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Chronique des activités scientifiques

Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2013 (EBGR 2013)

Angelos Chaniotis
p. 269-316

Texte intégral

1Continuing the practice that I have adopted in the last years, in this 26th issue of the EBGR I have placed emphasis on the presentation of corpora, new finds, and new readings, restorations, and interpretations rather than on publications that are dedicated to religious phenomena and adduce inscriptions. In addition to new finds published in 2013, I have made some additions to earlier issues (publications of 2008–2012).

2This issue summarizes the content of important corpora from Dodona (37) and Ankyra (75), a useful collection of inscriptions from Olympia that were found after the publication of IvO (107), and large groups of inscriptions from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth (110)), Mysia (114), and Phrygia and Lykaonia (118). The oracular tablets from Dodona constitute the most important epigraphic material published in 2013; despite some weaknesses in the publication, these texts will greately contribute to the study of Greek divination, religion, and religious mentality. Among the new texts, I mention a dedication from the Kibyratis which attests a divine triad, Herakles/Kakasbos, his newborn son Hosios kai Dikaios, and the Golden Maiden (35). Other significant finds include inscriptions that mention Tiripates, a young Anatolian god (61), the cult of Ge Kataphyge (80), the cult of Pantheion (114), and the introduction of the cult of a ‘new hero’ (114).

3The principles explained in Kernos 4 (1991), p. 287–288, and Kernos 7 (1994), p. 287, also apply to this issue. Abbreviations that are not included in the list are those of L’Année Philologique and J.H.M. Strubbe (ed.), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Index for Volumes XXXVI–XLV (1986–1995), Amsterdam, 1999, as well as of later volumes of the SEG. If not otherwise specified, dates are BCE. Matthew Peebles (Columbia University) has improved the English text.

Abbreviations

AST 28

28. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı. 24–28 mayis 2010, Istanbul, Ankara, 2011.

Cities and Priests

M. Horster and A. Klöckner (eds.), Cities and Priests. Cult Personnel in Asia Minor and the Aegean Islands from the Hellenistic to the Imperial Period, Berlin, 2013.

Hymnes

R. Bouchon, P. Brillet-Dubois, N. Le Meur-Weissman (eds.), Hymnes de la Grèce antique. Approches littéraires et historiques. Actes du colloque international de Lyon, 19–21 juin 2008, Lyon, 2012.

KST 32

32. Kazi Sonuçlari Toplantısı. 24–28 mayis 2010, Istanbul, Ankara, 2011.

Stephanèphoros

K. Konuk (ed.), Stephanèphoros. De l’économie antique à l’Asie Mineure. Hommages à Raymond Descat, Bordeaux, 2012.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

4Attika: Athens 7. 23–25. 29. 43. 60. 67–68. 74. 104. 109. 112. 117. 121. 128; Eleusis 24. 85; Piraeus 14. 93. Peloponnese: Corinthia: Corinth 15. 110; Kenchreai 100. Argolis: Argos 15. 64. 92. 95. 117; Hermione 24; Mykene 49. Troizenia: Troizen 25. 48. Epidauria: Epidauros 46. 97. 127. Lakonia: Sparta 62. Messenia: Messene 66. 78. 115–116; Thalame 40; Thouria 10–11. Arkadia: Phigaleia 12. Elis: Olympia 32. 65. 72. 79. 107. Megaris: Megara 13. 126. Boiotia 54; Akraiphia 97; Thebes 53–55; Thespiai 103. Delphi 104. Phokis 59; Antikyra 101. Thessaly: Demetrias 120; Larisa 122; Pherai 24. Epirus: Dodona 37. 94. Dalmatia 70. Macedonia 130; Aiane 97; Amphipolis 38; Dion 118. Thrace 108; Augusta Traiana 56. Moesia Histria 86. North Shore of the Black Sea: Olbia 18. Delos 3. Rhodes 50; Lindos 91. Anaphe 87. Thera 31. Kos 26. 31. 57–58. 78. 111. Naxos 71. Paros 88–89. Siphnos 90. Amorgos: Minoa 69. Euboia: Eretria 117. Crete 33. 124; Palaikastro 27. Italy: Caere 17; Rome 20. Sicily: Tauromenion 77. Sardinia 21. Malta 26. Moesia superior: Viminacium 63. Asia Minor: Karia: Aphrodisias 78; Gergakome 52; Halikarnassos 25. 31. 41; Iasos 19; Knidos 28. 97; Labraunda 9; Lagina 3. 119; Mylasa 3. 96. 117; Nysa 98; Panamara 3; Stratonikeia 78; Tralleis 42. 51. 66. Ionia: Ephesos 61. 66. 73. 99; Erythrai 3; Klaros 39. 76; Kolophon 39; Magnesia on the Maeander 51; Miletos 3. 30. 117; Priene 78. 97. Lydia 99; Philadelpheia 66. Troas Alexandreia/Troas 117. Mysia 114; Kyzikos 81. 97. 117. Bithynia 16; Hadrianoi 16. 83; Nikomedeia 5. Galatia Ankyra 75; Germia 129. Phrygia 118; Aizanoi 66; Akmonia 47; Hierapolis 102; Motella 97; Phaselis 123. Pisidia Antiocheia 6; Hadrianoi 80; Komana 36. Lykia 4. 106; Arykanda 125; Kibyra 34–35; Myra 84; Neisa 113; Patara 22. Lykaonia 118. Isauria 44. Kilikia 82. Cyprus 64. 73. 105. Syria: Emesa 8. Arabia: Epiphaneia 53. Egypt: Alexandria 1. 66. 73. 105.

5account 49. 64. 116

6afterlife 24. 97. 121

7agonistic festival 38. 68. 109. 116; dramatic 74; ephebic 104; musical 94; Aktia 111; Aleaia 116 (Tegea); Alexandreia kai Antiocheia 76 (Ionian Koinon); Antigoneia 116; Antonieia 117 (Athens); Asklepieia 75 (Ankyra). 118 (Akmonia); Aspis 64. 111 (Argos); Augusteia Aktia 75 (Ankyra); Basileia 116; Dionysia 7. 74 (Athens); Eleusinia 116; Eleutheria 116; Epitaphia 68 (Athens); Euergesia 117 (Asia); Hekatombaia 64 (Argos); Heraia 64. 116 (Argos); Isthmia 111. 116; Isthmia kai Kaisareia 15 (Corinth). 116 (Messene); Klaria 39. 76; Klaudeia 111 Rhodes; Koina 111 (Asia, Macedonia, Thessaly); Lykaia 111. 116; Marcellia 117 (Syracuse); Moukieia 117 (Asia); mousikos agon 75 (Ankyra); Mouseia 103 (Thespiai); Naia 94. 116 (Dodona); Nemea 111. 116; Olympia 79. 107. 116; Pythia 116; Smintheia Pauleia 117 (Alexandreia/Troas); Soteria 116–117; Sulleia 117 (Athens); Thargelia 23. 67 (Athens); Titeia 117 (Argos)

8altar 9. 16. 30. 36–37. 40. 69. 114. 118. 129; domestic 16. 105; shared by several gods 75

9amulet 45. 66

10anatomical votive 118

11ancestors 55

12angel 66

13animal see s.v. cat, dolphin, eagle, snake

14Arsinoe Philadelphos 41. 105

15association, cult 3. 30. 81. 108; of technitai 38

16asylia 66

17banquet 25. 57. 75

18bath 3

19Bellerophontes 25

20body-soul 8

21calendar 64; sacrificial c. 112

22cat 1

23cave 51. 59

24choregia 23. 67

25Christianity, use of pagan expressions by 118

26cleromancy 37

27crime, and religion 37

28cult, endowment of 57; finances of 57; of benefactor 117–118; of Roman official 117; see also s.v. hero cult, imperial cult, ruler cult

29cult personnel agonothetes 15–16. 75. 99. 104. 116. 118; alytarches 107; alytas 107; amphipolos 37; archeuo 57; archiereia of the imperial cult 118; in Asia 4; in Galatia 75; in Lykia 22. 113; archiereus of the imperial cult 107; in Asia 118; in Athens 104; in Galatia 75; in Lykia 113; archineokoros 119; athlothetes 64; bouzyges 104; dadouchos 104; epimenios 31; epispsondorchestes 107; exegetes 107; hagnistes 103; Helladarches 75; hiereia 3. 34. 66. 78. 90. 99. 110. 118; hiereus 3. 5. 16. 29. 31. 36. 38. 47. 51. 57. 60. 78. 86. 90. 104. 107. 113–116; of the civic imperial cult 22; hieromnamon 37. 49. 64; hierophantes 37. 75. 104; hieropoios 26; hierourgos 75; kouretes 118; mantis 37. 107; neokoros 35. 75. 110; neopoios 66. 99; panegyriarches 16. 118; prophetes 16. 83; propolos 25; sebastophantes 75; spondaules 107; spondophoros 107; theokolos 107; thoinarmostria 116; thyoskoos 37; zakoros 112; see also s.v. priest, priesthood

30cult regulation 11. 16. 19. 40. 71. 104. 107. 112

31curse, see s.v. imprecation

32curse tablet 20. 93. 100. 110

33Damaskios 8

34death 8. 118

35dedication, negotiation for 37; label on 59. 94

36dedication, agent of official 104; priest 35. 36. 60. 66. 114. 118; priest/priestess after his/her term in office 18. 39. 103; slave 114; soldier(s) 70. 73. 82; victor in contest 94. 111

37dedication, motives for: after a dream 63. 97; after war 49–50; for well-being of family members 88. 114. 129; in accordance with oracle 50; thanksgiving 62; upon divine command 16; see also Greek words

38dedication, object of: column 16. 39; disk 32; dolphin pillar 30; incense burner 21; sundial 54; throne 62; torch 109; vases 107; weapons 49. 107; cf. s.v. anatomical votive

39defixio see s.v. curse tablet

40deities Aion 104. Amynos 104. Aphrodite 26. 34–35. 37. 66. 75. 116. Apollo 16. 37. 51. 52. 66. 104. 111–112. 127; Apotropaios 126; Asgelatas 87; Chalazios 64; Delios 89; Delphinios 30; Enagros 64 Ergates 64; Erithaseos 64; Erithaseus 64; Erithios 64; Erythibios 64; Genetas 103; Horites 64; Horomedon 64; Karneios 28; Klarios 39. 76; Lairbenos 97; Mylantios 64; Paianios 114; Parnopios 64; Pasparios 64; Propylaios 118; Ptoios 97; Pythios 23; Sitalkas 64; Smintheus 64; Thargelios 64; Thoraios 64. Ares 50. 60. 75. Aristeus 118. Artemis 35. 37. 66. 78. 92. 99. 107. 114; Alphiaia 110; Delia 89; Eileithyia 103; Elaphebolos 70; Klaria 76; Kynegetis 106; Orthosia 50; Soteira 69. Asklepios 10–11. 16. 75. 88. 97. 104. 118. 127; Kyrios 129; Paianios 114; Soter 129. Athena 12. 37–38. 47. 101. 110. 116; Areia 50. 60; Korra? 12; Lindia 91; Pallas 127. 129; Polias 37; Soteira 50. Basileus 75. 107. Basilissa 75. Baubo 24. Charites 114. Daimon Agathos D. Pater 75. Demeter 24. 37. 46. 58. 65–66. 75. 78. 97. 104. 107. 110. 115–116; Chamyne 65; Chthonia 24. Dikaios kai Hosios 35. Diktynna 33. 39. Dione 37. Dionysos 3. 17. 53. 75. 81. 107–108. 110. 112. 116. 118; Helios D. 114; Karpophoros 86; Kathegemon 114. Dioskouroi Soteres 75. Eileithyia 128; Artemis E. 103. Elpis 35. Ennodia 37. Enyalios 49–50. Enyo 50. Eubouleus 24. Eukles 24. Ge 24. 110; Kataphyge 80. Hades 24. Hekate 3. 6. 112. 114. 119. Helios 54; H. Dionysos 114; Zeus H. Sarapis 75. Hera 3. 37. 64. 66. 72. 92. Herakles 26. 35. 37. 50. 77. 107; Archegetes 26. Hermaphroditos 25. Hermes 13–14. 26. 47. 68. 75. 77. 97; Chthonios 110. 122. Hestia 37. 66. Horai 114. Hygieia 10–11. 16. 48. 75. 88. 104. 118. 127; Kyria 129. Kore 24. 35. 65. 78. 97–98. 104. 107. 110; Neotera 110. Korybantes 3. Kouretes 25. 33. 118. Kybele 24. 52. 61. 97. Leto 35; Meter 118. Meter 24. 61. 118; Hagia 61; Karia 52 Oreia 24; Patroia 61; Phrygia 19; Tetraprosopos 118. Meter Theon 19. 36. 46. 75. 120; Epekoos 36. Muse 35. Nemesis/Nemeseis 114. 118. Nike 35. 50. Nymphs 37. 43. 59. 118; Oceanids 42. Paian 110. Pan 59. 97. 107. Pantheion 47. 114. Parthenos Chrysea 35. Pasiphae 62. Persephone 24. 110. Plouton 97. 98. 104; Basileus 65. 107. Poseidon 37; Asphaleios 50. 114; Helikonios 76. Potamos 114. Protogonos 24. Rhea 37. Salmakis 25. Selene 75. Thea Rhome 75–76. Themis 37. Theoi Dodeka 106; Megaloi 116; Patrioi 75. Theos Hypsistos 80. 118. Tyche 37. 75. Tritopatreis 55. Zeus 3. 25. 27. 33. 37. 46. 75. 104. 106–107. 114. 118; Akouseos 118; Alsenos 118; Ampelites 27; Anadotes 27; Bouleus 24; Chamonaios 37; Demetrios 27; Dodonaios 37; Dodoneus 37; Epekoos 34; Epidotes 27; Eubouleus 24; Helios Sarapis 75; Homoloios 122; Hyetios 27; Hypsistos 118; Ithomatas 115–116; Kataibates 40. 88; Keraunios 47. 82; Kersoullos 16; Kretagenes 39; Ktesios 16. 27; Labraundos 9; Megas 118; Megistos 28. 75. 118; Naios 37; Olympios 32. 107; Ombrios 27; Oporeus 27; Pandemos 114; Patrios 118; Phytalmios 27; Pronaios 37; Soter 12. 50; Stratios 118

41deities, Anatolian Angdistis 118; Kakasbos 35; Meter Amlasezene 118; Meter Zizimene 118; Tiripates 61; Zeus Salarameus 118

42deities, Egyptian 73; Boubastis 1; Isis 37. 73. 75; Sarapis 75

43deities, Iranian Mes 75. 118. 129; Ouranios 75

44deities, Oriental Atargatis 3; Attis 118

45deities, Phoenician 26; Melquart 26

46deities, Thracian Thracian Rider 56

47deity, birth of 25. 35. 118; conflict between gods 46; epiphany in dream 97. 114; facial expression 97; patron of family 103; patron of fertility 27. 64; patron of water 27; river god 114; taboo on name of god 24; tribe named after d. 75; victory in athletic contest given by a god 79. 107; see also c.v. epiphany

48deme, cult 7. 57. 112

49Dionysiac technitai 38. 75

50disease 37. 66. 118; as divine punishment 37; see also s.v. healing

51divination 37. 62. 66. 97; see also s.v. necromancy, oracle, sign

52dolphin 30

53double-axe 118

54dream 97. 114. 129

55eagle 130

56ear 120

57earth-born 25

58Eleusis, cult in 24. 85

59endowment 57

60Endymion 25

61epiphany 76. 91; epiphanic dream 97

62euergetism 3

63family 3. 31

64fertility 7

65festival 90. 116; Asgelaia 87; Erithaiea 64 (Argos); Thesmophoria 24. 118; see also s.v. agonistic festival

66festival, finances of 64

67food offering 112

68foundation, of city 25. 55; cult f. 31. 114

69funerary cult 37. 99. 114. 118. 121–122. 125; funerary relief dedicated to the gods 84; cenotaph 97

70gallos 97

71gladiatorial show 75. 118

72gymnasion 77. 109

73healing 37. 97. 118

74herm 66

75hero 7; founding h. 25; hero cult 37. 92. 96. 97 (Naulochos). 107 (Pelops). 110; heroization 114

76hymn 27. 46. 127

77imperial cult 22. 28–29. 33. 47. 66. 75. 95. 102. 104. 107. 110. 113–114. 116. 118. 123; Caius Caesar 116; Drusus 29; identification of emperor/empress with divinity 66. 110

78imprecation, funerary 44. 75. 118

79incantation 66

80incense burner 21

81initiate 81

82initiation 3

83inventory 96

84invocation 37

85Ionian Koinon 76

86Jews 66. 114

87komos 7

88Kranaos 25

89ktisis 25; see s.v. foundation

90law, and religion 37

91lex sacra see s.v. cult regulation

92libation 48. 110

93magic 37. 45. 66; love magic 66; use of organic material 20; voces magicae 66; wandering womb 45; see also s.v. amulet, curse

94manumission 12

95Maussolos 9

96mystery 25; Eleusinian 24

97myth 25. 46. 118; Antheas 25; Bellerophontes 25; Endymion 25; Kranaos 25; Marsyas 52; Opheltas 55; Peripontas 55; Theseus 43

98mythography 25

99necromancy 37

100Neoplatonism 8

101nymph 25

102oak, sacred 37

103oath 60. 66

104oracle 16. 37. 50. 62. 66. 76. 104; oracular possession 66; oracular tablet 37

105Orphism 24. 124

106personification see s.v. deities (Aion, Elpis, Nike)

107piety 47

108poetry 25

109pollution 37

110prayer 1. 37. 56. 66; prayer for justice 100. 110; prayer for the soul 118

111priest, crowing of 38; family of 4; honorific statues for 78; see also s.v. cult personnel (hiereia, hiereus)

112priesthood 37. 57; appointment 57; appointment by lot 57–58; demoteles 90; elite and p. 57; eponymous 86; for life 19. 36. 47. 75. 118; iteration 75; jointly held by man and woman 3. 99; jointly held by couple 3. 75. 113; jointly held by family members 99; marital status 66; perquisites 19. 31; sale of 19. 57–58

113procession 19. 75–76

114propitiation 37

115punishment, divine 37

116purification 3. 91; purifier 103

117purity 24; moral p. 102

118Pythagoreans 66

119reform 58

120rhapsodos 94. 118

121rituals, see s.v. banquet, initiation, libation, mystery, procession, purification, sacrifice, theoria, theoxenia; vow; see also Greek words

122river god 114

123ruler cult 9. 41. 73. 90. 105; joint dedication to kings and gods 73

124sacrifice 7. 11. 19. 37. 40. 75–76. 112. 116; sacrificial calendar 112

125sacrilege, theft of sacred money 37; theft of statue 37

126sanctuary 51–52; administration of 39; banking activities 64; boundary stone of 52. 88–89. 110; federal 33; finances 64; privileges of 39; leasing of offering tables 98; prohibition against animals 71; recipient of fine 12; restoration of 104; revenues 64. 98; sacred land 37; sacred money 33. 37; subsidiary cult in 92

127Sibylla 37

128sign, divine 76

129snake 16. 118

130song 110

131soul 8. 118

132spring 25

133statue 16. 47. 72. 78. 91. 107. 114. 116; appearance of a god in a dream in the form of his statue 97; crowning of 75; falling in love with s. 91; sacrifice in front of s. 116; stealing of 37

134statuette 1. 6. 36. 65. 107

135table, offering 98

136temple 35. 118; death in 91; opening of t. during festival 90

137theoria 37. 76

138theoxenia 104

139Theseus 43

140torch-race 109

141tree, see s.v. oak

142vision 97. 114

143vow 1. 75. 82. 114. 118. 129. 130

144water 25

145woman 45

Greek Words (a Selection)

146association ἡρῳσταί 96; μύσται 81; συμβίωσις 118; τεμενῖται 30

147cult ἄγειν ἐπώνυμον ἁμέραν 116; ἀρχαία θυσία 37; εὔχομαι 37; θεαρία 37; θύω 37; θεραπεύω 37; θύω 37; ἱλάσκομαι 37; ἰσιακόν 37; καταθύω 37; τελετά 37; τριθυτικόν 37

148cult objects ἀνδριάς 47; βάθρον 16; γυλλός 30; μηριοκαύσιον 16; τράπεζα 36

149cult personnel ἁγνιστής 103; θυοσκόος 37; προθύτης 37

150curses ἀνάγκη 110; διεργάζομαι 110; ἐναρῶμαι σε 110; ἐνεύχομαί σοι 110; καρδιοτόμησον 110; καταδεσμεύω 110; κατατίθεμαι 110; κατεργάζομαι 110; κατεργασία 110; μάγαρσις 110; μασκελλι 110; ὁρκίζω σε; παρατίθεμαι 110; φανέρωσον 110

151dedication ἄγαλμα 32; ἆθλον 32; ἀκροθίνια 107; δῶρον 37. 75. 107. 120; ἐκ μεγάλης νόσου σωθείς 118; ἐπευξάμενος 56; ἐπιτυχοῦσα 1; εὐξάμενος 66. 118. 120; εὐχαριστῶ 118; εὐχή 118; εὐχήν 1. 75. 82. 114. 118. 129. 130; εὐχῆς χάριν 75. 118; ἱέρωμα 2; κατὰ ἐπιταγήν 16. 75. 97; κατὰ κέλευσιν 16. 97; κατὰ ὄνειρον 63; κατὰ τὸν ὄνειρον 97; κατ᾿ ὄναρ 97. 114; καθ᾿ ὅραμα 97; κατὰ παράστασιν 129; κατὰ πρόσταγμα 97; κατὰ χρηματισμόν 97; λάφυρα 107; ὄνομα 110 (τὰ μεγάλα ὀνόματα τῆς Ἀνάνκης, τὸ μέγα ὄνομα τὸ ἐπάνανκον, μέγα ὄνομα); ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος νίκης 16; ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως εἰρήνης καὶ εὐποσίας καὶ διαμονῆς 18; ὑπὲρ τῶν τέκνων καὶ ἐγγόνου 114; ὑπὲρ ὑγείας 118; ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ 87; ὡς ἐκέλευσεν χρησμῷ 16; ὡς ἐπέταξεν 118

