes to analyze questions that seem paradoxical in relation to tourism and museums, such as those presented in this article.

Museums, landscaping, touristification and aestheticizing

10Museums play a key role in spatial planning, representing an urban centrality (POULOT, 2013). Therefore, they represent a cultural landscape – a symbiosis between nature and culture – acting in the reconfiguration processes of space, form, function and structure (Santos, 1992; Godoy, 2016). Considering that landscape is a cultural spatial order, insofar as it is the result of a social construction imposed on the natural or constructed environment, directly linked to socially determining institutions and instances of power, we add to this aspect what we call cultural landscaping.

  • 6 The term is not adopted here as the art and technique of planning and organizing the landscape, nor (...)

11The process of touristification undergone by a cultural landscape, involving the transformation of a locality into a tourist destination, often comprises only the beautification or adornment of the space, so that it becomes beautiful and attractive, as in a "landscaping" so often alienated from socio-cultural and socio-environmental processes. Cultural landscaping 6 (GODOY, 2016), in this sense, is a kind of landscape touristification – which is exclusively aimed at attracting tourists.

12This phenomenon resonates with what Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015) call the aestheticization of the world. According to the authors,

We are no longer at a time when industrial production and culture referred to separate, radically irreconcilable universes; we are at a time when production, distribution and consumption systems are impregnated, penetrated and remodeled by operations which are fundamentally of an aesthetic nature (Lipovetsky & Serroy, 2015, p.13). [our translation]

13Art and beauty end up incorporated by capitalism, producing the aestheticizing of everyday life. For Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015, p.14), this would be the basis of an artistic capitalism or transesthetic creativity, an adaptation made up by the economic system to incorporate this aesthetics. What they call "transesthetic" is the hybridization of art and culture with consumption. The artistic capitalism is the result of this mixture, that is, one of the modalities of the system that encompasses artistic expressions. If, previously, it was considered responsible for chaos and for making the world "uglier", capitalism now appropriates the beautiful as a consumer good. Yet, "capitalism is much less an ogre who devours his own children than a two-faced Jano." Jano, the Roman god of change, transitions and beginnings, is by the authors' view the representation of capitalism's ability to adapt and incorporate phenomena that, at first, would not be compatible with its ideology.

14The critical view of Lipovetsky and Serroy is focused on what they claim to be "an epidermal way" of dealing with art. For them,

[...] of this ancient universe we see nothing but the form for the form, the artistic dimension by itself, destined to satisfy the new aesthetic consumers passionate for exoticism and tourist relaxation (Lipovetsky & Serroy, 2015, p.383). [our translation]

15Aesthetic pleasure also becomes a product, and tourism is characterized as the consumption – which may be predatory – of landscapes, culture and art.

16In this sense, the museum becomes a catalyst for not-so-subtle oppositions that inhabit the cultural landscape, being able to put itself to the service of "cultural landscape", contradictory to the social role that it should exert.

17For Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015, pp. 28- 29), the mercantile strategies of transaesthetic creative capitalism safeguard no sphere. The heritage is reassembled as cinematographic scenarios. "The center of the cities is staged, dressed up, 'disneyfied' in lieu of tourist consumption." From this perspective, one can perceive that, by common agreement, tourism is considered a process of frivolous use of goods, expressions, and cultural landscapes. Tourist practices approach what Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015, p. 31) define as the transaesthetic individual: "reflective, eclectic and nomadic: [...] A drug-addicted obsessed with disposability, with celerity, with easy amusements". We must reflect that the authors' most emphatic analysis focuses on what they call the "transesthetic era," not on the aesthetics itself. It is not to think of aesthetics as superficial, since the concept is linked to the affection and feelings brought about by art. It is its appropriation by capitalism, which can reach even the beautiful, when we thought that it would be immune to its effects.

18This way of dealing with aesthetics in service of the logic of consumption ends up promoting a shallow outlook. According to Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015), despite the consumption of beauty, life does not become more beautiful. They signal that a similar situation occurs with the tourist gaze "which everywhere sees only landscapes to admire and photograph, as if they were scenery or paintings" (Lipovetsky & Serroy, 2015, p. 31). However harmonious it may be, it does not involve the individual who is only interested in momentary and fleeting consumption. Being in front of a monument, a landscape, a museum could be considered an extension of the senses and an exercise of otherness. However, as Benjamin warned (2005), individuals have become more devoid of communicable experiences. "What is the value of all our cultural heritage, if experience no longer bonds it to us?" Without experience, we live in what he calls barbarism.