152divination ἀνερωτάω 37; ἐπικοινέω 37; ἐρωτάω 37; θεμιστεύω 37; θεομαντεία 37; ἱστορέω 37; μαντικά τέχνα 37; οἰωνὸς δεξιός 76; προφατεύω 37; σαμεῖον 37; σημεῖον 76; σὺν καλῶι χρῆσται 62; ψυχαγωγός 37

153epiphany ἀρετή 114; ἐνδημία 76; ἐπιστὰς ἐναργῶς 97, παρεστάθη 97

154epithets ἁγίη 61 (Meter); ἀκουσέος 118 (Zeus); ἀλειτήριοι 110 (theoi, theai); ἀμπελίτης 27 (Zeus); ἀναδότης 27 (Zeus); ἀρεία 50. 60 (Athena); ἀνίκητος 114 (theai); ἀποτρόπαιος 126 (Apollo); ἀρχηγέτης 26 (Herakles); ἀσγελάτας 87 (Apollo); ἀσφάλειος 50. 114 (Poseidon); βασίλισσα 75; βασιλεύς 65 (Plouton). 75; βουλεύς 24 (Zeus); γενέτας 103 (Apollo); 30 δελφίνιος (Apollo); δημήτριος 27 (Zeus); δικαία 110 (Demeter); ἐλαφηβόλος 70 (Artemis); ἐμφανὴς θεός 66; ἔναγρος 64 (Apollo); ἐντεμένιοι 30; ἐπήκοος 35. 56; 2. 36 (Meter Theon). 34 (Zeus). 75 (Asklepios, Hygieia, Basilissa, Basileus). 118 (Apollo, Asklepios, Hygieia, Zeus); ἐπιδότης 27 (Zeus); ἐπιφανέστατος 118 (Asklepios); ἐργάτης 64 (Apollo); ἐρυθίβιος 64 (Apollo); εὐβουλεύς 24 (Zeus); θαργήλιος 64 (Apollo); θοραῖος 64 (Apollo); ἱερός 118 (Nymphs); καθηγεμών 114 (Dionysos); κάρνειος 28 (Apollo); καρποφόρος 86 (Dionysos); καταιβάτης 40. 88. 95 (Zeus); καταφυγή 80 (Ge); καταχθόνιος 110 (theoi). 118 (Mes); κεραύνιος 47. 82 (Zeus); κρατηβάτας 95 (Zeus); κτήσιος 16. 27 (Zeus); κυνηγέτις 106 (Artemis); κυρία 75 (Isis). 110 (Demeter). 129 (Hygieia); κύριος 110 (theoi katachthonioi). 129 (Asklepios); μέγας 75 (Sarapis, Zeus Helios Sarapis). 118 (Zeus); μέγιστος 28. 75. 118 (Zeus); μυλάντιος 64 (Apollo); νάϊος (Zeus); νεωτέρα 110 (Kore); 37 ὄμβριος 27 (Zeus); ὀπωρεύς 27 (Zeus); ὀρεία 24 (Meter); οὐράνιοι 47 (theoi); οὐράνιος 75 (Mes); παιάνιος 114 (Apollo?, Asklepios?); πάνδημος 114 (Zeus); πανθεῖος 114 (Athena, Zeus); παρνόπιος 64 (Apollo); πασπάριος 64 (Apollo); πάτριοι 75 (theoi); πάτριος 118 (Zeus); πατρώια 61 (Meter); πολιάς 37 (Athena); πολυτίματος 37 (Zeus); προκαθήμεναι 118 (Nemeseis); προναῖος 37 (Zeus); προπυλαῖος 118 (Apollo); σεβαστή 33 (Diktynna). 47 (Athena, Theoi). 66 (Hekate); σιτάλκας 64 (Apollo); σμινθεύς 64 (Apollo); στράτιος 118 (Zeus); σύνναοι 75; σώτειρα 50 (Athena). 69 (Artemis); σωτήρ 12. 50 (Zeus). 129 (Asklepios); σωτῆρες 2. 36; 75 (Asklepios, Hygieia, Dioskouroi); τετραπρόσωπος 118 (Meter); ὑέτιος 27 (Zeus); ὕψιστος 80 (theos). 118 (Theos, Zeus). 130 (Zeus); φυτάλμιος 27 (Zeus); χαλάζιος 64 (Apollo); χαμοναῖος 37 (Zeus); χαμύνη 65 (Demeter); χθονία 24 (Demeter); χθόνιος 110. 122 (Hermes); χρυσέα 35 (Aphrodite, Artemis, Elpis Kore, Leto, Muse, Nike, Parthenos); ὡρίτης 64 (Apollo); ὡρομέδων 64 (Apollo)

155funerary cult ἀποθεόω 118; ἥρως 5. 15. 99; Θεοῖς Ἥρωσι ἱερόν 118; μνημόδουλος 125; νέος ἥρως 114. 118; ταφόδουλος 125; τελεῖν τὰ νόμιμα 37

156funerary imprecation ἄσπερμός τ᾿ ἄγαμός τ᾿ ἄτεκνος 118; ἄωρα τέκνα πρόθοιτο 118; ἄωρα τέκνα θάψει 118; δισσοῖς ἀώροις περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς 118; δώσει λόγον τῷ Κυρίῳ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεως 118; ἐννέα Μῆνας ἔχοιτο καταχθονίους κεχολωμένους 118; ἕξει πρὸς τὸν βραχίονα τὸν ὑψηλὸν καὶ τὴν κρίσιν τὴν ἐρχομένην 118; ἕξει τὸν λόγον πρὸς τὸν θεόν 44; ἕξει Μῆνας καταχθονίους κεχολωμένους 118; ἕξει πρὸς τὸν Θεόν 118; ἔσται ἐπικατάρατος εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα 118; ἔσται πρὸς τὸν ζῶντα Θεόν 118; ἔστω πρὸς τὸν Θεόν 118; ἔσται πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν τὴν θεοῦ 118; ἔσται πρὸς τὸν κτίσαντα τὰ πάντα 118; κατάρα τέκνων καὶ τῷ συνβουλεύσαντι 118; μηδέ τέκνων τύχοιτο μήτε βίου μήτε τάφου 118; ὄλεθρον 118; ὀρφανὰ τέκνα λίποιτο, χῆρον βίον, οἶκον ἔρημον 118; πενθήσετο τοὺς ἰδίους 118

157magic Ἀβρασάξ 66; ἅγιον ὄνομα 66; Ἀδωνάϊ 66; δεξιαὶ δυνάμεις 66; Ἰαω 66; μεσάγγελος 66; πρωτάγγελος 66; τελεάγγελος 66

158piety εὐσεβῶς ἔχων τὰ πρὸς τὸν θεόν 39; θεραπεία 114; θρησκεία 114; ποθέω 118

159prayer αἰτέομαι 37; δέομαι 37; εἵλεως 118; εὐξάμενος 66. 129; λισσόμενος 107

160purity ἁγνεία 37; καθαρός 37; μιαρά 37

161rituals ἁγνιστής 103; δημοθοινία 75; ἑκατόμβη 75; ὀλολυνγή 110

162varia ἱερός 37; λυτέα 37; ὅσιος 37; συνβασιλεύω 114

1631) M. Abd El-Maksoud, A. Abd El-Fattah, M. Seif El-Din, “La fouille du Boubasteion d’Alexandrie : présentation préliminaire”, in A. Hermary, C. Dubois (eds.), L’enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité III. Le matériel associé aux tombes d’enfants, Arles, 2012, p. 427–446: Three early Hellenistic inscribed statuettes were found in the recently excavated sanctuary of Boubastis in Alexandria (p. 436–439). They were dedicated to Boubastis by men and women in fulfillment of their vows. The statuette of a cat was dedicated by Philixo after a successful prayer (Φιλιξὼ Βουβάστι εὐχὴν ἐπιτυχοῦσα); a man dedicated the statuette of a naked boy (Φορμίων εὐχήν); a woman dedicated the statuette of a girl (Ἀριστοβούλη {ΒΟΥΛΗ} Βουβάστι εὐχήν).

1642) Vacat.

1653) D. Ackermann, “Les prêtrises mixtes : genre, religion et société”, in Cities and Priests, p. 7–39: Only a few cults in ancient Greece had priesthoods that were jointly held by a man and a woman. Focusing on the evidence for the cults of the Korybantes in Erythrai (I.Erythrai 206 + SEG XLVII 1628), Dionysos in Miletos (I.Milet III 1222), Zeus and Hera in Panamara, and Hekate in Lagina (I.Stratonikeia 205, 242, 683), and Atargatis in Delos (SEG LII 761), A. sees multiple reasons for this phenomenon. Cults connected with the initiation of both men and women (e.g. the cult of the Korybantes) required priests of both genders to supervise the purification baths of the initiates. Cult associations consisting of both men and women (e.g. those of Dionysos) had both a priest and a priestess. In Stratonikeia, where the priesthood was occupied by a man and his wife, the joint office was connected with the euergetism of elite families. The role of the family in the cult of Atargatis possibly explains the existence of a mixed priesthood here as well.

1664) M. Adak, “Claudia Iasonis, eine Asiarchin aus Lykien”, Hermes 141 (2013), p. 459–475 [BE 2014, 448]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for Claudia Iasonis of Pinara, who served as high priestess of Asia; her brother and father had served as high priests in Lykia (Lydai, early 2nd cent. CE). Iasonis, descendant of a prominent Lykian family, must have been married to a man from Asia.

1675) M. Adak, K. Stauner, “Eine Honoratiorenfamilie aus Nikomedeia”, Tekmeria 10 (2013), p. 143–151 [BE 2014, 476]: Ed. pr. of a posthumous honorary inscription for Fl. Ulpius Demokritos, ἥρως, member of the elite of Nikomedeia; among other services, he held the office of a priest (ca. 200 CE).

1686) N.E. Akyürek Şahin, “Antalya Müzesi’nden iki Hekataion”, Adalya 14 (2011), p. 237–257 [BE 2012, 53; SEG LXI 1183]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Antiocheia in Pisidia (2nd/3rd cent.); two pairs of brothers dedicated a statuette of the three-bodied Hekate.

1697) S. Aliferi, “Στοιχεῖα Διονυσιακῆς λατρείας σε ψήφισμα τῶν Ἰκαριέων”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 145–153: A. presents an improved edition of a decree of the Athenian deme of the Ikarieis honoring a demarchos for his services (SEG XXII 117, ca. 350–300). The demarchos had offered the customary sacrifices to all the gods and heroes and supervised the celebration of the Dionysia. In l. 3, A. reads [Ἰκαρι]έων κ<ώ>μωι καρποὶ καλοὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώρα<ν> γε<γ>όνασιν. In this reading, she attributes the fertility of the land to the performance of the komos.

1708) J. Aliquot, “Fin de parcours : une épitaphe d’Émèse et le sort de Damascius au retour de Perse”, Topoi 18.1 (2013), p. 283–294: A grave epigram from Emesa (IGLS V 2336, 538 CE), which is also preserved in the Greek Anthology (7.553), has been identified as a work of the Neoplatonic philosopher Damaskios. The epigram states that a woman (Zosime?), who during her life was a slave only with regard to her body, found freedom in death (ἡ πρὶν ἐοῦσα μόνωι τῶι σώματι δούλη καὶ τῶι σώματι νῦν ηὗρον ἐλευθερίην). A. presents a new critical edition and commentary, especially of the very common idea that death means liberation in general and liberation of the soul in particular. Although this inscription is generally regarded as evidence that after his exile in the Sassanian court (532 CE) Damaskios did not return to Athens but lived in Emesa, A. points out that one cannot exclude the possibility that the epigram had been composed much earlier, e.g. in Damaskios’ youth, and was later copied and used to mark the Emesian woman’s grave.

1719) W. Ameling, “Ein Altar des Maussollos in Labraunda”, ZPE 187 (2013), p. 215–219 [BE 2014, 20 and 434]: An honorary decree for Olympichos (Labraunda, ca. 150–100; SEG LVIII 1220; EBGR 2008, 73) stipulates that a marble altar ‘similar to the one for Maussolos in the sanctuary of Zeus Labraundos’ should be erected for Olympichos. A. argues that the altar for Maussolos provides evidence for a civic cult of the Karian dynast in Mylasa; it is one of the few examples of ruler cults before Alexander the Great.

17210) X. Arapoyianni, “Ἀνασκαφὴ στὴν ἀρχαία Θουρία”, PAAH 167 (2012) [2015], p. 37–52: In a report on the excavations in the sanctuary of Asklepios and Hygieia in Thouria [cf. EBGR 2012, 6–8), A. mentions the discovery of a graffito on a Hellenistic vase dedicated to Asklepios ([Ἀσκ]λαπι[- -]).

17311) X. Arapoyianni, “ Ἀνασκαφὴ στὴν ἀρχαία Θουρία”, PAAH 168 (2013) [2015], p. 57–66: Continuing the reports on the excavations in the sanctuary of Asklepios and Hygieia in Thouria [cf. EBGR 2012, 6–8 and supra no 10), A. mentions the discovery of a long cult regulation (49 lines) which concerns the cult of Asklepios and sacrifices offered to Asklepios and other gods in the sanctuary. The text will be published by A. Makri and X. Arapoyianni.

17413) P. Avgerinou, “Γ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Μέγαρα. Βόρειο νεκροταφεῖο”, AD 60 B1 (2005) [2013], p. 109–116 [SEG LXI 324]: A. reports the discovery of a vase with a graffito (Megara, late 6th cent.). The vase was dedicated to Hermes (ἱαρὸς: hερμᾶ: ἐμι).

17513) X. Arapoyianni, A.P. Matthaiou, “Ἀπελευθερωτικὴ ἐπιγραφὴ Φιγαλείας”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 289–307: Ed. pr. of a bronze tablet inscribed with a manumission record, found in the sanctuary of Athena and Zeus Soter in Phigaleia (ca. 460–450). The text mentions a fine payable to Athena by any violator of the manumission. The text possibly mentions an unattested epithet of Athena (Ἀθάναι δὲ Κόρρα[ι]).

17614) K. Axioti, “ΚΣΤ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς Ἐργασίες. Πειραιᾶς”, AD 64 (2009) [2014], p. 215–223: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Hermes (Δημήτριος Ἑρμεῖ) found in a late Classical/early Hellenistic house in Piraeus.

17715) J.-S. Balzat, B.W. Millis, “M. Antonius Aristocrates. Provincial Involvement with Roman Power in the Late 1st Century B.C.”, Hesperia 82 (2013), p. 651–672: Ed. pr. of a Latin honorific inscription for Marcus Antonius Aristokrates, agonothetes of the Isthmia and Kaisareia, set up by the tribe Iulia (Corinth); the general assumption is that the Kaisareia began in 30 BCE; this may be the earliest attestation for the return of the control of the Isthmia to Corinth. As Aristokrates was a friend and supporter of Mark Antony (Plut. Ant. 69.1), his agonothesia suggests that he must have reconciled himself with Octavian. He was honored in Athens (IG II2 3889) and in Argos. In Argos, an association of σπατοληασταί made a posthumous dedication to him (ἥρωι), designating him as ktistes (IG IV 581); a gymnasiarchos donated a statue of Aristokrates to this association (SEG LIII 293).

17816) F. Battistoni, P. Rottenhöfer, “Inschriften aus dem Raum Keles und Orhaneli (Provinz Bursa, Türkei)”, EA 46 (2013), p. 101–165 [BE 2014, 398, 475]: B.-R. present inscriptions from Olympene and Abrettene (Bithynia), both new texts and revised editions of published texts; new texts are marked with an asterisk; all texts date to the Imperial period. In the introductory section of their article (p. 105–108), they give an overview of cults and rituals in this area. They discuss the dating with reference to a prophetes (cf. I.Hadrianoi 6, 12, 19, 23–26, 29, 30, 32–34; MAMA IX 60; SEG LVIII 1451; new inscriptions nos 18, 19, 21*, 22*, 48) [see also infra no 83], the existence of an oracular site in the sanctuary of Zeus Kersoullos at Tazlaktepe (cf. I.Hadrianoi 24), and the existence of a sanctuary (of Asklepios and Hygieia?) at Barakli (cf. I.Hadrianoi 16). We note that many dedications were made in accordance with a divine command (κατὰ ἐπιταγήν: 19 and 25; κατὰ κέλευσιν: 27, 48*). Barakli: The texts from the sanctuary at Barakli include a cult regulation (1) and the dedication of a μηριοκαύσιον (2), which have already been presented in EBGR 2012, 55; in another fragmentary text (3, ca. 2nd cent. CE: [- -]οις ὡς ἐκέλευσεν χρησ[- -]) one recognizes a reference to an oracle [if the subject of ἐκέλευσεν is a god, the text refers to a divine command; e.g. ὡς ἐκέλευσεν χρησ[μῷ]). Keles: A man and his wife dedicated an altar to Zeus Ktesios in their house (6, 1st/2nd cent.: [ἐ]ν δώμασι τοῖς ἰδ[ίοις]). Harmanalam Köyü: An inscription records the dedication of an altar (10*). Dedeler: The statue of a snake was dedicated to an anonymous deity (11*). A mason dedicated a βάθρον to an anonymous god (12). Akçapinar: Dedications to Apollo (16 = I.Hadrianoi 13) and Zeus Kersoullos (17 = I.Hadrianoi 3). Belenören: Dedications to Zeus Kersoullos (18*-27*; nos 18–19 are votive columns). Haydar: A column was dedicated to Zeus Kersoullos for the victory of Emperor Trajan (31*: κατὰ ἐπιταγὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος νίκης). A man paid the expenses for the construction of a pavement in the sanctuary of Zeus Kersoullos (32*); another dedication, probably to the same god, was made on behalf of two individuals (33*). Menteşe: An epitaph mentions the offices of a man who served, among other things, as panegyriarches and agonothetes, and of a relative who became priest (35*, 2nd/3rd cent.). For a dedication from Orhaneli that mentions a prophetes (36), see infra no 83. Çalmak Köyü: A man and his wife dedicated an altar upon divine command (48*: κατὰ κέλευσιν τοῦ θεοῦ).

17917) V. Belelli, “Un’iscrizione greca dipinta e i culti della Vigna Parrocchiale a Caere”, Studi Etruschi 74 (2011), p. 91–124 [BE 2012, 81]: Ed. pr. of a cup from Caere (early 5th cent.), inscribed after firing with the letters ΔΙΟ, probably the abbreviated name of Dionysos. The use of the Greek language confirms Livy’s report that the cult of Dionysos was introduced in Etruria by Greeks of Magna Graecia.

18018) A.V. Belousov, ‘Olbian Inscription IOSPE I2 140 Revisited”, VDI (2013), p. 158–163: A dedication to Achilleus Pontarches from Olbia (IOSPE I2 140, Imperial period) was made by a former priest ὑπ[ὲρ] τῆς πόλεως εἰρ[ή]νης καὶ εὐποσίας καὶ διαμονῆς. After surveying the use of the expression ὑπὲρ διαμονῆς in Greek dedications, mostly on behalf of Roman emperors, B. sees in διαμονή the equivalent of aeternitas and detects Roman influence in the Olbian text.

18119) F. Berti, “Iasos, 2009, Campaign”, KST 32.1 (2011), p. 176–187: Two fragments of a long Hellenistic regulation concerning the sale of the priesthood of Meter Theon were found in Iasos (p. 182). The text is still unpublished, but B. gives a summary of its content. The woman, who purchased the priesthood, was to serve as priestess for life for both Meter Theon and Mater Phrygia. She would be responsible for a sacrifice and a procession that started at the prytaneion. She received parts of the victims from public and private sacrifices (p. 182).

18220) G. Bevilacqua, O. Colacicchi, M.R. Giuliani, “Tracce di ousia in una defixio dalla Via Ostiense: un lavoro multidisciplinare”, in M. Piranomonte, F. Marco Simón (eds.), Contesti Magici — Contextos Magicos, Rome, 2012, p. 229–236: Two lead curse tablets were found in 2003 close to the catacombs of St. Domitilla in Rome (1st/2nd cent.). One of the tablets had been folded four times and pierced with a nail; laboratory analysis revealed the presence of a piece of textile in the folded tablet. This corresponds to a practice mentioned in magical papyri, that is, the use of organic material (οὐσία) belonging to the victim of the curse. B. lists 11 related defixiones, either found together with material remains (9 cases) or referring to the hair of women cursed by the defigens (p. 236). [The Greek text has now been published by G. Bevilacqua, “Athletai e palaistai in una defixio greca di Roma”, ZPE 188 (2014), p. 215–229; it is a curse against athletes.]

18321) G. Bevilacqua, R. D’Oriano, “Exotica come segni del potere. Un thymiaterion cnidio di Olbia”, in M. Bastiana Cocco, A. Gavini, A. Ibba (eds.), L’Africa Romana XIX. Transformazione dei paessaggi del potere nell’Africa settentrionale fino alla fine del mondo antico. Atti del XIX convegno di studio Sassari, 16–19 dicembre 2010, Rome, 2012, II, p. 1943–1958: Ed. pr. of an incense burner from Olbia in Sardinia (1st cent. CE) with the inscription [Θε]οῖς· λαβέ. This object belongs to a group of incense burners and lamps produced in Knidos. The inscriptions (θεοῖς· λαβέ; θεοῖς· λαβέ με εὐχαριστήριον; λαβέ με τὸν Ἡλιοσέραπιν et sim.) show that they were used as votive offerings. The example from Olbia was possibly owned by an imperial freedman as a luxury object.

18422) S. Bönisch, A. Lepke, “Neue Inschriften aus Patara II. Kaiserzeitliche Ehren- und Grabinschriften”, Chiron 43 (2013), p. 487–525: Ed. pr. of honorific inscriptions for a priest of the civic imperial cult (1) and a highpriest of the provincial emperor cult in Lykia (2–3, Patara, 2nd cent. CE).

18523) P. Bouya, “Γ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Ἀθήνα. Ὁδὸς Ἰωσὴφ τῶν Ρωγῶν”, AD 60 B1 (2005) [2013], p. 83–85 [SEG LXI 70]: In a report on salvage excavations conducted in the area of the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios in Athens [cf. EBGR 2012, 122], B. mentions two choregic dedications of the 5th and 4th cent., made after victories at the Thargelia of choruses of the tribes Kekropis (chorus of paides) and Akamantis.

18624) J.N. Bremmer, “Divinities in the Orphic Gold Leaves: Euklês, Eubouleus, Brimo, Kybele, Kore, and Persephone”, ZPE 187 (2013), p. 35–48: B. surveys the several divinities that appear in the Dionysiac-Orphic texts, traces their origin in various cults, and comments on connections and associations between them (references are to the Orphicorum Fragmenta). Eukles and Eubouleus appear among the gods to whom the deceased assures that he/she comes ‘pure from the pure’ (OF 488–491). These names may have been selected because they contributed to the solemn atmosphere and because of their reassuring character (being composites of εὖ). Eukles, identified by Hesychios (s.v.) as a name of Hades, can be identified with the Samnite god Evklus. In the ‘Tavola di Agnone’, Evklus appears together with Ceres and the ‘daughter of Ceres’; the three gods correspond to the Eleusinian triad. The name Eukles is related to Klymenos, a designation of Hades (Paus. 2.35.9). In Hermione, Klymenos appears together with Demeter and Kore both in literary texts (Poetae Melici Graeci 702 fr. 1 ed. Privitera; cf. Kallimachos, fr. 285 ed. Pfeiffer) and inscriptions (IG IV 686–691, 715, 1609). Eubouleus, an epithet of Zeus, is primarily found in the Cyclades, where he was worshipped together with Demeter, and sometimes also with the Kore and Baubo (IG XII.7 76–77; XII.5.227, 677; XII Suppl. 196; cf. Zeus Bouleus: SEG XI 188; Syll.3 1024). The cult of Zeus Eubouleus, Demeter, and Kore was associated with the Thesmophoria. B. identifies Eubouleus with Eubolos, who in Athens appears together with Theos (Hades) and Thea (Persephone; IG I3 78). B. suggests that ‘Baubo and Eubouleus were first “imported” from the Cyclades into the Attic Orphic poem of that period [ca. 450–425], from which Eubouleus was subsequently imported into Eleusis’. Brimo is attested in the Eleusinian mysteries and in a Dionysiac-Orphic leaf from Pherai (OF 403). A leaf from Thourioi (OF 492) mentions Protogonos, Ge, Meter, Kybele, Kora, and Demeter; the connection of Demeter and Meter is now also attested in a leaf from Pherai, which mentions Demeter Chthonia and Meter Oreia (SEG LV 612; EBGR 2005, 117). As regards Persephone, B. adopts R. Wachter’s interpretation of her name (‘the one who beats the ears of corn’, Φερρώφαττα) and examines the development of her name and role as wife of Hades and queen of the underworld. She is not often mentioned in the Orphic tablets possibly because of a taboo on her name (ἄρρητος κόρη). B.’s survey leads to the conclusion that the Orphics took their divinities mainly from rituals associated with Demeter and Kore.

18725) J.N. Bremmer, “Local Mythography: The Pride of Halicarnassus”, in S.M. Trzaskoma, R.S. Smith (eds.), Writing Myth: Mythography in the Ancient World, Leuven et al., 2013, p. 55–73: B. discusses the evidence provided by the so-called ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’, a long hexametrical poem referring to local myths and glorifying the city (SEG XLVIII 1330), for the study of local mythography. 1) Zeus and the Kouretes (l. 5–14): The poem refers to Zeus’ birth and the ancestors of his prospoloi, i.e., the leading citizens ‘who were Zeus’ priests, banqueted and performed mystic rites’. These ‘earth-born’ ancestors, connected with local autochthony myths, can be identified with the Kouretes, the first inhabitants of Halikarnassos. 2) Salmakis and Hermaphroditos (l. 15–22): The poem refers to the nymph Salmakis, who civilized wild people and reared Hermaphroditos, the inventor of marriage. Drawing on literary traditions, B. suggests that there was a tradition about the effeminising effect of the spring of Salmakis; according to a re-interpretation of this tradition, the local Karians and Leleges were civilized by drinking this water. 3) Greek colonizers (Bellerophontes, Kranaos, Endymion, Antheas; l. 24–32): Through references to founding heroes, the poet established the city’s connection with Karia, Athens, and Troizen, and linked the prominent family of the Antheadai with the city’s foundation. The ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’ is a rare example of Hellenistic mythography, showing how this genre served local prestige and cultural capital.

18826) F. Briquel-Chatonnet, “Les inscriptions phénico-grecques et le bilinguisme des Phéniciens”, CRAI (2012), p. 619–638: In a study of bilingual Greek-Phoenician inscriptions, B.-C. adduces several texts of religious interest: the dedication to Aphrodite by King Abdalonymos of Sidon (Kos, IG XII.4.546), a dedication to Herakles Archegetes (Melquart) from Malta (CIS I 122), and a dedication to Hermes and Herakles by a hieropoios and gymnasiarchos from Arados (IGLS VII 4000).

18927) P. Brulé, “Maître du ganos, le Zeus de Palaikastro est un Zeus comme les autres”, in Hymnes, p. 253–267: The ‘Hymn of the Kouretes’ from Palaikastro (4th/3rd cent.; I.Cret. III.ii.2; Furley/Bremer, Greek Hymns 1.1) characterizes Zeus with the expression πανκρατὴς γάνους. Earlier scholarship interpreted this Cretan Zeus as a survival of a Minoan god or a patron of initiatory rituals of young men. B. examines in detail the various meanings of γάνος and its association with water, brilliance, joy, and fertility, arguing that the perception of Zeus in this hymn does not differ from the general, ‘panhellenic’, perception of this god. Zeus was often regarded as patron of fertility and agriculture (cf. his epithets Ἀναδότης, Ἐπιδότης, Δημήτριος, Ἀμπελίτης, Ὄμβριος, Ὑέτιος, Κτήσιος, Φυτάλμιος, Ὀπωρεύς etc.).

19028) C. Bruns-Özgan et alii, Knidos. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen von 1996–2006, Istanbul, 2013 [BE 2014, 21 and 38]: The report on the results of the excavations conducted in Knidos includes several inscriptions, some of which are of religious interest: a dedication to Apollo Karneios and Hadrian (p. 147–152); dedication of statues to Zeus Megistos made by Theandros after he had been honored by the people (p. 152 f.; Hellenistic); a dedication of a statue of the Rhodian people to the gods (p. 171–173; Hellenistic).

19129) F. Camia, “A Note on the Athenian Hiereus of Drusus Hypatos”, Tekmeria 11 (2012), p. 37–50 [SEG LXII 28]: In Athens, a priest of Δροῦσος ὕπατος, i.e. Drusus the Elder, was appointed annually. This priesthood, created in the year of Drusus’ death or shortly thereafter (9/8 BCE; see IG II2 1722), was regularly held by the eponymous archon. The cult of Drusus remained distinct after a reform of the imperial cult in the mid-1st cent. CE, when the latter was consolidated to address all the Sebastoi together, and is attested until the early 2nd cent. CE. The survival of the separate cult is attributed by C. to the fact that the priesthood was connected with the office of the eponymous archon. C. suggests that the priesthood was abolished when Hadrian first visited Athens as a privatus in 111/112 CE. In a table, C. collects the epigraphic evidence for the priesthood of Drusus.

19230) J.-M. Carbon, “Dolphin Pillars”, EA 46 (2013), p. 27–34 [BE 2014, 433]: The starting point of C.’s study is an altar from Mylasa, dedicated to an anonymous god by Eutychos and the association of the temenitai, and decorated with a relief representation of a dolphin on a pole or pillar (SEG LIV 1107, 2nd/1st cent.) [EBGR 2004, 26]. C. plausibly identifies the recipient of the dedication as Apollo Delphinios and collects evidence for cult associations with the name τεμενῖται or τεμενίζοντες, the cult of ἐντεμένιοι θεοί, and dolphin pillars. He tentatively suggests that the γυλλοί, boundary markers at the gates of Miletos and Didyma that were crowned during the procession of the molpoi in Miletos (I.Milet VI.1.133), supported effigies of dolphins. In an appendix, C. restores the name of the aisymnetes who made a dedication to Apollo Delphinios and the θεοὶ ἐντεμένιοι in Miletos (I.Milet I.3.159): Leon, son of Indos, who served as aisymnetes in 323/2 BCE.

19331) J.-M. Carbon, V. Pirenne-Delforge, “Priests and Cult Personnel in Three Hellenistic Families”, in Cities and Priests, p. 65–119 [BE 2014, 132, 444]: The authors offer a detailed comparative analysis of the role of priests in three Hellenistic private cult foundations: the foundation of Diomedon in Kos (IG XII.4.348 = LSCG 177), of Poseidonios in Halikarnassos (LSAM 72; new critical edition, translation, and commentary by J.-M. Carbon on p. 99–114), and of Epikteta in Thera (IG XII.3.330 = LSCG 135). The three inscriptions contain dossiers of documents that were written at different times, reflecting the need for revisions. The authors discuss the content of these inscriptions, the duties and perquisites of the priests and other personnel serving in the family cults, and the constellations of divinities worshipped by these family groups. Although the documents make no reference to the polis, the priesthoods and the arrangements for other cult personnel mirror the forms of public priesthoods. Given the emphasis on family commemoration in all three foundations, it is clear that the priests were appointed from within kinship groups according to a principle of male primogeniture. Special arrangements were made for the selection and appointment of epimenioi, who assisted in the cult service. The statutes of these foundations mention different rules concerning inclusivity — allowing for the acceptance of illegitimate children (Diomedon), and women (Poseidonios and Epikteta).

19432) R.V.W. Catling, “Ἑρμήσιος Λακεδαιμόνιος — A Spartan Craftsman of Ionian Origin?”, in N. Sekunda (ed.), Ergasteria: Works Presented to John Ellis Jones on his 80th Birthday, Gdansk, 2010, p. 44–55 [SEG LX 315; BE 2011, 279]: C. studies an inscribed bronze disk from Olympia (ca. 550–500, SEG LVII 398), identifying the dedicants as Αἰγινᾶται (not Αἰγιναῖοι). The dedication (ἄγαλμα or ἆθλον) was probably addressed to Zeus Olympios. The craftsman, Hermesios ‘the Lacedaemonian’, was an Ionian immigrant.

19533) A. Chaniotis, “Hadrian, Diktynna, the Cretan Koinon, and the Roads of Crete. A New Milestone from Faneromeni (Crete)”, in W. Eck, B. Fehér, P. Kovác (eds.), Studia Epigraphica in memoriam Géza Alföldy, Bonn, 2013, p. 59–68: Ed. pr. of a milestone from Faneromeni (in the area of Phaistos). According to the text, Hadrian ordered the construction of a road using sacred money (pecunia sacra) of Diktynna. The milestone possibly marked a newly constructed or repaired road from Matalon to Gortyn. The use of Diktynna’s money for the construction of roads in Crete under Hadrian was already attested (I.Cret. II.xi.6; SEG XXIII 581: ἐκ χρημ[ά]των ἱερῶν θεᾶς Δικτύννης). Hadrian could order the use of this sacred money because Diktynna’s sanctuary was not controlled by a single city but was under the jurisdiction of the Cretan Koinon. The coins issued by the Koinon were decorated with images of Diktynna, the newborn Zeus, and the Kouretes, as well as the labels Δίκτυννα | Κρητ(ῶν) and Δίκτυννα Σεβαστή. The epithet Sebaste (Augusta) suggests a close relationship between the goddess and the imperial cult. An inscription from Lyttos (I.Cret. I.xviii.44) refers to a similar intervention; Hadrian ordered the construction of a building [ἐκ τῶν α]ὐτῆς χρημάτων (Diktynna’s money?).

19634) T. Corsten, O. Hülden, J. Gebauer, “Forschungen in der Kibyratis im Jahre 2009”, AST 28.1, p. 67–81 [SEG LXI 1234–1235]: C. mentions inscriptions found during a survey in Kibyra and its territory: 1) The epitaph of Nana, priestess of Aphrodite [now published by T. Corsten and O. Hülden, “Zwischen den Kulturen. Feldforschungen in der Kibyratis. Bericht zu den Kampagnen 2008–2011”, MDAI(I) 62 (2012), p. 38–40]. 2) A former tenant of the village (?) of Tangara dedicated a temple to Zeus Epekoos (206 CE) [see now T. Corsten, “An Inscription from Çavdir in the Burur Museum and the Persistence of Ancient Place Names”, in H. Metin et alii (eds.), Pisidian Essays in Honour of Hacı Ali Ekinci, Istanbul, 2015, p. 7–11].

19735) T. Corsten, M. Ricl, “A Dedication to Herakles, Hosios and Dikaios, and Chrysea Parthenos from the Kibyratis”, Gephyra 9 (2012), p. 143–151: Ed. pr. of an important dedication from Byramlar, near Kibyra (ca. 200 CE). The text was first copied by J. and L. Robert in 1948 and rediscovered by C. in 1997 and 2008. Three priests, one of which is also designated as neokoros, constructed and dedicated a temple to the gods who listen to prayers (θεοῖς ἐπηκόοις): Herakles, his newborn son Hosios kai Dikaios (Ἡρακλέως τέκνῳ Ὁσίῳ καὶ Δικαίῳ ν[ε]ογεννήτῳ), who is here regarded as one single god, and the Golden Virgin (Χρυσεία Παρθένος) [rather: ‘Golden Maiden’; παρθένος denotes age, not (primarily) virginity]. Herakles is probably to be identified with the local god Kakasbos. Pictorial representations associate him with Hosios and Dikaios, but this is the first reference to the belief that he was the father. Herakles may have been associated with Hosios and Dikaios as patron of justice. ‘Golden’ is often used as an attribute of various gods (Aphrodite, Artemis, Elpis, Kore, Leto, Muse, Nike and Zeus). Nothing is known about the goddess called ‘Golden Maiden’; she seems to have formed a divine triad together with Herakles and his son.

19836) A. Coşkun Abuagla, “The Cult of Meter Theon in Pisidian Conana”, Gephyra 10 (2013), p. 132–134: Ed. pr. of two dedications from Konana. The first text mentions that Attalos, priest for life, dedicated to Meter Theon ἐπήκοος τὸ ἱέρωμα σὺν τῷ βωμῷ καὶ τῇ τραπέζῃ (‘the statuette together with altar and the offering table’). The second text is a fragmentary dedication to the Theoi Soteres by a priest (2nd/3rd cent. CE).

19937) S. Dakaris, I. Vokotopoulou, A.F. Christidis, Τὰ χρηστήρια ἐλάσματα τῆς Δωδώνης τῶν ἀνασκαφῶν Δ. Εὐαγγελίδη, Athens, 2013: 4216 oracular tablets found in Dodona in 1928–1932 and 1952–1959 are presented in this long-awaited publication. Its history, which began in 1981 with the agreement of the three authors to publish the tablets, is narrated by V.C. Petrakos in the preface; the book was expected to be ready in 1995, but work was delayed because of the deaths of Vokotopoulou and Dakaris in 1995 and 1996 respectively. Christidis completed the difficult work of reading the tablets only days before his death in 2004. The readings and comments of the authors, as well as additional comments that were contributed by several other scholars, were finally prepared for publication by S. Tselikas. Some will be quick to criticize a few weaknesses of the final product, such as the absence of photos (only drawings are presented), some unsatisfactory readings and interpretations, and obvious problems in the dating of the majority of the tablets. But gratitude, not quibbling, is the proper response to this truly monumental work that will allow scholars in the future to gain a better understanding of the oracular practices at Dodona. The two volumes do not contain tablets that were found after 1959 (ca. 100 tablets in Berlin), nor do they include very small fragments with only individual letters or illegible texts. The editors have not attempted to organize this material according to any thematic criterion; the tablets are presented by their inventory number in the Museum of Ioannina. But the elaborate index, compiled by G. Papadopoulos, will allow the users of the volume to find most any information they are seeking. It is impossible to present the inscriptions in detail here, but the recent book by É. Lhôte, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodona, Geneva, 2006 (EBGR 2007, 82), provides a very good overview of the content and the reasons for which individuals — and in a few cases also cities and koina — turned to the oracle. They were concerned with their general well-being and that of family members, marriage, offspring, residence, manumission, citizenship, health, financial affairs, especially agriculture and maritime trade, the finding of treasure, agonistic matters, theft, murder, lawsuits, military matters, migration, religion and magic. Whenever an inquiry is connected with a particular problem for the first time, the volume provides a list of parallels; e.g., one finds references to inquiries about marriage under no 1: marriage, trade under no 3, and so on (4: questions addressed by women; 5A: offspring; 11B: residence and migration; 8B: animal husbandry; 20A: multiple inquirers; 35A: mercenary service; 97A healing; 103A: disease, etc.). Through the publication of this material, some new themes emerged that were not well represented in the limited texts previously known: the great importance of hero cults (45B, 90, 359B, 481, 487A, 520, 542A, 558B, 565A, 573A, 574A, 848, 914B, 998B, 1031B, 1087B, 1201A, 1287B, 1370A, 1455A, 1508A, 1585A, 1781B, 1864A, 2036B, 2050A, 2100B, 2107A, 2209B, 2242A, 2282A, 2287A, 2356A, 2359A, 2362B, 2432B, 2453A, 2668A, 3053A, 3084A, 3309A, 3424A, 3458A, 3481, 3497A, 3539A, 3558A, 3625A, 3696B, 3756A, 3778A, 3792A, 3816B, 3828A, 3868A, 4004A, 4214A) and the frequency of questions concerning health and crime (see below). Based on the new texts, further progress can also be made as regards the methods of divination. It will take many years and the efforts of many scholars to fully exploit this material for the study of Greek religion, society, and law (see already the remarks of É. Lhote, BE 2014, 255). Many aspects of the tablets were discussed in the conference ‘Dodona. New approaches to the oracular tablets’ in Athens (September 16, 2016).

200In the following very selective presentation, new texts that are discussed in some detail are marked with an asterisk. If not otherwise stated, the inscriptions roughly date to the Classical period, but the dates given in this corpus are only approximate. Many texts belong to the 3rd and early 2nd cent., and not the 4th cent., as dated by the eds. The earliest readable text dates to the late 6th cent. (968A*), the latest texts are from the first half of the 2nd cent. [It should be noted that not all the texts written on lead tablets and included in these two volumes are oracular tablets. The tablets were also used for inscribing abecedaries — probably as writing exercises — and tablets with personal names or numerals may have served other purposes. I should also remark that some of the texts are not formulated as questions but as requests. In no 2510* αἰτεῖται is repeated three times (my restorations): αἰτεῖτ[αι - -]φιλον διδόναι αὐτῶι τύχην ἀ[γα]θὴν καὶ ὑγίειαν καὶ σω[τηρίαν καὶ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τῶν τέκν]ων [κ]αὶ χρημάτων τῶν ὄντων ὄνησιν etc. This is a prayer, not an inquiry. No 2653B is also a prayer: ὁ θεός· Κέραυνος δέομ[αί] τοι πὲρ τᾶς ϝοικίας. Of course, texts that are formulated as questions also seek, ultimately, to attract the god’s attention to a person’s worries. No 1515B* (Σίβυλλ[α] | θεία) may be an invocation, if it is not an answer. The enigmatic text ἀλκὰν ἀπά|γεν (‘take away the power’) is interpreted by the eds. not as a question but as a request, analogous to magical prayers beseeching that an opponent should lose his power (849A*)].