19Benjamin considers the importance of the individual's interaction with the environment. The figure of Baudelaire’s flâneur appears as one who seeks to experience the city. He, besides observing landscapes, inhabits spaces. In Arcades Project, he writes:

That anamnestic intoxication in which the flâneur goes about the city not only feeds on the sensory data taking shape before his eyes but often processes itself of abstract knowledge – indeed, of the dead facts – as something experienced and lived through. (Benjamin, 2006, p. 206).

20We do not intend, however, to establish here a difference between the figure of the flâneur and that of the contemporary tourist, as some authors do, but rather to consider that tourists are travelers insofar as they visually absorb the landscape and allow themselves to be affected by it, establishing a perceptual contact with space, not just consumption.

21At this point, we must consider the difference between landscape and space, commonly seen as synonyms. For geographer Milton Santos, landscape is a set of real-concrete objects, while "space results from the intrusion of society into these object-forms" (2008, 103). Thus, while the landscape is a relatively immutable material system, space is a system of values that is perpetually transforms itself.

22Therefore, depending on how tourists are received by the host city or institution, and how they themselves deal with the visited place, "they will take with them not only the record of the cultural landscape, but also the effects that space produced in them." (Godoy, 2016).

23Thus, the way in which the tourist will deal with the satisfaction attained by the trip and the aesthetic pleasure evoked in the touristic activity can vary between the aesthetic way pointed out by Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015) and the search for the transforming experience pointed out by Michaud (2007), when he states that

  • 7 [...] lo que se busca en el turismo es la distracción, la evasión, la diversión, la sensación, el p (...)

[...]What is sought in tourism is distraction, evasion, fun, sensation, pleasure: all things that are commonly classified quietly in the rubric of exoticism. This allows you to escape from daily life and from your obligations if you disorient. It should also allow re meetings, meetings with men, other customs, other ways of thinking and feeling. [...] In the face of exoticism, the tourist seeks the other, which is not, identities different from yours and that give you the feeling of leaving you and make you believe that you know who you are. (Michaud, 2007). [our translation]7

24This may be a good point of reflection on the ways in which one can react to artistic capitalism by reducing its pragmatic landscaping effects.

25If landscaping is the process of aestheticization of the landscape in order to make it plastic and pleasing to the viewer's eyes, when interaction with space occurs, that logic may be broken.

26It is face this controversial sense that we reflect on the social role of museums when immersed in turistified landscapes. As we have pointed out, museological institutions may be at the center of controversial discussions, especially in relation to their political and social function. Soares and Maranda (2017) remind us that museums possess, in an endogenous way, predatory characteristics. They point out, for example, the constitution of many collections that are formed from the exploitation of so-called "exotic" cultures. For the authors, in the context of museums in the 21st century, the act of exploiting is due to the unbridled consumption of visitors and tourism. According to them,

now, not only the museum visitor but also every single person is encouraged to consume someone else's culture. The constant depredation of one's material and immaterial cultural heritage is embraced as part of the very notion of "global culture" in a so-called globalized world. However, what are the ethical boundaries for such a predatory action? Who establishes such boundaries and for whom? (Brulon Soares & Maranda, 2017, p.17)

27Therefore, the authors argue that the notion of World Heritage can be controversial, since it is generally understood as something to be consumed in a generic way, regardless of its particularities.

In a world where power relations of the past have not been fully confronted and are yet to be deconstructed and reshaped, the declaration of world heritage, or of “cultural landscapes”, for instance, will lead to the most recurring sets of misunderstandings. Even the more recent celebrated expressions of the notion of museum, such as the ecomuseum or community museums, have not been able to define an agenda isolated from private interests and political intentions. The predatory museum is alive and hungry (Brulon Soares & Maranda, 2017, p.17).

28Thus, if museums wish to be "institutions beyond their appropriation as product" (Godoy, 2010), they should, as emphasized by ICOM, propose, since its genesis, joint actions aimed at the administration of intra and extramural space, respecting the values ​​of its community and its landscape, inserting themselves as active participants in public and urban policies, defining and implementing policies related to the protection, interaction and ethical responsibility of the museological institution for the public space. So, what should museums serve? In a certain sense, some will be conniving with the logic of aestheticization and will only appear as one more element of the landscape, as purely aesthetic and for tourist contemplation monuments, not dialoguing with its surroundings or the visitors. Others may wish to subvert this landscape aestheticizing order, by musealizing it with its social potential.