201Divinatory practices: The questions are usually directed to Zeus Naios and Dione; Zeus is also addressed with the epithets Δουδωναιεύς (2204A*) and Δωδωναῖος (e.g. 2246Α*, 2261A*). Other gods that are subject to inquiries in the tablets are Hestia (2171B*), Tyche (80a*), and Themis (128A*, 3055A*). Porinos of Kyme, planning to serve a Persian satrap as mercenary (35A*) [dated by the eds. to ca. 350–300 but probably much earlier], addresses his question not to Zeus Naios but to Zeus Pronaios, probably unaware of the local epithet of Zeus (Θεός, τύχαι ἀγαθᾶι καὶ Διὶ Προναΐωι καὶ Διώναι· Πορῖνος | Κυμαῖος Εὐάνδρου εἰρωτᾶ τὸν θεὸν εἰ τὸν ξατράπην | καὶ ὕπαρχον θεραπεύοντ[ι] λώϊον καὶ ἄμεινον ἔσται). In addition to the verbs commonly used in the inquiries (ἐρωτάω, ἀνερωτάω, ἐπικοινέω, ἱστορέω), I note the verb θεμιστεύω (‘to answer’: 128A, 572B, 1394). Some of the tablets clearly report the response of the gods [as R. Parker (‘The Lot Oracle at Dodona”, ZPE 194, 2015, p. 111–114) has plausibly argued, one of the methods of divination practiced in Dodona was cleromancy; two alternative answers were prepared and one was drawn by lot; the tablets must, therefore, contain numerous possible answers]. The eds. provide a list of answers under no 42B: 70A, 93B, 108B, 154B+155B, 170A, 200, 519B, 657A, 1045A, 1077B, 1154A, 1299B, 1509B (ἐνγενεῖται), 1668B (περιμέ[νειν] τὰς πλάν[ας], ‘he should take the itinerant life with patience’), 1926B ([ἄμ]εινον περιμ[ένειν]), 1936, 2006A, 2014A, 2067A ([χρή]ματα εὖ θέσθο, ‘put your property in order’), 2300 (ἔχει, καλῶς ἔχει), 2380, 2381A (οὐ καθαρός), 2416A, 2419B, 2432B, 2804B, 3210A, 3295B, 3326B (ἄνευ θορύβου), 3356B, 3626B, 3809B, 4080B, 4215B. A clear case of question-answer pair is a tablet with writing on two oppposite sides (107–108 = SEG XLVII 820; see EBGR 1999, 79): Στρατεύομαι | κατὰ γᾶι; (107A) — Ἐπὶ γῆι σχέθε̣: τέλεος (108B): ‘Should I engage in military activity on land? Hold to the land’). They also note that no 1936 (αὔτε φατὶ [- -]) may contain the utterance of a prophetess. Another clear example of an answer is no 70A*, which also shows that the goddess selected a priestess: ἁ θεὸς αἱρεῖται ἀμφιπόλον | Ὀρεάνδραν; ἀμφιπόλοι are known both in Dodona and in other cities of this region (Ambrakia, Apollonia). [Since the goddess is not named, it must be Dione, and the priestess must be of Dodona. Unfortunately, the eds. in many cases have arbitrarily restored interrogative words in fragmentary tablets, thus turning answers into questions, or have interpreted short texts as labels, though they may well be answers: e.g. ΜΕΝΕ (11B, 1539B*, 2149*) need not to be restored as a question ([ἦ] μένε, ‘should he stay? ’); it makes perfect sense as an answer (μένε, μένε[τε], ‘stay!’). The conviction of the editors that the tablets rarely contain answers is so strong that in the case of 519B*, where the tablet has ΟΥ (‘no’) after a vacat, they opt for [ἦ] οὐ. Similarly, they restore [ἦ] μή in no 2306A*, although there is a vacat before ΜΗ. Again, this is a response: ‘don’t!’ Similarly, the eds. regard οὐκ αἴτ̣[ιος] (1593Β*) as a question despite the lack of an interrogative word. Here, I cannot present a full list of potential responses, but a few examples suffice to show the need to revisit the tablets. No 82A* seems to be an answer: τὸ σαμῆον τὸ ἐν κοφινίωι ἐν Ὀφινίωι οὔκ ἐστι Προδάμου (‘the sign on the basket is not that of Prodamos’ or ‘the marker in Ophinion does not belong to Prodamos’). Some tablets seem, as the eds. note, to contain labels. E.g. Πορῖνος ξατράπην (37B*) is probably a label for the question of Porinos: ‘will it be better for me to serve the satrap and hyparchos?’ (35A*). But things are less clear in many other short texts interpreted by the eds. as labels: e.g. the eds. understood ἐν Κρότονι (‘in Kroton’, 26B) as a label, because it was written by the same hand that also engraved an inquiry about migration to Kroton (24A:… περὶ ϝοικέσιος ἰς Κρ(ό)τονα). But we cannot exclude the possibility that it is a response (‘in Kroton’). If cleromancy was practiced, ἐν Κρότονι may well be one of the two potential responses, μένε being the other (‘[it will be better] in Kroton’ vs. ‘stay’). Similarly, εἰς Ἀνπ[ρακίαν] (1473Α*, ‘go to Ambrakia’) must be an answer. Furthermore, tablets containing the text ἦ μή, ‘or not?’ (e.g. 100B, 2346B, 2443A, 2689A, 2816B, 2974Α) may well be the negative alternatives to a question. Δωρι. (173B) is too vague to be a meaningful label, whereas it makes perfect sense as response to the question ‘ To Zeus Naios and Diona; should they not use Dorios, the necromancer?’ ([- - Διὶ] τῶι Νάωι καὶ τᾶι Διώναι· ἦ μὴ χρηῦνται Δωρίωι τῶ[ι] ψυχαγωγῶι;), which is written on the interior of the same tablet (172A). No 2054B* asks whether a trade activity will be profitable: πλέων καὶ ἐμπορευόμενος [λ]ῶον πράσσοι; the reverse has the abbreviation ἐμπ. — unclear as a label, but understandable as an affirmative answer. The question on the obverse of a tablet ἦ πορευθῶ εἰς Τρί[κκαν] (2784A) is answered on the reverse: Τρίκ., ‘to Trikka’ (2786Β). Similarly, Κλενίκα | ἐξ ἀ., too short to be understood as a summary or a label, may be the response to Klenika’s question whether she would have children from another man (2552A*: [τ]έκνα {α} οἱ γενέσθαι ἐξ ἄλλω [ἀ]νδρὸς | καὶ τίνα κα θεῶν θεραπεύο<υ>σα<ι> γένοιτο τέκνα). Generally, many single words found on the tablets make better sense as answers than as labels: 673A*, 2310A*: σωτηρία (‘you will be saved’; cf. 1367B*, where one can restore σωτη[ρία] instead of σωτη[ρίας]); 1366B*: πεπαμένος (‘if you buy’); 1756Α*: δυνάε[ται] (‘he will be able’); 1900*: κατὰ χώραν (‘stay in the land’); 1077B*: ἔσστι (‘yes, it is possible’); 1947A*: ἔσαται (‘it will happen’); 1620*: με[τα]νόε (‘change your mind’, not με[τα]νο); 2804*: οὐκ ἀσφαλ[έως] (‘not safe’); 2806Α*: ὀλίγα γενεά (‘a few descendants’). Many tablets must be responses to the question ‘to whom should I sacrifice?’ (see below)].

202A good number of texts refer to signs (σαμεῖον, σημεία, σαμαίνειν; 60A, 188A, 408A, 268A, 495B, 989A, 1089B, 1609B, 1834B, 2189B, 2510A, 2937A, 3026A, 3179B, 3264B). No 2510A* is of particular interest, since it is a question of the city of Dodona concerning a sign that occurred in the sacred oak: [ἦ ἐ]ν τῶι δρυὶ σαμῆν ἔστι. No 1097A* refers to θεομαντεία. Several texts name diviners. A long but fragmentary example preserves the question of Timothea, a professional practitioner of this art. It refers to sacred things ([π]ερὶ πάντων καὶ ἱερῶν καὶ ὁσ[ίων]) and then to the mantic activity of Timothea [ἐκ τᾶς τέχν?]ας τ[ᾶ]ς μαντικᾶς ὡς εὐτυχ[- -] | αὕτα προφατεύει (1082A*). A μάντις καὶ ἱερομνάμων is mentioned in a tablet (984A*); an ἱεροφάντις appears as the recipient of a question (?2179A*), and a θυοσκόος is mentioned in an unclear context (3411A*).

203Sacrifice and other cult matters: A large group of tablets involves the questions of people who sought advice as to the gods and heroes to whom they should sacrifice or pray, or whom they should serve and propitiate, in order to achieve success, prosperity, and well-being. Verbs used in this context are θύω, θεραπεύω, εὔχομαι, and ἱλάσκομαι (e.g. 18B, 20A, 90, 138A, 145A, 361, 415A, 453B, 520, 565A, 573A, 602b, 608A, 622A, 633B, 636A, 693A, 998B, 2242Α). The question of Nikon (2091A*) is explicit: Νίκων ἐπερωτῆι [περὶ] τᾶς Ἀρτάμιτο[ς] | τὰν ἀρχαίαν θυσία[ν] [‘Nikon asks concerning Artemis, (should he perform) the traditional sacrifice?]. Other gods that are mentioned in similar inquiries are Apollo (565A*, 2964Β*) [here λυτέα may not be a reference to manumission but relief from divine punishment], Artemis (e.g. 541B*, 3192A*, 3393Α), Aphrodite (987B*), Athena Polias (109A*), Demeter (623B*?), Ennodia (2800A*, 2885A*), Herakles (restored in 746A* and 806B*), Rhea (3650B*), and Zeus Chamonaios (1552A*), whom the eds. associate with χαμαικοίτης, χαμεύνης (cf. Hesiod fr. 240, l. 8 ed. Merkelbach-West: ναῖον δ᾿ ἐν πυθμένι φηγοῦ). Given the large number of such questions, it is surprising that the eds. have identified very few tablets as responses: e.g. 1045A*: Ἀπόλλωνα (sc. θεράπευε); 1299B*: Ἀπόλλωνι; 3210A*:… μὴ θύειν. [We have, again, the problem that texts that are interpreted as labels or are restored as questions may in fact be answers. E.g. εὐτοκία· Δάματρι (585*) is not a question, but a response: ‘concerning good birth; (sacrifice/pray) to Demeter’. Διί (1472B*, ‘sacrifice to Zeus) is an answer. The restoration of the interrogative ἦ in no 1330A* ([ἦ θύσ]ας ἰσιακόν) is arbitrary; this is an answer: ‘ (you will be well), if you offer an Isiac sacrifice’; cf. the corresponding question: 2327A*: ἦ τὴν Ἶσιν | θ̣ύω[ν ἱλάσκωμαι] (erroneously dated to the 4th cent.; the text clearly belongs to the 3rd cent.). In no 2376A*, a palimpsest, the letter E before Δάματρι possibly belongs to a different text; if so, Δάματρι is an answer. J.-M. Carbon “Five Answers Prescribing Rituals in the Oracular Tablets of Dodona”, Grammateion 4 (2015), p. 73–87, has plausibly identified more answers to similar inquiries (1122B*, 2035A*, 2393A*; SEG LVI 662; SEG XV 391)].

204Apart from these questions about sacrifices, there are several other inquiries that concern ritual and religious matters. One tablet, for example, alludes to a ritual or a priesthood for Hera (72*: τᾶς Ἕρας  τελετά|ν;). A question by Archippos (2409*) is interpreted by the eds. as referring to the dedication of money to Athena: Ἄρχιππος ἐπερωτῆι τὸν Δία καὶ τὰν Διώναν | περὶ τῶ hιαρῶ ἀργυρίω τῶ τᾶς Ἀθαναίας, πότερα | κατθύσηι πᾶν, αἰ μέλλει βέλτιον ἦμεν, | ἢ οὐ; [The question is not about the dedication of money. The money is already ‘sacred’. Archippos, perhaps a priest, is asking whether he should use the entirety of the money for a sacrifice]. Eumedes asked Zeus Naios, Diona, and Tyche whether he should cut down an oak tree in a heroon (80A*): [ἐ]πικοινῆται Εὐμή{ΔΗ}δης τῶι Διὶ τῶι Νάωι καὶ τᾶι Διών[αι | κ]αὶ τᾶι Τύχαι περὶ τᾶς δρυὸς τᾶς ἐν τῶι ἡρώωι· ἦ ἐξελῶ κ̣[αὶ
τύ|χ]οιμι ναόνδε ἀνθεὶς αὐτῶ. In the eds.’ interpretation, Eumedes asked whether he should cut the oak and dedicate it in the temple [hence the reading ναόνδε. But how can one dedicate an oak tree in a temple — even in Dodona, with its particular connection to Zeus’ sacred oak? A good reason for cutting down a tree is to use the space that is opened up, not to dedicate the timber. Perhaps we should read ναὸν δὲ (or ναόν <τ>ε): ‘should I cut it down and will I be fortunate if I dedicate a shrine there?’ For the cutting of an olive tree, again from a heroon, see 2432B*; cf. 2951Α*]. Other tablets concern the offering of a triple sacrifice (87B: ἦ τριθυτικόν;), priesthoods (1249A*; ἱαρατεία: 1397A, 1572A*, 2275A?, 3192A*, 3447B*), pollution (1263A*: μιαρά; 1475A*: τίνι{Σ} κα θύω[ν γένοιτο] | κα<θαρ>ός; 2473*: [πε]ρ[ὶ] τῆς κόρ[ης] ἁγνείας), sacred land (1635B*: hιερὰν χώρα[ν]), a sanctuary of the Nymphs (2329B*), a sanctuary of Aphrodite (3479A*), an altar (2683*: βωμοῦ), a sacred embassy (2769B*: θεαρίας), and the performance of funerary rites for a man suspected to be dead (2980Α*: τ[ελεῖν] τὰ νόμιμα ὡς τεθνακότι;). The word προθύται appears in an unclear context (124A*, a sacred office?, one who offers a sacrifice on behalf of another individual?). N
o 1102A* has the unattested verb [- -]ν̣ αἱμα[τ]οφορέο[ν] (if it is not [- -]Ν̣Α ἱμα[τι]οφορέο[ν]). Texts concerning magic have already been summarized in EBGR 1999, 36 (now nos 172A: ψυχαγωγός; 452A: φάρμακον; 1028A: κατεφάρμαξε).

205Religious mentality: [Some of the texts are interesting from the perspective of religious mentality. A woman specifies the addressee of her dedication (541B*): Ἀρτάμι[τι]  τύχοιμ[ί κα] | hισσαμένα (‘will I have success [in my request] if I set up a dedication to Artemis?’); here, the dedicant wants to make sure that her action will not be in vain. Another exemplary case of implicit negotiations between the worshipper and the god is found in a text in which a man does not neglect to point out to the god that a quick response (διὰ θαχέων) will be rewarded: θεός· | Δαμαίνετος πὲρ Προξέ|νου πς κε ἐκ Μελιτείας σωθῇ | καί τινι θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων | εὐχόμενος σωθῇ διὰ θαχέων | καὶ τῶι θεῶ[ι] δῶρον ἀποφέρει; (2024A*). This text is closer to a request than to an inquiry; it is a cry for attention. In a few cases, one recognizes signs of orality, as when the question begins with a praising invocation of Zeus: [ὦ π]ολυτίματε Ζεῦ Ν[άϊε] (1484A*), ὦ πολυτίματον Ζεῦ Νάϊε (2052A*). Although it is known that people consulted more than one oracle, it is still interesting to observe that a pilgrim asked the gods of Dodona whether he should instead consult another oracle (if the restoration is correct):  ἄλλε μαντεύ[εσθαι] (2128b*)].

206Legal matters: Many texts refer to lawsuits, legal disputes, and crimes: 33B: Εὐρ[….]χων | ἐπε[ρωτῆ ἢ τ]ὰ χρήματ|α Χ̣ιόνη κα ἔκλεψε | καὶ […]ΣΑΜΑΤΙΣΑΙ (‘Eury[--]chon asks whether Chione stole the objects and [--] give a sign); 84: [θ]εός· τύχα ἀγαθά· | [ο]ὐκ αἴτιος Δαύ[λ]ιος | [τ]οῦ θανάτο τοῦ [Ἑ]ρ|μαίο (‘God. Good Fortune. Daulios is not guilty of Hermaios’ death); 311A: ἐπικοινῶνται τῶι Διὶ τῶι Νάωι Κλεόκ[ρι]το|ς καὶ Ἀμφιμέδων· οὐκ ἔκλεψε Σίνδος τἄνθη; (‘Kleokritos and Amphimedon submit this inquiry to Zeus Naios. Did Sindon not steal the flowers?’); 389: Μελάντα[ς]· αἰ ἔκλεψε | τὸ ἀργύριον (‘Melantas. Did he steal the money?’); 2047Α: Ἀριστόδαμος: ἱστορεῖ τὸν Δί[α ἢ αἴτιος] | Λύσανδρος τοῦ θανάτου [τοῦ - -] (‘Aristodamos asks Zeus, is Lysandros responsible for the death of [- -]?’); 222A: αἰ δὲ μηδεὶς τούτων κέκλοβε τουτονί; 1028A: κατεφάρμαξε | Τιμὼι Ἀριστο|βούλαν; (‘Did Timo poison [or use magical potions against] Aristoboula?); 3169: ἀνέκλεψε Κινύρας τὠργύριον τὸ Μνασιστ[ρά]|του τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ δοκοῦ τοῦ ποὶ τᾶι στέγαι; (‘Did Kinyras steel the money of Mnasistratos, the money that was in [under] the beam on the roof?’; see also 4, 36B, 56A, 149, 176A, 201Α, 214Α, 272A, 423Β, 435Β, 448Α, 452A, 454, 473B, 548B, 631, 637Β, 694Α, 747Β, 759, 877Α, 934Α, 1012Α, 1088A, 1124B, 1141B, 1170A, 1199B, 1368B, 1646Α, 1771Β, 1845Α, 2005A, 2006Α, 2037B, 2161A, 2332Α, 2482A, 2510, 2619Β, 2623Α, 2643Β, 2709Α, 2767A, 2780, 2976Α, 2977Β, 3041Α, 3043Β, 3117Α, 3176Α, 3274Α, 3321B, 3327Β, 3340Β, 3356Β, 3407Α, 3968Β, 3045Α, 3400Α, 3478Α, 3881, 4015, 4188Α). As I shall argue in a forthcoming article, inquiries about crimes that mention the suspect had a function similar to that of exculpatory oaths. No 56A* refers to the theft of a phiale from a sanctuary of Poseidon (ἦ σύϝοιδε Ἀγίας τὰν φιάλαν | τὰν τοῦ Ποτε<ι>δᾶνος; ‘Does Agias share knowledge concerning the [stolen?] bowl of Poseidon?’). No 1012A* seems to refer to the theft of a statue from a sanctuary of Artemis: περὶ τῶ ἀνδριάντος | τῶ ἐκ τῶ ἱερῶ τῶ Ἀρτέμιδως (cf. 1323A*: χρέματα τὰ ἱα[ρά], theft of sacred property?).

207Disease and healing: The number of texts pertaining to divine healing and disease has significantly increased (healing: 97A, 299A, 473B, 556A, 1055B, 1143A, 1780A, 2032B, 4126A; disease: 118B, 139A, 299A, 384A, 556A, 573A, 730B, 968A, 1375B, 1393, 1466B, 1712A, 1803A, 1921A, 2090 B, 2145B, 2193A, 2329B, 2379B, 2664A, 2879A, 2911A, 3119B, 3204B, 3296B, 3524B, 3528A, 3907, 3933B; health: 203B, 313A, 337B, 359B, 382A, 556A, 558B, 581A, 653B, 708A, 815B, 878A, 906B, 1098A, 1130B, 1217A, 1241B, 1271B, 1369B, 1377B, 1384A, 1393, 1402A, 1506A, 1558B, 1572A, 1581A, 1744A, 2059B, 2134A, 2165B, 2167B, 2242A, 2279A, 2304A, 2401, 2440, 2447A, 2462A, 2468A, 2510, 2525A, 2560B, 2641A, 2673A, 2681A, 2719A, 2763A, 2914A, 3044B, 3060A, 3084A, 3174A, 3177A, 3363B, 3397B, 3486B, 3508B, 3541A, 3989A, 4004A). The earliest tablet (968Α*, late 6th cent.) not only concerns healing, but asks the gods about the proper medical treatment: αἲτε ἄλλα[ι] | ἀλοιφᾶι hορ βέλτερον [‘Will I see better using another ointment?’]. In two cases, the worshippers are worried that a disease may be a divine punishment: Ξένωνι· περὶ [τ]οῦ [ὀ]φθαλμ[οῦ]· ἦ ἀπὸ θεᾶς ἐστι αἴτε οὔ; (118B*) [‘To Xenon; concerning his eye. Does the disease come from the goddess or not?’); αἴ <κ>α Φιλίσστας ἀξιο͂το νοσέματος (2248A*) [‘Does Philistas deserve his illness?’]. Dikaios asked about the cause of a disease (481*: [π]ότε[ρ]α ἁ νόσος ἔλαβέν μιν [- -]) and which hero he should propitiate in order to receive protection (ἒ ἐρόον ἱλαζόμενός [τινα] καὶ ἀπότροπον ποέσα[ς - -]). A pilgrim asked which sacrifice would heal his pain (139A*, very fragmentary; cf. 573A*: [περὶ] τν ὀμμ[άτον | hυγιὲς γ]ενέσθα[ι | τίνι κα] ἑρόον θύ[ο | - - -] [or θύ[ον];). In another text, a man and his relatives approached the gods concerning an ocular disorder of their fathers, and how this could be stopped: θεός, τύχα ἀγαθά· ἐρωτᾶι Ἀ|γιλαΐδας καὶ οἱ συγγενέες | περ τοῦ ἀρρωστέματος τ|ῶν ὀφθαλμῶν τῶν οἱ π|ατέρες ἀρρωστήσαεν, | αἰ ἔστι κίννι κε θεῶν | δρᾶντες τοῖς λοιποῖς | στάμα γενηθείε | καὶ ὑγίεια (556A*) [interestingly, the question does not aim at healing the fathers but at stopping the disease (again, divine punishment?) from spreading to the next generations, τοῖς λοιποῖς]. Agatharchos asked if he should leave the cure of his disease to the gods: τῶν νοσημάτων ὧν ἔχει ἐν τῶι σώμα|[τι
πότ]ερα τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπιτρέπων κα κατατυνχάνοι | [τ]ῆς ὑγιείας; (2517A*). Two early texts mention the healer Paiania (cf. Apollo Paionios), expected to heal a disease by putting her hand on the diseased body part: [] τύχοι κα Μάτρ[ον ἐπὶ] τὸ φῦμ[α] χρα | Παιανίας ἐπιβαλ[λούσα]ς τὸ ἐν τᾶι ΛΕΡΠΑ (λέπραι?) κα hα[πτο]μένα[ς]; (2549A*, ca. 450; cf. 3174A*).

20838) L. D’Amore, M. Mari, “Technitai, sacerdoti di Atena e atleti ad Anfipoli nel I secolo A.C.”, Mediterraneo Antico 16.1 (2013), p. 223–256: Ed. pr. of a stele from Amphipolis, copied by C. Edson in 1938 and until now unpublished in its entirety. The stele has three inscriptions engraved at different times: a) an honorific inscription (see SEG XLVIII 716ter), b) a list of victors in athletic contests, and c) a Christian epitaph. The original inscription, presumably set up in the sanctuary of Athena, commemorates the crowning of four priests of Athena by an association of technitai. Two of these priests, possibly those responsible for setting up the stele, report that they crowned their συνιερεῖς (90/89 BCE). The eds. interpret the koinon ton techniton as the local branch of the Dionysiac theater artists and assume that the priests were honored for an undetermined benefaction towards the association [though this does not explain why two priests honored their two colleagues]. At some time later, the names of victors in athletic contests (perhaps also the names of the agonothetai) were inscribed within wreaths rendered in relief. The victor’s list is fragmentary, but it seems that it recorded victories in races (stadion, dolichos), wrestling, boxing, pankration, and pentathlon in three age-classes (παῖδες ὀλυμπικοί, i.e., 12–14-year old boys, παῖδες ἰσθμικοί, i.e., 14–17-year old ephebes, and ἄνδρες). The name of the contest is not preserved, but the participation of adult men excludes contests held in the gymnasion. A secure identification of the festival is not possible, but it may have been a festival of Athena. It is is likely that the Dionysiac technitai mentioned in the earlier inscription had participated in the same agonistic festival. In an addendum, the eds. note the recent publication of a second honorific inscription for priests of Athena from Amphipolis, again set up by a koinon ton techniton (SEG LXI 461; EBGR 2012, 93). [The fact that the honorific inscription of the technitai appeared on a victor’s list can now rule out the hypothesis that the technitai were not theater artists but artisans].

20939) P. Debord, “Le pays de Colophon (Colophon, Claros, Notion) et les Séleucides”, REA 115 (2013), p. 5–27 [BE 2014, 57]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Kolophon and its territory. A lead tessera with the representation of a dog and the inscription Δίκτυννα was found in the sanctuary of Apollo Klarios (p. 12–14, ca. 200). P. associates this object with the establishment of the cult of Zeus Kretagenes and Diktynna in Karia under Antiochos III and the administrative reform of 209 BCE, which placed all sanctuaries in the Seleucid territories in Asia Minor under the responsibility of the high priest Nikanor. A letter of Laodike to Kolophon (p. 14–17, ca. 200) is very fragmentary; only a reference to Apollo Klarios can be recognized. The subject of the letter may have been the recognition of privileges of the sanctuary at Klaros or the promotion of the Klaria to an agon stephanites. A column was dedicated to Apollo Klarios by a former prytanis in expression of his piety towards the god (εὐσεβῶς ἔχων τὰ πρὸς τὸν θεόν; p. 26 f., 2nd cent.).

21040) M.S. Diakoumakou, “Νέα ἀνάγνωση τοῦ Μεσσηνιακοῦ ἱεροῦ νόμου IG V 1, 1316”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 241–249: D. presents an improved edition of a sacrificial regulation for the cult of Zeus Kataibates from Thalame in Messenia (IG V.1.1316 = LSCG Suppl. 30, ca. 500): Καβάτα | πέμποι | Fέτει | θύεν· Λεhίον ‘ Γαιhύ̣λ̣ο̣ [‘ (Altar) Zeus Kataibates; one should offer a sacrifice every fifth year. Lesion, son of Gaisylos’]. The altar was dedicated by Lesion, probably at the site where Zeus’ thunderbolt struck.

21141) A. Diler et alii, “Bodrum Yarimadasi Leleg Yerleşimleri Adalar, Aspat, Kissebükü (Anastasioupolis), Mylasa Damliboğaz (Hydai), Pilavtepe ve Sedir Adasi Yüzey Araştirmalari 2009”, AST 28.3 (2010), p. 187–206 [SEG LXI 867]: Report on the discovery of an inscribed block with the inscription Ἀρσινόης | Φιλαδέλφου in Halikarnassos (p. 193 f.; 3rd cent.). [It must be an altar for the domestic cult of Arsinoe Philadelphos; cf. infra no 105].

21242) M. Dinç, “Reliefs of a Marine Thiasos from the Tralleis Bath”, Olba 20 (2012), p. 201–244: The caldarium of the baths in Tralleis (Imperial period) were decorated with reliefs representing a marine thiasos. Some fragments have labels identifying the represented figures. One of them is fully preserved and identifies an Oceanid seated on the back of a hippocamp as Πασιθόη (p. 220 f.).

21343) M. Dourou, “Τὸ ἱερὸ τῶν Νυμφῶν καὶ μία νέα ἐπιγραφή”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 199–208: Ed. pr. of a rock-cut inscription found in the sanctuary of the Nymphs in Athens (ca. 450). The inscription refers to the Athenian genos of the Koneidai, named after Konnidas, the educator of Theseus. The presence of a very ancient Athenian genos in this sanctuary underlines the political importance of the sanctuary of the Nymphs.

21444) S. Durugönül, D. Kaplan, U. Tepebaş, “Adrassos´da (Isauria) Paganizm ve Hiristiyanlik Arasinda Bir Lahit”, Adalya 16 (2013), p. 261–264: Ed. pr. of a sarcophagus from Adrassos with the funerary imprecation ἕξι τὸν λόγον πρὸς τὸν θεόν (4th cent. CE). The eds. point to the ambiguity of this formula, which may be Christian or pagan.

21545) C.A. Faraone, “Magical and Medical Approaches to the Wandering Womb in the Ancient Greek World”, Classical Antiquity 30 (2011), p. 1–32: F. discusses amulets for women that aimed at making the womb stay in its place [cf. EBGR 2004, 80; 2007, 89]. The view behind such amulets was that the womb moved freely about a woman’s body, causing spasmodic disease. The wandering womb was imagined as a wild animal, which could be controlled with the use of fumigation rituals.

21646) W. D. Furley, “The Epidaurian Hymn for the Mother of the Gods”, in Hymnes, p. 233–251: F. presents a critical edition of the hymn for Meter Theon in Epidauros (IG IV2.1.131; Furley/Bremer, Hymns 6.2), which ‘had at least its spiritual roots in the fourth century BC even if the text itself is somewhat later’. We present his translation: ‘Goddesses [of music] come down from heaven and sing with me a hymn to the Mother of the Gods; how she came wandering over the hills and vales, trailing her hair in the dirt, distraught in her senses. Zeus the king observed her, the Mother of the Gods, aimed his thunderbolt and made to take her drums, he split rocks in two and made to take her drums. “Mother, be off to the gods! Don’t wander over the hills in case the keen-eyed lions or grey wolves catch you…” And: “… I won’t go off unless I receive my share: a half of the sky above and a half of my own earth and a share of ocean too. Only then I will depart.” Hail! Great Queen! Mother of all Olympus!’ Adducing various sources, especially Clement’ comments on the mysteries of Deo/Demeter (Protrepticus II, 15) and the Derveni papyrus, F. explains Meter’s anger as the result of a sexual assault on her by Zeus. By attempting to take Meter’s drums, Zeus struck at the heart of her identity and attempted to force her into submission. However, Meter stood firm against his threats and compelled Zeus to accept her demands of a share of the earth, sky, and ocean.

21747) N. Giannakopoulos, “The Gerousia of Akmonia”, Gephyra 10 (2013), p. 13–31 [BE 2014, 468]: G. republishes and discusses three inscriptions from Akmonia (SEG LVI 1489–1491) [cf. EBGR 2006, 115] and summarizes the information they provide for the gerousia in this city. The second text (SEG LVI 1490) is of religious interest. It honors Demades, priest of Sebaste Athena for life, who showed his piety περὶ τοὺς Οὐρανίους καὶ περὶ τοὺς Σεβαστοὺς θεούς and dedicated several statues in various locations: a statue of Hermes (Ἑρμοῦ κάλλιστον ἀνδριάντα) in the slave market, three other Hermes statues near the gate, statues of Demos, Polis, and Gerousia, and a statue of Zeus Keraunios in the sanctuary of All the Gods (καὶ πανθεῖον ἐκόσμησεν τοῦ τε δήμου καὶ τῆς πόλεως κα[ὶ] τῆς γερουσίας ἀνδρειάντας σὺν τῷ ἡμ[ι]κυκλίῳ καὶ τὸν Κεραύνιον ἀνδρειάντα σὺν τῷ ἡμικυκλίῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν κοσμίοις ἀναθέντα) [the accusative ἀναθέντα should be corrected to ἀναθείς, since Demades’ name is in the nominative (line 1); ‘and he adorned the Pantheion by dedicating statues of the Demos, the Polis and the Gerousia, together with the semicircular exedra, and the statue of Keraunios together with the semicircular exedra and the ornaments around the statue’; cf. G. Petzl’s translation in SEG LVII 1490. On Pantheion, see infra no 114].

21848) Μ. Giannopoulou, “ΚΣΤ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Τροιζήνα”, AD 61 (2006) [2014] B1, p. 232–237 [SEG LXI 273]: Ed. pr. of an inscribed kantharos (Troizen, early 3rd cent.; p. 232); the graffito Ὑγιείας shows that it was used for libations [to Hygieia or to health].

21949) M. Gonzales, “The Shrine of Asprachoma Near Mycenae and its Dedications from the Persian Wars”, ZPE 184 (2013), p. 131–138: The finds from a sanctuary of Enyalios near Mykene include weapons dedicated to the war god (SEG XXIII 186–187). G. republishes an inscription from this sanctuary (SEG XXII 260, early 5th cent.), which he interprets as a dedication made by the hiaromnamones (line 1: [- -] τοὶ ἱαρομνάμονες [- -]). The text consists of a list of weapons (shields, helmets, javelins) and the names of 7 or 8 dedicants, whom G. identifies as members of the board of hiarmomnamones (two from each tribe). In lines 11 f. he restores [τοὶ νικάσ]αντες | [ἐν τι πολέμοι] and translates ‘having been victorious in the war’ [then the restoration should be [νικάσ]αντες | [ἐν τι πολέμοι], without the article]. G. points out that we know of no military activity of Mykene after the battle of Plataia and identifies the dedicated weapons as part of the officially alloted spoils from the Persian camp. [However, there is no proof that the 7 or 8 names are the names of hiaromnamones, the dedication of the weapons by sacred officials and not by military commanders would be odd, and it remains unclear why the weapons were dedicated individually and not collectively. There is a simpler explanation: this is not a dedication but an inventory of weapon dedications and their dedicants, made by the hiaromnamones in their capacity as supervisors of the sanctuary. The association of these dedications with the Battle at Plataia is an attractive hypothesis].

22050) M. Gonzales, “Lost Dedications Commemorating Rhodian Victory Over Antiochos III”, ZPE 184 (2013), p. 172–174: G. republishes a dedication to Zeus Soter, Athena Soteira, Poseidon Asphaleios, Artemis Orthosia, Herakles, Ares, Athena Areia, Enyo, Enyalios, and Nike made by the crew of a Rhodian warship κατὰ τὸν ἐκ Δελφῶν χρησμόν (Rhodes, IG XII.5.913). He associates the dedication with the Rhodian naval campaigns against Antiochos III in 191–190 BCE.

22151) D. Hegyi, “Der sogenannte Gadatas-Brief: eine authentische Kopie oder die Erdichtung von Priestern?”, AAntHung 50 (2010), p. 349–360 [SEG LXI 1252]: H. discusses the letter of Darius I to Gadatas, which concerns Apollo’s sanctuary in Aulai; the letter is known from a copy of the early 2nd cent. CE (Magnesia on the Maeander; I.Magnesia 115) [cf. EBGR 2009, 88 bis]. She argues that the letter is authentic. In her view, the priests mentioned in the letter (line 23) did not serve in a sanctuary in Magnesia or Aulai; there was no important cult of Apollo in Magnesia; the sacred cave at Aulai did not provide space suitable for the orchards alluded to in the text. Apollo’s sanctuary was that in Tralleis (cf. I.Tralleis 17 and 20). The letter was sent to Magnesia because this city was the seat of the satrap of Karia.

22252) W. Held, Gergakome. Ein ‘altehrwürdiges’ Heiligtum im kaiserzeitlichen Karien, Tübingen, 2008: H. presents a detailed study of the topography of the sanctuary at Gergakome, the architecture of the monuments, the dedications, and the inscriptions. After reviewing the various interpretations that have been proposed for the name Gergas, H. favors an association with the Karian word for ‘Karians’. In this interpretation, the rock-cut inscriptions in this sanctuary (p. 107–115: Γεργα, Γεργακώμη, Γεργας, Γεργα ἔνβολο, Γεργας κώμην, Γεργακώμη, Γεργας) — probably boundary markers (p. 149) — mention the epithet of the deity who was worshipped there, probably Kybele or Meter Karia (p. 147) [this interpretation can only be accepted if the nominative of the divine name is female (Γεργα) and not male (Γεργας)]. The archaeological evidence shows that apart from Kybele, Marsyas and Apollo were also worshipped in Gergakome.

22353) A.-F. Jaccottet, “Ναὸς Διονύσου. Le temple de Dionysos entre images, inscriptions et rhétorique”, CCG 21 (2010) [2011], p. 249–267: J. discusses the meaning of the label ναὸς Δι|[ο]νύ|σου, which appears on a mosaic from Epiphaneia (Arabia, SEG XLV 1906), near the city vignette of Thebes. She identifies Thebes with the Boiotian (rather than the Egyptian) city, the birthplace of Dionysos’ cult, but rejects a connection of the image with Euripides’ Bacchae.

22454) Y. Kalliontzis, “Ἐπιγραφὲς Βοιωτίας”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 309–326: Ed. pr. of a dedication (of a sundial?) made to Helios and the Fatherland by Epaphras (5, unknown provenance in Boiotia, 2nd cent. CE).

22555) Y. Kalliontzis, N. Papazarkadas, “Tritopatreis in Boeotia”, ZPE 184 (2013), p. 165–171 [BE 2014, 205]: K.-P. republish an inscription from Thebes known only from a preliminary report (SEG XLIX 532, late 5th/early 4th cent.). In their reading, the text mentions the Tritopatreis, or ancestral divinities, of Arneion and his descendants: Τριτοπατ<ρ>ες Ἀρνείον[ος] | τ Περιπονταίο παιδό[ς]. Peripontas was a seer who had led King Opheltas and his people from Thessaly to Boiotia (Plut. Kimon 1.1–2, where Περιπόλτας must now be corrected to Περιπόντας). The name of his son is connected with Arne, the starting point of the immigrants to Boiotia, who upon their arrival in their new country founded a new Arne. The inscription probably came from a shrine and served as a marker of the deities worshipped there.

22656) M. Kamiševa, in V.E. Paunov, Ἡρακλέους Σωτῆρος Θασίων, Tarnovo, 2012, p. 827–832: Ed. pr. of two dedications from the area of Augusta Traiana (2nd cent. CE). One dedication is addressed to the Thracian hero, with an epithet that derives from a Thracian village ([Ἥ]ρωι Βολβ[- -]). The addressee of the second dedication is not known; the dedicant made the dedication after entreating a god who listens to prayers (ἐπευξάμενος | τὸν ἐπήκοον).

22757) P. Kató, “Elite und Priestertümer im hellenistischen Kos”, in Cities and Priests, p. 279–301 [BE 2014, 372]: After a close examination of the methods of appointment in priesthoods and other cult offices in Kos, and of the social background of the holders of such offices, K. observes a significant difference between the demes and the polis. In the demes, the important priesthoods were assigned by lot and were, at least in theory, open to all citizens. On the contrary, the priesthoods of the polis were purchased, and were therefore occupied by members of the wealthy elite — offering them the possibility to publicize their high social status. K. examines in detail the epigraphic evidence for priestly and other cult offices, the finances of Koan cults, extra-ordinary services of cult officials, the purchase of priesthoods and the privileges associated with them, endowments for public cults, and private endowments. [A small detail, as regards the ἀρχεύοντες, K. argues that they were ‘Amtsträger’, i.e. that they had broader duties, not only religious; they only officiated in cults for which there were no priests. Although IG XII.4.278 A line 3 distinguishes between ἱερεύς and ἀρχεύων, there is no evidence that the ἀρχεύοντες had any non-religious duties. The expression αἱρεθεὶς ἀρχεύων παρ᾿ Ἡρακλῆ in IG XII.4.95 lines 2 f. shows that a man was elected as ἀρχεύων specifically in order to serve the cult of Herakles; this was the man’s duty. All attestations of ἀρχεύοντες/ἀρχεύσαντες in Kos are connected with religious duties, either on behalf of demes or on behalf of tribes (IG XII.4.95, 100, 110, 456, 457). Why this designation was chosen is unclear; it is also noteworthy that in the cases of tribes (IG XII.4.456–457) several ἀρχεύοντες served at the same time — and this also rules out the interpretation of these men as ‘Amtsträger’; the term perhaps designates ‘chairmen’ of religious celebrations (e.g. banquets)].

22858) P. Kató, “Von der Verlosung zum Verkauf des Priestertums oder umgekehrt? Bemerkungen zu einer lex sacra aus Antimachia (Kos)”, ZPE 187 (2013), p. 211–214 [BE 2014, 373]: The regulation concerning the priesthood of Demeter from Antimacheia (IG XII.4.356 = LSCG 175, ca. 300–250) describes the procedure according to which the priestesses of Demeter would be selected by lot (lines 1–4). However, where the same text refers to financial obligations of women towards the sanctuary, it also mentions a reform, according to which the priesthood was purchased (lines 6 f.: καθάπερ καὶ πρὶν πωλητὰν γενέσθαι τὰν ἱερωσύναν). For this reason, earlier scholarship assumed that the appointment of priestesses by lot was replaced by the sale of the office. As K. points out, this is contradicted by the detailed description of the sortition. He suggests that the sale of the priesthood was replaced by sortition perhaps because there were not enough wealthy women interested in this office. [To be more precise: the original practice of appointment by lot was first replaced by sale (cf. πρὶν πωλητὰν γενέσθαι), and then the Antimachians decided to return to the earlier mode of appointment].

22959) S. Katsarou, “Λατρεία Πανὸς καὶ Νυμφῶν σὲ σπήλαιο τῆς ἀρχαίας Φωκίδας στὸν Παρνασσό”, Grammateion 2 (2013), p. 33–40: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Pan and the Nymphs, inscribed on a bronze sheet and probably once attached to a wooden box; it was found, together with other votives, in a cave on Mt. Parnassus near Agia Marina (ancient Patronis, 3rd cent.) [cf. EBGR 2012, 158: 4th cent.). K. briefly discusses other cults of Pan and the Nymphs in caves on Mt. Parnassus.

23060) D.L. Kellogg, “The Place of Publication of the Ephebic Oath and the ‘Oath of Plataia’”, Hesperia 82 (2013), p. 263–276: The oath of the Athenian ephebes and the purported oath of the Greeks before the battle of Plataia (Tod, GHI 204) were published by the priest of Ares and Athena Areia in Acharnai (4th cent.). K. places this inscription in the context of the cult of Ares and Athena Areia in Acharnai, the local martial traditions there, and ephebic training and service in the frontiers of Attica.

23161) J. Koder, S. Ladstätter, “Ephesos 2009”, KST 32.2 (2011), p. 278–296: Report on the discovery of dedications in a sanctuary of Meter/Kybele on Panayırdağ (Ephesos). One of the finds (p. 279 f.) is a Hellenistic dedicatory relief depicting Meter with tympanon and phiale, seated on a throne with a lion on her lap. She is flanked by a bearded god (Zeus?, right) and a young god (left). Two dedicants stand in front of the young god. An inscription along the border identifies the goddess as Meter Patroia Hagia and the young god as Tiripates [we read the text from the ph.: Τιριπάτης καὶ ἡ Μήτηρ | Πατρώιη Ἁγίη].

23262) E. Kourinou, “Ἀνιστάμεν ἐς τὸ γερώhιον. Νέα ἀνάγνωση καὶ ἑρμηνεία τῆς IG V 1, 1317”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 251–260: K. republishes a puzzling inscription from Sparta (IG V.1.1317, ca. 350), written on a throne. The text reports that Nikosthenidas, a member of the Spartan gerousia, and his grandfather Nikosthenidas, made a dedication to Pasiphae (Παhιφᾶι). In K.’s interpretation, the dedication was made by Nikosthenidas and his deceased grandfather to thank the goddess for an oracle that she had given to the ephoros Andrias, asking him to dedicate a statue of Nikosthenidas (the grandfather): προβειπάhας τᾶσιῶ πὸτ Ἀνδρίαν συνεφορεύοντα ἀνιστάμεν Νικοσθενίδαν ἐς τὸ γερώhιον καὶ σὺν καλῶι χρῆσται (‘after the goddess has told Andrias, his fellow ephoros, to set up a statue of Nikosthenidas in the building of the gerousia; then he will receive a good oracle’). K. speculates on the possible political background of the erection of Nikosthenidas’ statue. [When the statue of Nikosthenidas was erected, both Andrias and Nikosthenidas were ephors (cf. συνεφορεύοντα); the goddess’ promise σὺν καλῶι χρῆσται must be related with the divinatory duties of the ephors].

23363) P. Kovács, P. Prohászka, “Briefe an Theodor Mommsen aus Ungarn. Eine griechische Inschrift aus Viminacium”, Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debrecen 48 (2012), p. 125–131 [BE 2014, 257]: In a letter sent to T. Mommsen in 1876, T. Ortvay, curator of the National Museum of Budapest, provides the transcription of an inscription that he saw in Viminacium in Dalmatia. It is a dedication made by a man after a dream ([κατὰ] ὄνειρον).