Musealizing the landscape: the social role of museological institutions through cultural landscaping

29The museum is part of the aesthetics logic. Lipovetsky and Serroy (2015) consider that its invention strongly illustrates the concept, since the museum space is, par excellence, the site of the sacredness of art. By extracting the value of usage of works, it gives them an aesthetic value and makes them admired and contemplated for it. According to the authors' line of thought, "the museum has the task of making them immortal" (2015, 22). Like the process of aestheticization of the object the museums, as monuments present in the landscape, are immortalized. Soares believes that

beyond musealizing them, putting them into discourse since landscapes started being understood as patrimony, museums are part of the landscape, they build and create them, and in certain contexts and under certain conditions, museums are landscapes. However, it is musealization, that is, the chain process of construction of cultural meanings, which inserts the landscape in discourse – cultural, social and political – by promoting its reproduction and its "tourismification” (Salazar, 2009) so that it is consumed (Brulon Soares, 2017, p.75) [our translation]

30Brulon proposes that the musealization of the landscape should consider the complexity of the cultures. What is interesting is to establish "a continuous flow of information, interaction, exchanges, and sometimes even a flow of people through them" (Brulon Soares, 2017, 77). According to the author, what really drives the landscape is the people, who maintain it and recognize themselves in it. The museum would thus be a significant interlocutor between these individuals and the landscape.

31This perception agrees with the concept of space that we adopt and opens a dialogue with the object of study chosen as the case to be presented.

32The Museu de Arte do Rio (MAR), although inserted in a landscape that stands out as representation of a cultural landscape, presents actions that try to break with this aestheticizing logic.

  • 8 July 2017.

33As most projects predict, there are attempts to minimize these impacts. The museums in this context would be responsible for establishing the dialogue with that part of the city and with the local communities. However, while some take on the model of aestheticization and present themselves as monuments, MAR has been implementing actions, albeit isolated, that promote interaction with its public and its environment. The area of ​​Praça Mauá has always hosted important cultural manifestations of the city, such as Pedra do Sal – considered one of the places where samba originated – and the Cais do Valongo – a relevant archaeological site recently elevated to World Heritage by UNESCO8. Both were slave landing sites during the colonial period. The place also houses a series of communities that are symbols of the urban formation of Rio de Janeiro, such as Morro da Conceição and Morro da Providência. Precisely because it is located in this environment of cultural and historical importance, the museum, which follows these transformations, could have a negative impact.

34Although MAR was created amid a controversy which involves complex analyzes on the subject, since there is a debate about the creation of new institutions while others receive little public incentive, - such as the IPN, as we have pointed out - the museum has been struggling to activate its social function.

35In its official website, it states that its mission is to carry out

a transversal reading of the history of the city, its social fabric, its symbolic life, conflicts, contradictions, challenges, and expectations. Its exhibitions bring together historical and contemporary art dimensions through long- and short-term national and international exhibitions. The museum also comes with the mission of inserting art in public education through the Escola do Olhar. (Museu de Arte do Rio, 2017, online).

36At Escola do Olhar, one of the actions that integrates the museum's educational program, courses, seminars and workshops are promoted, many of them destined for teachers in the public sector. There is also the MAR in the Academy program, which proposes a dialogue of its contents with universities.

37When it comes to participation and involvement of the museum with the community, we highlight the program Neighbors of MAR, which aims at promoting the union of the museum with its territory. In addition to enjoying free access, the residents of the Port Zone are invited over for coffee every first Saturday of the month, when projects are developed together with artists and cultural producers who are also neighbors of the Museum. MAR also maps knowledge and crafts of artists and artisans of the locality, who are part of the workshops of Escola do Olhar.

38According to Cavalcanti (2016), there are no studies that point out the results of the interaction of these actions with the communities. In addition, according to officials and visitors interviewed by the author, it is believed that membership is low due to insufficient promotion and lack of interest by the residents.

39However, MAR has already sought to carry out actions that bring the local population and projects developed in the region closer together. 

40Another activity that stands out in the Museum is the Mar de Música project, started in 2013 and resumed in 2016. Held one Friday a month, from March to November, from 6:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m., the event has already brought to the Museum several artists and festivals in Rio, as well as artists from other states, who stand out in the country. With free entrance and limited seats, the musical events open the space of MAR to the community, transforming the moment into a great party or space of coexistence among people from diverse social classes and origins, from natives to foreigners, from local residents to residents of many other places in Rio de Janeiro. Once again, MAR’s architecture is also favorable to the integration with the space, because its low and glass walls allow the participation of those who are outside since it is possible to hear the sound and visualize the choreography and the festivities that take place inside.

41When we look at the activities proposed by the Museum, we try to establish debates with the proposed theme and highlight some – even if subtle – ways of diminishing the impacts caused by policies of aestheticizing cities, which include museums as one of their preponderant elements.

42Considering all the controversies surrounding the existence of this Museum, we decided to highlight the actions that precisely oppose the criticisms regarding its insertion as an institution created according to public policies of aestheticization of the city of Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, we do not intend to praise the institution, but, by example, to encourage other museums to minimize the damage inevitably caused when their social role is questioned before the touristification of public spaces.