23464) C.B. Kritzas, “Κυπρο-Ἀργολικά”, in D. Michaelidis (ed.), Epigraphy, Numismatics, Prosopography, and History of Ancient Cyprus. Papers in Honour of Ino Nicolaou, Uppsala, 2013, p. 213–225: The bronze tablets from Argos that contain the accounts of the sanctuary of Hera in the 4th cent. [see EBGR 2007, 77] provide inter alia information on the agon for Hera, called Hekatombaia from the 5th–3rd cent., later Heraia, and from the 1st cent. CE on ἡ ἐξ Ἄργους ἀσπίς. The victors received bronze vessels as prizes (hάϝεθλα). In the late 4th cent., King Nikokreon of Salamis made a donation of bronze precisely for these prizes (IG IV 583). Four hαϝεθλοθέται, assisted by two scribes (γροφεῖς), were responsible for the contests. They received the funds for the contest (hαϝέθλιμον) either directly from the financial officials (ἐπιγνώμνονες, ἐπιγνώμα) or from the ἱαρομνάμονες. The expenses, which were significant — as one can infer from the large amounts mentioned in the tablets — were covered from revenues from the sanctuary (leasing of land, banking activities, booty, sale of confiscated property, sale of the skin of sacrificed animals). K. also discusses the contribution of the tablets to the reconstruction of the Argive calendar. The following sequence of months can now be established for the first half of the Argive year, which probably began in late June: Panamos, Agyieos, Karneios, Hermaios, Gamos, Amyklaios. The position of the remaining months (Agrianios, Apellaios, Arneios, Erithaieos, Teleos) is not certain, except for the sequence Teleos-Arneios. The month Ἐριθαίεος, attested in the tablets for the first time, is connected with farming activities (cf. ἔριθος) and probably derives from an epithet of Apollo (cf. IG II2 1362: Ἀπόλλωνος Ἐριθασέου; cf. Hesychios, s.v. ἐριθασεύς). A sanctuary of Apollo Erithios existed in Argos in Cyprus (Migne, PG CIII col. 632). Apollo Erithios must have been a patron of fertility and agriculture (cf. other related epithets: Ἔναγρος, Ἐργάτης, Ἐρυθίβιος, Θαργήλιος, Θοραῖος, Μυλάντιος, Παρνόπιος, Πασπάριος, Σιτάλκας, Σμινθεύς, Χαλάζιος, Ὡρίτης, Ὡρομέδων). K. tentatively suggests that the month Erithaios derived its name from an unattested harvest festival (Erithaiea) celebrated in honor of Apollo.

23565) C. Liangouras, “Ἀρχαία Ὀλυμπία. Ἱερὸ Δήμητρας Χαμύνης”, AD 62 B1 (2007) [2014], p. 429–431: The clay statuette of a cerberus was found in Olympia (undated), in the area of an ancient shrine. The inscription [Δά]ματρι, Κόρ[αι], [Βα]σιλεῖ [i.e. Plouton] suggests that it was dedicated in the sanctuary of Demeter Chamyne.

23666) S.R. Llewelyn, J.R. Harrison, E.J. Bridge, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity X. A Review of the Greek and Other Inscriptions and Papyri Published between 1988 and 1992, Grand Rapids MI, 2012: The new volume of this series assembles a selection of inscriptions and papyri that pertain to aspects of society and religion at the time of the New Testament. The selected inscriptions (Greek texts and translations) include the following texts: 2) A funerary epigram for a certain Pythagoras (SEG XLII 1081, Philadelpheia, early 1st cent. CE). E.A. Judge discusses the connection of this text with Pythagorean ideas. 3) An amulet (SEG XXXIV 1666; XXXVIII 1924, unknown provenance, ca. 25–50 CE). This cameo — not necessarily a specimen of Jewish magic — is inscribed with one of the earliest attestations of formulas known from magical papyri and amulets (Ἰαω, Ἀβρασάξ, Ἀδωνάϊ, ἅγιον ὄνομα, δεξιαὶ δυνάμεις) postdating the New Testament. H. argues that the essential formulas of Greco-Egyptian magic had taken shape by New Testament times. 4) A magical gem (SEG XLII 1692, unknown provenance, ca. 150–250). H. comments on the hierarchy of angels (lines 4–8): πρωτανγέ|λων καὶ μ|εσανγέλων | καὶ τελεαν|γέλων. [H. translates χάριν καὶ συνοσείαν (i.e. συνουσίαν) as ‘favour and assistance’. In cult regulations and curses, συνουσία unambiguously means ‘sexual intercourse’: e.g. IG XII.1.789 line 14: ἀπὸ συνουσίας νομ[ί]μου; cf. I.Lindos 487 line 17; SEG LIV 524: συνουσίην; SEG XXXVII 389: τὰ φιλείματα κὴ τὰ συνουσιάσματα. The owner of the gem wished for success in love]. 5) An incantation on a lead tablet (SEG XLI 1619, Fayum, 3rd/4th cent.). M. Almond comments on the voces magicae. The incantation aimed to cause oracular possession in a certain Alexandros. 6) Dedication of herms (I.Tralleis 11, Tralleis, ca. 14–37). The dedication was made by a priest of Tiberius and Ἑκάτη Σεβαστή, whom H. identifies with Livia. H. collects the evidence for the cult of Livia in the Greek East and her identification with goddesses (Aphrodite, Hera, Hestia, Demeter; esp. IG II2 3241; IG XII Suppl. 124; SEG XLVIII 1129; IGR IV 180, 249, 319). 7) Honorific inscription for a priestess of Artemis from Ephesos (SEG XXXIX 1189, ca. 138–161); H. offers comments on the priestesses of Artemis, the summa honoraria they paid (cf. I.Ephesos 987 lines 22–24; 997 lines 6–17), their social background, their unmarried status, and their duties (cf. I.Ephesos 987 lines 1–27). 8) An oracle of Apollo against pestilence (Ephesos, shortly after 165 CE; Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO I 296 no 03/02/01); H. discusses the relation of Artemis to magic. 9) A dedication to Artemis by a neopoios (Ephesos, Imperial period, SEG XXXIX 1205); H. discusses the office of the νεοποιοί and the act of praying (εὐξάμενος). 12) An honorific decree decree for Tiberius from Messene (SEG XLI 328, 14 CE. [As I point out in SEG LXII 225, the oath mentioned in a fragmentary passage in connection with εἴσοδος (line 20: ἐν ταῖς εἰσόδοις) is probably an oath taken by magistrates upon their entry into office]. H. comments on the information that this inscription provides for the imperial cult in Messene and its relevance for New Testament studies (Jesus’ enthronement, ἔλεος, ἐμφανὴς θεός). 15) A letter of the proconsul C. Norbanus Flaccus concerning the asylia of Aizanoi (MAMA IX 13, ca. 17). B. Sanderson discusses Flaccus’ interference in favor of the Jewish population in Sardis and Ephesos [however, his assumption that this inscription ‘also deals with non-interference in the performance of Jewish practices’ (94) is not supported by the preserved fragment, which only mentions a request by Aizanoi to have ἀσυ[λ]ί̣α̣[ν καὶ ἀ]λ̣η̣σίαν as granted by Augustus].

23767) A.K. Makri, N.I. Sakka, “Χορηγικὴ ἐπιγραφὴ Θαργηλίων”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 155–162: Ed. pr. of an inscription commemorating the name of the victorious choregos at the Thargelia and the contributors to the victory (Athens, 372/1).

23868) G.E. Malouchou, D.S. Sourlas, “Ἐνεπίγραφο βάθρο λαμπάδας”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 163–168: Ed. pr. of an inscribed base that supported a bronze torch dedicated to Hermes by a victor in a torch race, possibly at the Epitaphia (Athens, 1st cent. BCE/CE).

23969) L.I. Marangou, P.A. Matthaiou, “Ἐπιγραφὲς ἀπὸ τὴν χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τῆς Μινώας Ἀμοργοῦ”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 519–534: Ed. pr. of two dedications from Minoa. The first text is a dedication to Soteira, probably Artemis (1, early 4th cent.). An altar was dedicated to Artemis Soteira by a man, who had sponsored the construction of a tower (2, 1st/2nd cent.).

24070) J.J. Martinović, Antički natpisi u Crnoj Gori. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum et Graecarum Montenegri, Kotor, 2011: The corpus of the Greek and Latin inscriptions from the area of the Bay of Kotor includes two dedications by peripoloi from the areas of Perast and Rhizon (I, II) [cf. EBGR 2012, 103] and a dedication to Artemis Elaphebolos from Ulcinium by an association of masons (ca. 400?).

24171) A.P. Matthaiou, “Ἐπιγραφὲς Νάξου”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 387–401: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary inscription from Naxos (1, ca. 625–600), which can be tentatively restored as a cult regulation forbidding sheep from entering a sanctuary ([πρό]β̣ατ̣α ἐσά[γεν]?; for similar prohibitions cf. IG XII.1.677 lines 30–33; IG XII.7.62 lines 35–36; 509 lines 4–7; I.Délos 1416 B lines 45/46; for εἰσάγειν cf. IG XII.1.677 lines 22–25; LSCG 96 lines 6/7).

24272) C. Matzanas, “Ζ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Ἀρχαία Ὀλυμπία”, AD 61 B1 (2006) [2014], p. 415–418 [SEG LXI 317]: M. reports the discovery of a limestone base for a life-size bronze statue dedicated to Hera from Olympia (undated).

24373) A. Meadows, “Two ‘Double’ Dedications at Ephesus and the Beginning of Ptolemaic Control of Ionia”, Gephyra 10 (2013), p. 1–12 [BE 2014, 412]: M. presents new restorations of two Ephesian inscriptions with ‘double’ dedications to royal couples and gods (I.Ephesos 199 and SEG XXXIX 1234). In his restoration, these inscriptions are dedications to Ptolemy V, Arsinoe, Sarapis, and Isis. M. collects another nine examples of similar ‘double’ dedications (eight from Egypt and one from Cyprus, ca. 240–116 BCE). The Ephesian texts were dedicated by Egyptian military personnel, probably after the battle of Raphia (217 BCE).

24474) B.W. Millis, S.D. Olson, Inscriptional Records for the Dramatic Festivals in Athens. IG II2 2318–2325 and Related Texts. Edited, with Introduction and Commentary, Leiden, 2012: M.-O. present a new critical edition and commentary of the Fasti of dramatic performances in Athens (IG II2 2318, 2320–2325; SEG XXVI 203, 208; XXXVIII 162), proposing a new reconstruction of the relevant monuments and the placement of the fragments.

24575) S. Mitchell, D. French, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara (Ancyra). Volume I. From Augustus to the End of the Third Century AD, Munich, 2012: The corpus of Ankyra includes 315 inscriptions, all from the Imperial period. New texts are marked with an asterisk. Contests: The most interesting texts concern a new musical contest established under Hadrian (128 CE): the μυστικὸς ἀγών. The details are provided by a decree of the oecumenical association of Dionysiac artists (οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον καὶ Αὐτοκράτορα Τραϊανὸν Ἁδριανὸν Σεβαστὸν Καίσαρα νέον Διόνυσον τεχνειτῶν ἱερονεικῶν καὶ τῶν τούτων συναγωνιστῶν καὶ τῶν νεμόντων τὴν ἱερὰν θυμελικὴν σύνοδον) in honor of Ulpius Aelius Pompeianus, the first agonothetes, who is praised for his generosity and piety towards both gods (Dionysos and Hadrian). The new contest was approved by Hadrian at short notice. The first agonothetes ‘summoned the competitors when they were already on the road’ (ὁδεύοντας ἤδη τοὺς ἀγωνιστὰς ἀνεκαλέσατο) [this formulation suggests that artists, who were on their way to other competitions, were called back to compete in the new festival]. Pompeianus’ statue was to be erected in the theater, as a model of virtue for the spectators. Upon entering the contest, the competitors were to crown his statue, otherwise they were to be excluded on account of the lack of gratitude. The decree was inscribed on the right face of the statue base. The honorific inscriptions on the front of the base designate Pompeianus as Helladarches and high priest (140). Another Pompeianus (P. Aelius Pompeianus Paion, the new Homer) was responsible for the establishment of a similar mystikos agon in Side (I.Side II 70). The puzzling title of Helladarches, only attested for Pompeianus and the high priest Memmius [- -] Dionysios (141 line 48; 142; cf. 143 line 23), is only mentioned in documents related to the Dionysiac artists. Pompeianus was honored as ἑλλαδαρχήσας also by a tribe (142) and by the Dionysiac association (143). The Dionysiac artists honored him during the celebration of an agon in another city, probably sometime after the first celebration of the mystikos agon in Ankyra (129 CE?): ἀγῶνος [μυστικοῦ ἐπιτελου|μέν]ου ἐν τῇ Κλαυδ.[- - -] (lines 7 f.). The eds. assume that the decree refers to honors awarded to another man: [καθὼ]ς οἱ τῆς ἱ[ερωτάτης συνόδου με|τέ]χοντες τῶ<ν> ἀπ<ὸ> [τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ | τὸν Διόνυσον τ]εχ[ν]ει<τῶν> [ἐτείμησαν - -|…]ατον ἑλλαδαρχή[σαντα τῆς αὐτῆς πό|λε]ως φιλοτείμως (lines 20–24; ‘just as those who have a share in the most sacred synod of the worldwide victors of sacred games and crown-wearers honored (?) Torquatus, having been helladarch in the same city with honor’). [The dossier concerning Pompeianus and the office of the Helladarches needs a more detailed discussion. I have doubts about a few restorations accepted by the corpus; here I present only a few preliminary observations. In the second decree of the Dionysiac artists, the restoration ἀγῶνος [μυστικοῦ] is possible, since there was another mystikos agon in Side, but it is far from certain. The eds. assume that this decree for Pompeianus refers to another decree for another man, a predecessor of his as a Helladarches. This is unlikely, and as a matter of fact it is very probable that Pompeianus was the first Helladarches. To judge from the photo, the partly preserved first letter on line 23 is not an A ([…]ατον) but rather an E. There is also no reason to assume that the Helladarches mentioned in this line (ἑλλαδαρχή[σα- -]) is a person other than Pompeianus. The eds. probably assume this because they restore Pompeianus’ name in the nominative in lines 15 f.; but this restoration is arbitrary; the name may well be in the accusative; also arbitrary is the restoration of a participle (ἑλλαδαρχή[σα- -]); τὸν ἑλλαδάρχη[ν] or [- -]ΕΤΟΝ ἑλλαδάρχη[ν] are also possible. In any case, these lines do not refer to a decree for a different Helladarches, a predecessor of Pompeianus in this office, but to the decree on the basis of which Pompeianus had been honored in the past: e.g. [καθὼ]ς οἱ τῆς ἱ[ερωτάτης συνόδου με|τέ]χοντες τῶ<ν> ἀπ<ὸ> [τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ | τὸν Διόνυσον τ]εχ[ν]ει<τῶν> [ἐψηφίσαντο] (‘in accordance with the decree issued by the members of the most sacred synod of the worldwide Dionysiac artists’). So, this inscription does not provide evidence for a predecessor of Pompeianus as Helladarches. The mention of such a predecessor of Pompeianus in another text (141 lines 45–49) is also unlikely: ἀγῶνος τε|[λουμένου μυσ]τικοῦ ἐπὶ ἑλλαδάρχου Οὐλπί|[ου Αἰλίου Πομπε]ιανοῦ καὶ ἀρχιερέως Μεμμίου | [- - - -]ου Διονυσίου τοῦ ἑλλαδάρχου, [ἐπὶ πρώτου ἄρχο]ντος κλπ. First, the repetition of ἐπί in line 49 is not necessary. Second, in the year in which Pompeianus was Helladarches (ἐπὶ ἑλλαδάρχου), no other man could be called by this title; if Memmius Dionysios had been a predecessor, he would have been referred to with the participle ἑλλαδαρχήσαντος. Thirdly, the use of the deictic τοῦ before ἑλλαδάρχου can hardly be reconciled with the hypothesis that Memmius was a former Helladarches; instead, it suggests a relation with the ἑλλαδάρχης, i.e. with Pompeianus. I suggest restoring: ἀρχιερέως Μεμμίου | [- - - -]ου Διονυσίου, τοῦ ἑλλαδάρχου [e.g. γαμβροῦ/ἀνεψιοῦ, α΄ ἄρχο]ντος κτλ. For the abbreviation [α΄ ἄρχο]ντος, cf. ἄρξαντα τὴν α΄ ἀρχήν (117)]. As far as we know, Pompeianus, the first agonothetes of the mystikos agon was also the first helladarches. What was the helladarches in Ankyra? This function was probably influenced but not related to the helladarchs of mainland Greece (Achaia); it is also unrelated to the honorific title (not office) πρῶτος τῶν Ἑλλήνων that was granted to Iulius Severus under Trajan (72, 78, 79). In Ankyra the helladarches is only known in connection with dramatic and musical contests. One is tempted to assume that he exercised his function during that celebration, perhaps as the chairman of contests that represented Greek culture; the office is also discussed by M. Vitale, “Hellenistische Poleis, Hellenarchen und koina der Hellenen fern der ‘Heimat’ ”, Tyche 27 (2012), p. 175–177].

246Evidence for the contest for Asklepios is provided by honorific inscriptions for agonothetai of the ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες τῶν μεγάλων Ἀσκληπιείων ἰσοπυθίων (96–102; cf. 145: Πυθιὰς τῶν Μεγάλων Ἀσκληπιείων Σωτηρείων Ἀντωνείων; 146–147: Πυθιὰς τῶν Μεγάλων Ἀσκληπιείων Σωτηρείων). Only three Pythiades are attested. There was also a contest connected with the imperial cult: μεγάλα Αὐγούστεια Ἄκτια (117); another agonothetes (133) served in an unknown festival.

247Imperial cult: The inscriptions inscribed on the walls of the temple of Roma and Augustus include the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (1; Greek and Latin text) and a list of priests of the cult of Augustus and Roma in Galatia (2; 5 BCE–16/17 CE). This list refers to the benefactions of the priests. They regularly offered banquets (δημοθοινία), shows (θέα), gladiatorial combats and venationes, and olive oil for the gymnasium. Extraordinary services include the organization of processions, athletic and equestrian contests, the offering of sacrifices (ἑκατόμβη), the dedication of imperial statues, the donation of space for a panegyris and horse races near the Sebasteion, and the distribution of grain. Gladiatorial combats and hunts of wild animals that lasted for 51 days are mentioned in n144; there are several epitaphs of gladiators and other gladiatorial monuments (148–153, 155). An inscription mentions the priests of Augustus and first priest of Claudius (3) [see EBGR 2009, 106]. In addition to the high priests (8, 72, 81–83, 88, 89, 91–102, 117–119; cf. the title Galatarches: 83, 88, 96–106, 117, 118), other officials of the imperial cult were the σεβαστοφάντης (72, 81–83, 88, 97–102; 8: a woman), the ἱεροφάντης (8; 88: διὰ βίου), and the agonothetes (72, 83, 88, 96–102). Under the heading ‘the men who promised building works for their additional donations (ἐπιδόματα) during their high priesthoods’, an inscription mentions a high priest of Augustus and his donation (4; ca. 100 CE). One of the sebastophantai dedicated σεβαστοφαντικὰ χρήματα for construction work (72; 114 CE); his honorific inscription also mentions that he made his wife high priestess (τὴν γυναῖκα καταστήσαντα ἀρχιέρεια); as the eds. point out, ‘the formulation of this text supports the view that high priestesses owed their position to their male family associates, in this case to her husband, and did not acquire this rank entirely in their own right’ (p. 229); this high priestess is honored with the text no 78; for another high priestess see no 79. A high priest served ten times (33), another two terms (83). A body of individuals (an association of ἱερουργοί?) dedicated a statue of Antoninus Pius. There are several dedications to emperors (Trajan: 5–6; Hadrian: 7; Caracalla: 17–18; unknown emperors: 21, 23, 26–28) and the Theoi Patrioi and the emperors (30). Several acclamations of Severan emperors designate them Olympian Gods and Olympian (12–14).

248Dedications to: Asklepios and Hygieia (θεοὶ ἐπήκοοι: 191, 194; κατὰ ἐπιταγήν: 193; Σωτῆρες: 194); Sol Aesculapius et Hygia (192; iussu eorum); Agathos Daimon Pater (195); Mes Ouranios (200); Meter Theon (201); Basilissa and Basileus (202: θεοὶ ἐπήκοοι; 203–204); Zeus Megistos Taenos, i.e. Tavianus (205); Zeus Taouianos (206); Isis (197: κυρία). The neokoros of Megas Sarapis set up statues of the Dioskouroi Soteres to Zeus Helios Megas Sarapis and the σύνναοι θεοί for the rescue the emperors, the council and the people (196–197, 177 CE). Many dedications were made in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν: 194, 200, 201, 206; εὐχῆς χάριν: 197; cf. the designation δῶρον: 204). Other evidence for cults includes an altar for the cult of Hermes, Zeus, Selene, Ares, and Aphrodite (196). Two of the tribes derive their names from cults of Zeus: Διὸς Τραπεζῶν (80, 89, 95, 117, 154 ii) and Διὸς Ταηνοῦ (93). Cult personnel: Priests of Asklepios Soter for life (119), Basilissa and Basileus (203), Demeter (twice, 132), Dionysos for life (89), Tyche for life (117), Mes (118), Zeus Tavianus (205), priest and neokoros of an unknown cult for life (123), priest (129), priest of Sarapis (196–197), and neokoros of Sarapis (197–197). Cult buildings: A priest of Basilissa and Basileus dedicated a temple (σηκός) with votive offerings and an enclosure (203). Grave cult: An epitaph has a funerary imprecation (236*): ἀώρου καὶ ξένου ταφὴν μὴ ἀδικήσῃς, ἵν[α] μὴι τὰ ὅμοια πάθῃς πανοικεί (‘do not wrong the tomb of a stranger and one who died before his time, in order not to suffer a similar fate with all your household’).

24976) C. Müller, F. Prost, “Un décret du koinon des Ioniens trouvé à Claros”, Chiron 43 (2013), p. 93–126 [BE 2014, 409]: Ed. pr. of a decree of the Ionian Koinon found in the sanctuary of Apollo in Klaros (ca. 180). The decree concerns the re-establishment by Kolophon of the pentaeteric panegyris and agon in honor of Apollo Klarios, which had been interrupted because of wars, probably in the late 3rd and early 2nd cent.; the Kolophonians had only been able to perform the relevant sacrifices but not the contests. The Kolophonians were prompted to re-establish the contest by Apollo himself, who indicated his epiphany and presence in Klaros through divine signs (lines 9–11: τοῦ θεοῦ ποιήσαντος τὴν ἐπι[φάν]ειαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐνδημίαν τὴν ἐγ Κλάρωι [δι]ά τε σημείων κ[αὶ ο]ἰωνῶν [δεξι]ῶν). Apollo also gave an oracle in which he explained his epiphany (lines 11–13: ἐξενεχθέντων δὲ [Κο]λοφωνίοις καὶ χρησμῶν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾿ ὧν ταὐ[τά] τε δεδήλωται) and ordered the Kolophonians to organize a pentaeteric contest in Klaros in accordance with the custom of their ancestors. The Kolophonians fulfilled the god’s wish. With its decree, the Ionian Koinon commemorates Kolophon’s participation in its sacrifices (line 2: μετέχοντες τῶν θυσιῶν) — i.e., the sacrifices to Poseidon Helikonios at the Panionion, and possibly additional sacrifices during the festivals Antiocheia and Alexandreia and sacrifices to Thea Rhome — and declares its participation in the panegyris. The Koinon would send a theoria to Klaros. The envoys were to arrive in Klaros at the time of the sacrifice, attend the procession together with the priest, and jointly offer sacrifices to Apollo Klarios and Artemis Klaria (lines 29–31: ὅταν ἡ θυσία καθήκηι συμπομπε[ύοντες] ἱερεῖ θυσίας συντελέσαι Ἀπόλλωνι τῶι Κλαρίωι καὶ τῆι Ἀρτέμιδι τῆι Κλαρίαι). The eds. offer detailed commentary on the historical context, the Ionian Koinon, the Great Klaria, Apollo’s epiphany and oracle, and the theoria of the Ionians.

25077) F. Muscolino, “Bolli laterizi da Taormina”, PP 67 (2012), p. 414–467: M. collects the stamps on tiles from Tauromenion (3rd-1st cent.). The inscriptions on some of the stamps indicate that the tiles were used for religious buildings (ἱερά, Ἑρμᾶ, Ἡρακλέος). [For the connection of the stamps mentioning Hermes and Herakles with the gymnasion, see EBGR 2012, 132].

25178) J. Mylonopoulos, “Commemorating Pious Service: Images in Honour of Male and Female Priestly Officers in Asia Minor and the Eastern Aegean in Hellenistic and Roman Times”, in Cities and Priests, p. 121–153: M. discusses the epigraphic evidence for honorific statues for priests, priestesses, and other cult officials during the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, especially in Messene (sanctuary of Artemis), Kos, Priene (sanctuary of Demeter and Kore), Aphrodisias, and Stratonikeia. M’s detailed examination of this material — including a critical review of earlier interpretations — allows him to distinguish between different agents (the priests themselves, family members, civic authorities) and observe a strong difference between the rather modest honors for cult officials as compared to those for benefactors. Differences can also be noted in the locations that were chosen: statues of priestesses were usually placed near or in a sanctuary (rarely inside the temple), while statues of priests were erected in public areas (usually the agora) but almost never in places explicitly designated as the ἐπιφανέστατος τόπος of a city.

25279) T.H. Nielsen, “When Zeus Gave Me Victory. A Note on Inschriften von Olympia 166”, Nikephoros 25 (2012), p. 155–158: N. discusses an unusual formulation in the honorific epigram for Troilos, an Olympic victor in an equestrian contest (IvO 166, mid-4th cent.): Ζεύς μοι δῶκεν νικῆσαι. Victories in contests are rarely attributed to divine assistance [for an example, see infra no 107]. However, Troilos’ victory was highly unusual, as he won in 372 BCE while serving as Hellanodikes (Paus. 6.1.4). Possibly accused of partiality, Troilos interpreted his victory as a divine gift.

25380) M. Özsait, G. Labarre, N. Özsait, I. Güceren, “Sites et statuts des communautés en Pisidie: l’exemple des Hadrianoi et des Moulasseis”, Adalya 15 (2012), p. 171–201: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Theos Hypsistos and Ge Kataphyge (Θεῷ Ὑψίστῳ, Γῆι Καταφυγῆι) from the demos of the Moulasseis, near Hadrianoi (p. 185 no 2, 2nd cent. CE). For the epithet of the goddess cf. Ἁγία Καταφυγή (G.E. Bean, “Notes and Inscriptions from Pisidia. Part II”, Anatolian Studies 10, 1960, 70 no 122).

25481) N. Öztürk, B. Kavaz, “Zeytinliada kazisi 2009 yili çaslismalari”, KST 32.1 (2011), 33–39: The authors report on the discovery of a fragmentary list of members (μύσται) of a Dionysiac association (Kyzikos, Imperial period; p. 39).

25582) H.S. Öztürk, C. Pilevneli, “Halûk Perk Müzesi´nden Lucius Artorius Marcianus´un Zeus Keraunios´a Adaği”, Adalya 16 (2013), p. 107–118 [BE 2014, 489]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Zeus Keraunios in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν; unknown provenance in the Adana province in Kilikia, before 175 CE). The dedicant was a soldier of Legio XII Fulminata (Keraunophoros).

25683) F. Onur, “New Inscriptions from Hadrianoi Pros Olympon (Mysia)”, Olba 19 (2011), p. 331–348 [SEG LXI 1012]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from the area of Hadrianoi. A fragmentary text mentions a prophetes, probably in a dating formula (5: [- - φ]ορον προφητεύσαντ[ος - -], Imperial period).

25784) F. Onur, M. Oktan, “Parerga zum Stadiasmus Patarensis (12): The Routes 56–57 (Phellos-Kyaneai-Myra)”, Tekmeria 10 (2013), p. 94–105: Ed. pr. of an epitaph, decorated with a relief, and dedicated to θεοί (3, area of Myra, late Hellenistic).

25885) I.A. Pafford, “IG I3 6 and the Aparche of Grain?”, ZPE 177 (2011), p. 75–78 [BE 2102, 170; SEG LXI 44]: In the regulations concerning the sanctuary at Eleusis (IG I3 =
I.Eleusis 19), in the beginning of line 33, P. reads [.]EΣΚ[….], which excludes a reference to an ἀπαρχή.

25986) F. Panait-Bîrzescu, “A New List of Priests of Dionysos Karpophoros”, Il Mar Nero 8 (2010/2011) [2013], p. 103–112 [SEG LX 780; BE 2014, 332]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Histria that commemorates four men who served as priests of Dionysos Karpophoros in ca. 100–102, when M’. Laverius Maximus, governor of Moesia Inferior, was eponymous priest. This is the earliest list of priests of Dionysos Karpophoros from this city.

26087) G. Papadopoulos, “Ἐπιγραφὲς ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀνάφη”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 361–373: Ed. pr. of a dedication made by a man to Apollo Asgelatas (Ἀπόλλωνι Ἀσγελάται) on behalf of his son (ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ; 2, Anaphe, 3rd cent.). The cult of Apollo Asgelatas and the festival Asgelaia were already attested in Anaphe (IG XII.3.248–249). The epithet derives from αἴγλη.

26188) G.K. Papadopoulos, “Ἐπιγραφὲς Πάρου”, Grammateion 2 (2013), p. 16–22 [BE 2014, 378]: Ed. pr. of a boundary stone of a sanctuary of Zeus Kataibates from Paros (4: hιερὸν Διὸς Καταιβάτεω, ca. 450–400). The cult of Zeus Kataibates was already attested on Paros (IG XII.5.233). In an appendix, P. publishes a dedication to Asklepios and Hygieia, made by a man and his wife for the well-being of their son (2nd/1st cent.). The inscription was found in Antiparos but the most likely provenance is the sanctuary of Asklepios in Paros (cf. IG XII.5.154–182).

26289) Z.D. Papadopoulou, “Παριακά”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 403–418: Ed.pr of five boundary markers of land belonging to the sanctuary of Apollo Delios in Paros (ca. 400–350: ὅρος χωρίο | ἱερ Ἀπόλλω|νος Δηλίο). They were inscribed by the same mason and found in close proximity one to another. A sixth similar boundary marker was already known (IG XII.5.214). The demarkated land probably belonged to the sanctuary of Apollo Delios in the isthmus of Despotiko. For the cult of Apollo Delios in Paros, P. adduces Pindar’s 7th Paian, which refers to the foundation of a sanctuary by Herakles. This sanctuary is generally identified with a sanctuary at Bigla, where the cult of Artemis Delia is attested. P. plausibly associates the paian with the sanctuary of Despotiko.

26390) N. Papazarkadas, “Νέα ἐπιγραφὴ περὶ Πτολεμαίων ἀπὸ τὴ Σίφνο”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 425–452: Ed. pr. of an important but fragmentary decree from Siphnos honoring a Ptolemy, either Ptolemy the Son (ca. 268–259) or more likely Ptolemy III shortly after his accession in 246 BCE. The text refers to recent military events and the traditional relations between Siphnos and the Ptolemies. The decree establishes an annual celebration (B lines 4–7), either in honor of the deified Ptolemies or the current king. It stipulates that all the temples should be opened and all public ([δημοτελεῖς]) priests and priestess should offer sacrifices to the gods.

26491) A. Però, La statua di Atena. Agalmatofilia nella “Cronaca” di Lindos, Milan, 2012: P. offers a profound study of the second epiphany of Athena in the Lindian Anagraphe (I.Lindos 2, 99/98 BCE). According to this narrative, a man secretly entered the temple and hanged himself from beams behind the statue of Athena Lindia (D 27–42). In the commentary to this incident, P. studies in detail the legends surrounding the statue of Athena Lindia and the relevant literary traditions (p. 43–82), collects cases of suicide and death in temples (p. 83–94) and stories of men falling in love with statues (p. 95–121), and comments on the purification of the statue (p. 123–135).

26592) C.A. Pfaff, “Artemis and a Hero at the Argive Heraion”, Hesperia 82 (2013), p. 277–299: It is generally believed that cult activity in the Heraion of Argos was restricted to the cult of Hera. A graffito on a vase mentioning an anonymous hero (ca. 400–350; C. Waldstein et alii, The Argive Heraeum II, Boston, 1905, 186 f.: τρύ (βλιον?) hέροος) and a fragment of an altar of Artemis (IG IV 513; 4th cent.; read and restored by P. as Ἀρ̣τ̣άμι[τος]) show that the sanctuary also hosted subsidiary cults.

26693) M. Petritaki, “ΚΣΤ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Καμίνια”, p. 193/195 [SEG LXI 208]: P. reports the discovery of a defixio in a grave at Kaminia (Piraeus).

26794) J. Piccinini, “A Forgotten Votive Plaque from Dodona”, ZPE 187 (2013), p. 69–71 [BE 2014, 56]: The author draws attention to an inscribed bronze plaque from Dodona with a metrical dedication (4th cent.); this object, once in the collection of F. Trau, is now lost (M. Dieterle, Dodona. Religionsgeschichtliche und historische Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung des Zeus-Heiligtums, Hildesheim, 2007, p. 97 f.; not in CEG). The text records a dedication made by the Cypriot Sotairos: Σώταιρος Κύπριος σοφίας μέτρον, ὄργανα χειρ[ῶν/ός]. The expression σοφίας μέτρον, attested in various forms in connection with poetic compositions, suggests that Sotairos was a rhapsode; the tablet must have been attached to the dedicated object (a lyre or a kithara). Considering two other dedications made by rhapsodes in Dodona in the 5th and 4th/3rd cent. (SGDI 5786 and Collection Froehner 39), P. plausibly argues that there must have been rhapsodic contests at the Naia during this period.

26895) C. Piteros, “Δ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Ἄργος”, AD 64 B1 (2009) [2014], p. 266–268: P. mentions the discovery of a votive relief with a representation of Zeus holding the thunderbolt (Argos, 1st cent.). The relief was dedicated to Zeus Κρατηβάτας (p. 268) [for this epithet, a variant of καταιβάτης, cf. IG IV 669, from the area of Argos]. An interesting dedicatory inscription on the base of a statue of Vespasian, found in the agora of Argos, reports that the statue was dedicated to Vespasian Θεὸς Σεβαστός by an agoranomos in accordance with his testament.

26996) G. Reger, “A New Inventory from Mylasa in Karia”, in Stephanèphoros, p. 145–163: Ed. pr. of an inventory of silver cult vessels from Mylasa (early 2nd cent.). The inventory lists various drinking vessels belonging to a sanctuary (βασιλικοὶ κοῖλοι, μαστία, μαστοί, ἡμισφαίρια, ἀρυσᾶς = ladle, ἠθμός = strainer), indicating their type and decoration (λεῖος, διαξυστός), and their weight. This text was inscribed near I.Mylasa 308, in which ἡρῳσταί are mentioned. The vases may have been used in a hero cult

27097) G.H. Renberg, “Dream-Narratives and Unnarrated Dreams in Greek and Latin Dedicatory Inscriptions”, in E. Scioli, C. Walde (eds.), Sub imagine somni: Nighttime Phenomena in Greco-Roman Culture, Pisa, 2010, p. 33–61: This important contribution to the study of dreams is dedicated to descriptions of dreams in Greek and Latin inscriptions. More than 1300 dedications (5th cent. BCE–4th cent. CE) were explicitly made in response to a god-sent dream or a divine command given through an unspecified medium (κατ᾿ ὄναρ, καθ᾿ ὅραμα, κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν, κατὰ κέλευσιν, κατὰ πρόσταγμα, κατὰ χρηματισμόν, ex visu, ex imperio, ex iusso, ex praecepto, ex monitu). But only very few among them specify that one or more gods had appeared in a dream — or (in one case) in a waking vision — and provide information on the dream: 1) ILAlg II.1.482 (Cirta, Imperial period): A husband and wife made a dedication to Honos and Virtus viso moniti deae; cf. AE 1996, 1147 (visu dei monitus; Grinario); CIL VIII 25997 (ex viso deorum; Thibursicum Bure); I.Erythrai 518 (κατὰ τὸν ὄνειρον; ‘in compliance with a dream-figure’). 2) IG IV2.1.127 (Epidauros, 224 CE): Asklepios appeared to a patient in the form of his cult statue ([ἐπιστὰς ἐ[ν]αργῶς, οἷος ἐστ[ιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ?]); this text shows how artistic representations of gods influenced people’s dreams (cf. Artemidoros, Onirocriticon 2.35; Longus, Daphnis et Chloe 2.23; Amm. Marc. 20.5.10). 3) EAM 15 (Aiane, late 2nd cent. CE): A man saw Plouton and his temple in his dream ([ἰδὼν αὐτ]όν τε τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν ναόν… κατ᾿ ὄναρ). 4) IG IV2.1.126 (Epidauros, ca. 160 CE): Asklepios appeared in the dream of a man suffering from digestive problems and gave him the prescription for the cure. 5) Syll.3 763 (Kyzikos, 46 BCE): When a gallos of Kybele asked the goddess about the fate of his missing companion, the goddess revealed that the man had been captured but would be saved (τῆς θεᾶς εἰπάσης μοι κατ[ὰ τὸν ὕπνον ὅ]τι ᾐχμαλώτισται Μᾶρκος, ἀλ[λὰ σωθήσεται ἐκ τῶν] με[γάλω]ν [κι]νδύνων ἐπικα[λεσάμενος αὐτήν]). 6) BIWK 106 (Motella, 2nd/3rd cent.): Apollo Lairbenos appeared in a sinner’s dream and spoke to him (ὀνείροις μοι παρεστάθη καὶ [εἶ]πεν…); cf. BIWK 1 (Nakrason, 1st/2nd cent.): καὶ παρεστάθη αὐτῷ εἰς τοὺς ὕπνους, ἵνα στήλην στήσας ἐπιγράψῃ…
7) 
I.Priene 196 (late 4th cent.): Demeter, Kore, and the hero Naulochos appeared three times in the dream of Philios requesting the establishment of Naulochos’ cult. 8) I.Knidos 131 (ca. 400–350): Hermes told a mother that her deceased daughter held an honored place in the underworld. 9) CIL VIII 2632 (Lambaesis, ca. 200 CE): Liber Pater appeared to an officer in a dream and instructed him (visus dicere somno) to restore a statue of the genius domus. 10) SEG LIII 454 (Akraiphia, early 3rd cent.): A dedicant asks Apollo Ptoios not to forget the promise that he had made in a dream (ἔννυχος αὐτὸς ὑπέσχου, φωνὴν φθεγξάμενος πρὸς ἐμὴν ὄπα προσγελάσας τε) and to endow him with the gift of prophecy (cf. F.Delphes III.4.460: [Athena] ἐν ὕπνωι… σαφῆ θῆκεν ὑποσχεσίαν; Delphi, 4th cent.). This is the only epigraphic dream narrative that mentions a facial expression. 11) IGUR 184+add. (Rome, 2nd cent. CE): Pan cured a man as he appeared in a waking vision (ἀναφανδὸν ἐπέστης, οὐκ ὄναρ ἀλλὰ μέσους ἥματος ἀμφὶ δόμους). Far more common than short dream narratives are inscriptions reporting that a dedication was made upon a divine command given in a dream (e.g. CIL III 11138; VI 401, 533; V 3321; AE 1932, 77; 1955, 156; IGBulg II 680; V 5220). But even short formulations sometimes allow us to reconstruct the dream experience: e.g. a woman reports in a grave inscription from Lydia (TAM V.1.661, Imperial period) that she erected a cenotaph for a man (her husband?) lost at sea κατὰ ὄνειρον; formerly having refused to believe that he had died, she finally constructed a grave when the dream confirmed her worst fears.

27198) M. Ricl, “Trapezonai in the Sanctuary of Pluto and Kore at Acharaca”, The Ancient West and East 12 (2013), p. 295–302 [BE 2014, 430]: An honorific decree from Nysa for a certain Clodia Cognita provides information about her donation to the sanctuary of Plouton (SEG LX 1130, 1st cent. CE) [discussed in EBGR 2010, 54]. R. analyzes the clause concerning the trapezonai and their activities in the sanctuary. They were not people who hired out tables for cultic purposes (as the eds. suggested), but entrepreneurs who leased cult tables from the city [the same proposal was already offered by P. Hamon, BE 2011, 527 and in EBGR 2010, 54]. In R.’s interpretation, the trapezonai leased out cult tables for the display of votive offerings. When the offerings were sold at auction by the city, they received a percentage. The authorities of Nysa excluded the offerings made by Cognita and her relatives from this procedure and from the future profit of the trapezonai. [A detail: τῶν ἐνπειπτόντων εἰς τοὺς τραπεζῶνας is not ‘those falling within the province of the trapezonai’ or ‘falling within the responsibility of the trapezonai’, but (in the context of income) ‘the proceeds of the trapezonai’, as correctly translated by the eds.; cf. P. Hamon, BE 2014, 430].

27299) M. Ricl, “New Inscriptions from the Kayster River (Küçük Menderes)”, EA 46 (2013), p. 35–56 [BE 2014, 413, 425]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from south Lydia. An honorific inscription from Bonitai, in the territory of Ephesos (10, 3rd cent. CE) was set up for a female gymnasiarchos and benefactor, who was the daughter of a neopoios and a former priestess of Artemis; it belongs to a small group of texts (I.Ephesos 3232, 3233, 3239, and 3239 A) with similar wording. It seems that in Bonitai the daughters of neopoioi served as priestesses in the same year as their fathers, inheriting this position from their mothers [this is not certain: that their mothers had also served as priestesses does not necessarily mean that the position was hereditary]. An inscribed architrave (19, 3rd cent. CE) mentions an already known Ephesian, L. Septimius Aurelius Achilleides, a member of the equestrian order who had served as agonothetes (I.Ephesos 743 and 845). Two brothers are addressed in their epitaph as ἥρωες (24, late Hellenistic).

273100) J.L. Rife, “ΛΖ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Kenchreai”, AD 61 B1 (2006) [2014], p. 479–482: R. reports the discovery of a defixio at Kenchreai, near Corinth. According to C. Faraone, who is studying the text, it is a Greek prayer for justice against a thief of clothes. The text invokes chthonic deities and curses the culprit ‘with the force of Lord Abrasax’.

274101) D. Rousset, “Les inscriptions antiques de Phocide et de Doride”, CRAI (2012), p. 1659–1689: In an overview of epigraphic research in Phokis and Doris, R. presents an inscribed bronze base of a lamp or an incense burner dedicated by the Diondai (a family group, a civic subdivision?) in the sanctuary of Athena in Antikyra: Διο͂νδαί μ᾿ ἀνέθεκαν τἀθάναι (6th cent.; p. 1671 f.). For a dedication to Pan and the Nymphs (1678 f.) see supra no 59.

275102) F. Sacchi F. Bonzano, “L’ordine del tempio di Apollo a Hierapolis: prime acquisizioni”, in Hierapolis di Frigia V. Le attivitè delle campagne di scavo e restauro 2004–2006, Istanbul, 2012, p. 325–357: Ed. pr. of an inscribed column from the Great Baths of Hierapolis (p. 344–348). It is dedicated to Tiberius and the Demos by a local benefactor who had been honored by the city with the title ‘son of the city’ and who is designated as ‘lover of the fatherland, pious, and pure’ (φιλόπατρις, εὐσεβής, ἁγνός) [here, ἁγνός probably does not refer to religious purity but to moral purity and honesty].

276103) A. Schachter, F. Marchand, “Fresh Light on the Institutions and Religious Life of Thespiai”, in N. Papazarkadas, P. Martzavou (eds.), Epigraphical Approaches to the Post-Classical Polis, Oxford, 2012, p. 277–299 [BE 2013, 168]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Thespiai. 1) A dedication — possibly of a herm — was made by tax farmers (pentekostologoi), (4th cent.). 2) A dedication to Apollo Genetas and Artemis Eileithyia (3rd/2nd cent.) was made by a priestess at the end of her term in office. There is ample evidence for the cult of Artemis Eileithyia in Thespiai, but Apollo Genetas is attested for the first time (cf. Apollo Genetor in Delos: Aristotle fr. 489 ed. Rose). The epithet possibly refers to Apollo’s role as ancestor of the polis. If [Ἀ]ρχεγ[όνω] is to be restored in I.Thespiai 53 (and not [Ἀ]ρχεγ[έταο]), Genetes may be a synonym of Archegonos. [More plausibly D. Knoepfler, BE 2013, 168, suggests interpreting the two deities as ‘deux divinités protectrices de la famille’; but Genetas may also be a patron of family groups]. 3) A very fragmentary inscription (2nd cent.) may contain the term ἁγνιστής, ‘purifier’ (line 3: ΥΑΓΝΙΣΣ̣; cf. Hesychios, s.v. ὑδρανός, ὁ ἀγνιστὴς τῶν Ἐλευσινίων). The text seems to be a dedication made by hagnistai [[τ]ὺ ἁγνισσ̣[τὴ τῦς θεῦς κὴ τῆ | πόλι [ἀνέθεικαν]. 4) A fragment of a list of victors at the Mouseia (2nd/1st cent.) can be added to the rich dossier concerning this festival.