43Capitalism, in fact, seeks to engulf social life in all its aspects. Its ability to objectify, that is, to transform everything into commodity, is enormous and easily reached the museum space. But the museum, as an institution that seeks to safeguard cultural assets, must act beyond this uncontested objective as an important center of political and social transformation. Institutions need to host increasingly responsible thinking about their role in and with society, taking care of the relationship with their visitors (tourists or not) and with the local population, so that they do not become criminals or hostages of strategies of aesthetic manipulation. Musealizing the landscape, then, which consists in the construction of cultural meanings in a certain space, is perhaps one of the ways of museums to exercise their social function.

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1 For our studies, we have used the term gentrification as one that "designates urban interventions as enterprises that elect certain spaces of the city considered centralities and transform them into areas of public and private investment, with changes in the meanings of a historical locality that turn the property into a market segment. Gentrification processes culminate in real estate valorization, consequently fostering the establishment of the commerce of goods accessible to the upper social classes, and the impossibility of permanence of residents with lower financial resources, being thus replaced by dwellers with greater purchasing power, elitizing the place" (RANGEL, 2015, p.42). It is also important to point out that the term "revitalization" is often used to soften the impacts caused by the gentrification processes, and is far from meaning urban betterment, concerned with infrastructural improvements for the population living in the locality.

2 The acronym refers to the word "SEA", alluding to the shore of Rio de Janeiro and its internationally known beaches.

3 Scheduled to last 30 years, the project was implemented at the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics in Brazil. Its program consisted of the redevelopment of roads, rehabilitation and expansion of infrastructure, implementation of light rail vehicles (VLT), construction of tunnels, and the modernization of the city's port. Porto Maravilha also encompassed the construction of the Museum of Tomorrow besides MAR. Both institutions have as partner the Roberto Marinho Foundation. 

4 "’New Black’ or 'boçais' was the denomination given to slaves newly arrived from Africa in Brazil as soon as they landed at the port. Once they were sold or learned Portuguese, they were called 'ladinos'. (PEREIRA, 2014, p.342)

5 Groups that are part of the collective: AACATED - Associação do Armazém Cultural das Artes e Técnicas em espetáculo de diversão; ACIMBA - Associação Cultural Mestre Benedito de Angola; Afoxé Filhos de Gandhi; Associação de Capoeira Estilizada; Portal da Gamboa; Bloco Escravos da Mauá; Casa Amarela; Casa da Cultura do Porto Centro Cultural da Ação e da Cidadania; Centro Cultural Velhos Malandros; Companhia Mariocas; Conexão Cariocas de Rodas na Rua/Roda do Cais do Valongo; Feira de Artes Rio Porto em Harmonia 68; Grande Companhia Brasileira de Mystérios e Novidades; IPM - Instituto de Pesquisa e Memória Pretos Novos; Instituto Fim; Instituto Galpão Gamboa; Mostra + CineRG Registro geral e Vozes do Cais; MAR - Museu de Arte do Rio; Projeto SANIN; Sônia Baiana and Tia Lúcia.

6 The term is not adopted here as the art and technique of planning and organizing the landscape, nor is it used as a mark of an area of ​​knowledge.

7 [...] lo que se busca en el turismo es la distracción, la evasión, la diversión, la sensación, el placer: todas las cosas que, comúnmente, se classifican tranquilamente em la rubrica del exotismo. Éste permite huir de lo cotidiano y sus obligaciones, desorientarse. También debe permitir, y más aún, realizar encuentros, encuentros com otros hombres, de otras costumbres, de otras maneras de pensar y sentir. [...] Mediante el exotismo, el turista busca lo otro, lo que no es, identidades diferentes de la suya y cuyo encuentro le da el sentimiento de salir de sí y lo hace creer que sabe mejor quién es (Michaud, 2007, p. 157).

8 July 2017.

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Karla Estelita Godoy et Sarah Borges Luna, « Museums and city aestheticization policies: controversies between the touristification of public spaces and the social role of museological institutions »ICOFOM Study Series, 46 | 2018, 99-112.

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Karla Estelita Godoy et Sarah Borges Luna, « Museums and city aestheticization policies: controversies between the touristification of public spaces and the social role of museological institutions »ICOFOM Study Series [En ligne], 46 | 2018, mis en ligne le 15 octobre 2018, consulté le 18 septembre 2021. URL : ; DOI :

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Karla Estelita Godoy

Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF) - Niterói / RJ, Brazil

Sarah Borges Luna

Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO) - Rio de Janeiro / RJ, Brazil

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