277104) G.C.R. Schmalz, Augustan and Julio-Claudian Athens. A New Epigraphy and Prosopography, Leiden, 2009: S. presents a survey of Athenian inscriptions that date to the reign of Augustus and the Julio-Claudian dynasty. The epigraphical catalogue (p. 9–225) assembles 298 documents with brief comments on their significance for the history of Athens in this period. The texts include the decree concerning the restoration of Attic shrines and public properties (2 = IG II2 1035), texts commemorating the theoxenia of Plouton (45–46 = IG II2 1935 and 2464), numerous texts pertaining to the imperial cult (p. 113–156), a dedication of pyloroi from the Acropolis (p. 67–78), dedications by officials and priests (p. 85–89), associations (p. 90), and victors (p. 91–101), dedications to gods (Amynos, Asklepios, Hygieia, Aion, Apollo, Demeter and Kore, p. 277–291), building inscriptions and dedications (p. 102–112), an agonistic catalogue commemorating ephebic victories (79 = IG II2 2328), honorific decrees and honorific inscriptions for cult officials (dadouchoi, hierophants, agonothetai, high priests, and priests; p. 162–181), and cult regulations. Among the latter I mention the consultation of the Delphic oracle by the Gephyraians concerning the bouzuges and priest of Zeus in the Palladion (12 = IG II2 1096). The catalogue is followed by a prosopography (p. 229–318) and a list of priests and priestesses during this period (p. 320–325).

278105) T. Schreiber, “Ἀρσινόης Θεᾶς Φιλαδέλφου. Ein Miniaturaltar der Arsinoe II. im Archäologischen Museum der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster”, Boreas 34 (2011), p. 187–201 [BE 2014, 60]: S. republishes a miniature altar for the cult of Arsinoe II, acquired by E. Rubensohn in the early 20th cent. in Egypt and now in the archaeological collection of the University of Münster. Although the text has been known since 1905 (SB 434), the object on which it was engraved has never been discussed until now. The miniature altar belongs to a group of numerous similar objects attested in several places in the eastern Mediterranean, especially in Cyprus, and was probably used for the private cult of Arsinoe. An unusual feature of the inscription is that Arsinoe is designated thea [see also supra no 41].

279106) D. Schürr, “Beobachtungen zu den Zwölfgötter-Reliefs in Lykien”, Adalya 16 (2013), p. 213–222: S. gives an overview of the reliefs of the Lykian ‘Twelve Gods’. These gods were jointly worshipped with Artemis Kynegetis and their father, probably Zeus. A main sanctuary must have existed in or near Phellos.

280107) P. Siewert, H. Taeuber, Neue Inschriften von Olympia. Die ab 1896 veröffentlichten Texte, Vienna, 2013 [BE 2014, 176]: This collection of 368 inscriptions assembles the texts that were published after the publication of IvO in 1896. It will provide an important service until the projected volume of the IG with the inscriptions of Olympia appears. Naturally, most texts are directly or indirectly related to religious matters. I only mention the main categories and highlight a few important inscriptions. Cult and other regulations: A regulation concerning the contests of the Olympic games (1–3, 6th cent.); a document awards privileges to Greeks from areas beyond the mainland (4, ca. 500); a treaty between the Akarnanians and Anaktorion concerns the sanctuary at Aktion (13 = LSCG Suppl. 45, 216 BCE). Cult personnel : There are lists of cult officials of Zeus’ sanctuary (16–20; theokoloi, spondophoroi, manteis, exegetes, spondaulai, epispsondorchestai, alytarches, and alytai). Dedications: There are numerous dedications to Zeus Olympios, both by communities (33–34, 201–207) and private individuals (35–40, 42–43, 51–52, 56, 59–62, 196, 219–221, 268, 268A/B; cf. 38: Κρονίων ἄναξ). In some cases the dedicated objects are honorific statues to Zeus (552: a former theokolos; 56: an allytarchos; 59: Herodes Atticus, priest of Dionysos; 60 and 61: a high priest of the imperial cult; 62: a high priest of Asia). Dedications are also addressed to Artemis (48: an altar), Demeter (41), Demeter, Kore, and Basileus, i.e. Plouton (43A), Pelops (268C), and Herakles (191; weapons). Dedications of weapons are very common (120–191); in most cases they are explicitly addressed to Zeus Olympios (121, 123, 124, 131–140, 142, 144–149, 152–153, 156–160, 162, 164–168, 171–175, 177–180, 182–190) or mention his sanctuary (169, 170: Ὀλυμπίανδε; 169A: hιαρὰ Ὀλυμπίανδε; 176: Ὀλυνπίας; cf. 181: hιαρά). We note the following designations of dedications: δῶρον (42, 222), ἀκροθίνια (33A, 175, 221), λάφυρα (160). A text refers to the prayer made during the dedication: [λισσ]όμενός σε, Ζεῦ, δῶρ᾿ ἀνέθηκα τάδε (42). Objects designated as property of Zeus: statuettes (44–46), a bronze olive leaf (47), cauldrons (209, 211, 213), a basin (214), scrapers (215–216), an obolos (210), a plate (267: ἰαρόν). A knife was the sacred property of Pan (212). There are also tiles (73), weights (228–245), and ballots (247–248) inscribed with the name of Zeus (Olympios). Olympic contest: A list of Olympic victors attests the survival of the Olympic games until Late Antiquiy (10, ca. 385 CE); cf. lists of victors (21–32). An interesting grave epigram for the boxer Agathos Daimon, known as ‘the Camel’, mentions that he was killed during a fight at the age of 35. Before the fight he had prayed to Zeus to give him either the victory crown or death (69: εὐξάμενος Ζηνὶ ἢ στέφος ἢ θάνατον, 2nd cent. CE).

281108) I. Šopova, “On the epitaph from Malko Tărnovo”, Thracia 20 (2012), p. 327–330 [in Bulgarian; BE 2014, 302]: The author discusses an interesting grave epigram from Malko Tărnovo (IGBulg III.2.1862 = V 5656, early 3rd cent.) dedicated to Chreste, member and πρόπολος of a Dionysiac association. In lines 10 f., Š. restores μύρονται Χρήστ[ην Σιληνοί τε, βάκχαι, Σ]άτυροί τε. Literary sources often associated Silenoi and Satyrs.

282109) D. Sourlas, “Βάθρο λαμπάδος Θεμιστοκλέους Θεοφράστου Ἁγνουσίου”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 169–174: Ed. pr. of a dedication from a gymnasion in Athens. A man dedicated a bronze torch, after he had served as lampadarchos (53/52).

283110) R.S. Stroud, Corinth XVIII.6. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: The Inscriptions, Princeton, 2013 [BE 2014, 173]: Corpus of the inscriptions on stone (1–10), bone (13), pottery (15–117), and metal (11–12) from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth; inedita are marked with an asterisk. Four are boundary stones that probably marked the sacred precinct (2–5; 5th–4th cent.). Many inscriptions can be recognized as dedications to Demeter (Archaic period-ca. 200 CE), even when the name of the goddess is not preserved (1, 7*–9*?, 10, 11, 15–21, 40, 41–50; 11 is a bull statuette; 49*–50* designate vases as hιερά). An inscription on a bone implement (13: Νεωτ̣[- -], 3rd cent.) may be a reference to the Νεωτέρα, who is mentioned in a mosaic (14). The mosaic inscription (ca. 200 CE) reports that a neokoros sponsored a mosaic floor when Chara was the priestess of Neotera. S. identifies Neotera with Kore [for a different view see B.S. Spaeth, “Imperial Cult in Roman Corinth: A Response to Karl Galinsky’s ‘The Cult of the Roman Emperor: Uniter or Divider?’”, in J. Brodd, J.L. Reed (eds.), Rome and Religion: a Cross-disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, Atlanta, 2011, p. 75–77, who assumes that the epithet Νεωτέρα refers to a Roman empress regarded as the ‘Younger Demeter’. However, the title of a priestess of the imperial cult could never have been rendered as ἱέρεια Νεωτέρας. The fact that Νεωτέρα is attested as a designation of Persephone (e.g. IG II2 1672 lines 300–302) supports Stroud’s interpretation]. An inscribed vase (74*, Classical period) possibly names a hero: [ἥ]ρ̣ωος [in this case, the vase (an oinochoe) possibly does not designate ownership or dedication, but the use of the vase for libations to a hero]. The name of Athena is inscribed on a basin (79: Ἀθινᾶ, Imperial period). The inscriptions on early Hellenistic clay pinakes (98–117) are puzzling. In some cases they can be identified as divine names in the genitive (98: Διονύσου; 99: Ἀλφιαίας, i.e., Artemis; 101: Παιᾶνος; 103: Πε[ρσεφόνης?]; 104*: Δά[ματρος?]; 105*: Θέ[τιδος?]; 106*: [Κύ?]πριδος; 108*: [Νεωτ?]έρας. In one case there is a reference to a ritual cry (100: ὀλολυνγοῦς; or is it the personification of the ritual cry?). Two inscriptions may be restored as Ζωγρ[άφου] or Ζωγρ[αίου] (102) and [Διδα]σκάλ̣[ου] (115*). The meaning of these pinakes is elusive. Were they counters in a game in which the characters bore divine names? Or were they used in a ritual, in which boys or men chanted the paian, while girls and women summoned Dionysos with a ritual cry? [The possible reference to a chorus teacher (115) and a painter (102; zographos is the designation of the painter of theatrical stages) make the latter hypothesis very attractive]. The most interesting group of inscriptions is comprised of 18 lead tablets with curses (118–135, Imperial period), one in Latin (135, 4th cent. CE). The curses (mostly prayers for justice) use rather uncommon formulas (118: καταδεσμεύω; 123: κατεργάζομαι; 124: ἰς κατεργασίαν καὶ μάγαρσιν παρατίθεμαι; 125: παραθίτομαι καὶ καταθίτομαι… ὅπως κατεργάσωνται καὶ διεργάσωνται… ὁρκίζω σε καὶ ἐναρῶμαι σε καὶ ἐνεύχομαί σοι; 126: καρπίσαι με καὶ κατεργάσαι; 127: φανέρωσον αὐτοὺς καὶ… καρδιοτόμησον; 130–131: ἐπὶ κατεργασίᾳ). The background of the curses, in the few cases where it can be determined, was diverse: love (118: καταδεσμεύω… πρὸς πάντες ἄνδρες), legal disputes (122: reference to a συνίστωρ), and insults (124–126: ὕβρεις). Various chthonic gods and powers are invoked: [κ]αταχθόνιοι (123), θεοὶ ἀλειτήριοι καὶ θεαὶ ἀλειτήριαι (124), Ἑρμῆς Χθόνιος, Γῆ, Γῆς παῖδες, τὰ μεγάλα ὀνόματα τῆς Ἀνάνκης, τὸ μέγα ὄνυμα τὸ ἐπάνανκον, ὃ οὐ εὐχερῶς ὀνομάζεται, ἂν μὴ ἐπὶ μεγάλαις ἀνάνκαις, μέγα ὄνυμα (125–126), κύριοι θεοὶ καταχθόνιοι (127), and κυρία Δημήτηρ (133) [I suggest reading Κυρία Δήμητρα δικ<α>ία, not δίκ<α>ια (‘just deeds’); Demeter is invoked as a just goddess in a prayer for justice]. Magical names and words do not appear very often (125–126; cf. the μασκελλι spell in no 119). In several instances the curses are directed against body parts (118, 122, 125, 126). S. provides an extensive commentary on the curses and the practice of magic in Roman Corinth.

284111) D. Summa, “Ein neuer Kitharöde aus Kos (IG XII.4, 2, 1166)”, ZPE 184 (2013), p. 175–182: Ed. pr. of a dedication made by Halasarna to Apollo, as an expression of gratitude for the victories of the local kitharode Iason (Halasarna, reign of Claudius) [this text was also included in IG XII.4.1166, which appeared in 2012]. Iason won more than 70 trieteric and pentaeteric events in numerous contests, the most important of which are mentioned by name: Aktia, Klaudeia in Rhodes, Isthmia (twice), Nemea (twice), Lykaia, Aspis in Argos (twice), the contests organized by the Koina of Asia, Thessaly (three times), Macedonia (three times), Ionia (twice), isolympian contests in Athens (four times in a row), and a contest mentioned in a lacuna.

285112) K. Takeuchi, “Ten Notes on Inscriptions from the Attic Demes”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013), p. 85–106: T. supplies improved readings of ten Attic inscriptions. We present the most important ones. The sacrificial calendar of Erchia (SEG XXI 541, ca. 375–350) mentions a sacrifice to take place in Aulon (A line 20), according to T.’s reading (not in Pylon; p. 90 f.). The sacrificial regulation from Paiania (IG I3 250, ca. 450–430) possibly provides for the zakoroi to leave behind a cup or cups of soup and porridge for Hekate (καταλείπειν [καὶ ἔτ]νος καὶ ἀθάρες κοτ[ύλην/λας]; p. 97–101). T. also presents improved editions of a dedication to Dionysos and Apollo from Ikarion (IG I3 1015, ca. 525; p. 94–96).

286113) B. Takmer, M. Oktan, “Parerga zum Stadiasmus Patarensis (11): Die lykische Stadt Neisa”, Gephyra 10 (2013), p. 50–93: Ed. pr. of inscriptions found during a survey in central Lykia, in the area of Neisa. Two inscriptions provide evidence for the imperial cult. No 1 is a block [part of an altar?] inscribed with the name of Augustus in the genitive. N4 is an honorary inscription for Diogenes, who had served as priest of the Augusti (mid-2nd cent. CE). No 5 honors Dionysios, high priest of the imperial cult in Lykia (early 3rd cent. CE). No 8 honors Aristonoe, also known as ‘Lykia’, who served as high priestess of the civic imperial cult together with her husband (cf. no 6, which honors a priestess or high priestess; early 3rd cent. CE).

287114) C. Tanrıver, Mysia’dan yeni epigrafik buluntular, Izmir, 2013 [BE 2014, 397]: T. presents 57 new inscriptions, the results of epigraphic research in Mysia. If not otherwise stated, the texts date to the Imperial period. Bigadiç-Hisarköy: Dedication to Helios Dionysos in fulfillment of a vow (4, εὐχήν); for the association of Dionysos with Helios cf. Macrobius, Saturnalia I, 18, 18, who quotes the Orphic verse Ἥλιος ὃν Διόνυσον ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν. — Dedication to a river god, possibly Makestos (5, θεῷ Ποταμῶ). — Dedication by a priest (7). Debeburnu: Dedication to Dionysos (12). Kepsut: Dedication to Paianios Theos (22), possibly Apollo or Asklepios, rather than Dionysos or Zeus. Balikesir (and its area): Dedication of a statue of Poseidon Asphaleios to Zeus Pandemos (25); the dedication was made by a husband and his wife for the well-being of their children and their grandson (ὑπὲρ τῶν τέκνων κὲ… ἐγγόνου). Zeus Pandemos is attested in Hadrianeia (I.Hadrianoi 85–86, 125–128; cf. the festival Pandemeia); the cult of Poseidon Asphaleios was widely diffused in the Greek world [for an association of Zeus and Poseidon Asphaleios see I.Tralleis 1]. Attea: An important text (34, late Hellenistic/early Imperial period) reports that the gerousia of Attea, along with the Greek and Roman inhabitants, dedicated an altar for the cult of a certain Menandros, in accordance with earlier decrees. Menandros is declared a νέος ἥρως in accordance of his father’s dreams and visions (διὰ τὰς θρησκείας τῶν ὀνείρων καὶ φαντασιῶν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ; cf. P. Herrmann, K.Z. Polatkan, Das Testament des Epikrates, Vienna, 1969) [‘by means of the ceremonies (consequent on) the dreams and visions of his father’, is the translation of C.P. Jones, “A ‘New Hero’ at Attea (Mysia)”, ZPE 192 (2014), p. 156–158 (cf. SEG XI 683). J. points out that νέος ἥρως does not mean that Menandros had recently died; it is a reference to the young man’s heroization. For such cases of heroization see C.P. Jones, New Heroes in Antiquity, Cambridge MA, 2010, p. 48 f.]. Savaştepe: The most interesting of this volume is a long dedication made by the priest Tatianos to the ‘invincible goddesses’ (ταῖς ἀνεικήτοις θες), as an expression of gratitude for the fulfillment of a vow (εὐχαριστήσας ἀνέστησα εὐχήν). The epithet ἀνείκητος is used for Nemesis/Nemeseis; for this reason T. suspects that Tatianos was a gladiator or soldier. [The text requires a detailed discussion that is not possible here; however, some of its essentials are offered in the following. Tatianos reports that a divine command was given to him by the goddesses, possibly in his dream (lines 4/5: ὃν κὲ ἑ θὲ [i.e. καὶ αἱ θεαί] ἀνηγόρευσαν ἅπαν: ‘to whom the goddesses proclaimed everything’). After explaining that he had constructed everything following this command (lines 6/7: ὃς ἔκτισε πάντα κελευόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν), Tatianos reveals the nature of his cult foundation: he had introduced the cult of ‘the all-embracing divinity’ (πάνθειον) to a pre-existing sanctuary of Hekate. Πάνθειος is an epithet of Zeus and Athena in Kyrene (LSCG Suppl. 116), but in the Imperial period Πάνθειον, an acclamatory epithet that generally refers to divine power without revealing the name of the divinity, is attested in Epidauros (IG IV2.1.549–550), Ephesos (I.Ephesos 819–821, associated with Nike), and Pergamon (MDAI[A] 35, 1910, 454 no 38: τῶι Πανθείωι τὸν βωμόν); see also supra no 47 (but there probably in the meaning ‘shrine of all the gods’). In Epidauros, a priest dedicated an altar to Pantheion κατ᾿ ὄναρ (IG IV2.1.550), exactly like Tatianos. In Tatianos’ case, the Pantheion is probably identified with the anonymous invincible goddesses (Nemeseis?). I reproduce the text using standard spelling and changing T.’s punctuation: χαίροις, Ἑκάτης ἱρὸν τέμενος· μεγάλαις ἀρεταῖς καὶ τελείαις θεραπείαις σοὶ δικαίως πάνθειον συνβα[σ]ιλεύσει (‘Hail, sacred precinct of Hekate. The Pantheion will justly rule jointly with you, with great manifestations of its power and with perfect/complete religious service’. These words may be a quotation of the command received by Tatianos. The text continues with a warning against those who might insult or rebuke this cult foundation: ὅστις ἂν λοιδορή[σῃ - -]. The emphasis given by Tatianos on the fact that he acted upon divine command indicates his anxiety that his innovation might meet with opposition]. — An altar of Zeus (38, Hellenistic). — Dedication to Dionysos Kathegemon and his synnaoi (36). — Dedication to Artemis by a slave, for his rescue (39: ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας εὐχήν). — A dedication to the Horai and the Charites by the orator Aelius Aristides (40). — A Jewish synagogue made a dedication to the ‘providence’ (προνοίᾳ) of Hadrian (41) [an interesting testimony for the indirect participation of Jews in the imperial cult, either before the Jewish revolt or as an expression of loyalty after the Jewish war]. — Dedication of a statue of an anonymous god (43). — Dedication to Zeus (44).

288115) P. Themelis, “ Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης” PAAH 167 (2012) [2015], p. 53–62: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for a priest of Zeus Ithomatas (Διὸς τοῦ Ἰθωμήτου; 2nd cent. CE; p. 59). A fragmentary delimitation between Messene and another city mentions a sanctuary of Demeter as a point of orientation (2nd cent.; p. 61).

289116) P. Themelis, “Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης” PAAH 168 (2013) [2015], p. 67–95: T. reports on numerous new epigraphic finds in Messene. Two stelae contain honorific decrees for the quaestor and propraetor P. Cornelius Scipio (ca. 4 CE). According to the first decree, Scipio was honored with a painted portrait; his image was to be crowned by an agonothetes; there is also a reference to a sacrifice (θυσίαν ἃν ἄγομες κατ᾿ ἔτος αὐτῶι), the wearing of wreaths, and a sacrifice for the health of Augustus. [An earlier decree for the same Scipio (SEG XXIII 206) permits a better understanding of the new text. The earlier decree refers to the agon Καισάρεια (line 7) and to the establishment of an annual sacrifice for Caius Caesar (lines 17–21). The similarity between the earlier decree and the first lines of the new decree suggest that the new text refers to Caius (line 8: κινδύνους ἐ[κφυγόντα]; cf. SEG XXIII 206 line 12: κινδύνους ἐ[κφυγόντα]. There may be a reference to Caius in lines 6–7: [τὸν υἱὸν] | τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ. The agonothetes (line 17) is the one for the Kaisareia]. The second decree mentions extra-ordinary honors for Scipio. His statue was erected next to that of Augustus. A festival in his honor was established (ἄγειν ἐπώνυμον ἁμέραν αὑ[τοῦ] καὶ γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα τελεῖν κατ᾿ ἔτος καὶ ἱππικὸν μετὰ τὰν τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ ἁμέραν ἃν ἄγομες κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν καθὼς καὶ ἐν τῶι προτέρωι δόγματι ἐψάφισται καὶ θυσιάζεσαθαι τᾶι ἁμέραι ταύται πρὸ τοῦ ἀνδριάντος αὐτοῦ κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀγωνοθέτα; p. 70–76). Three Hellenistic agonistic inscriptions mention victories (p. 82 f.) of two wrestlers and a pankratiast. The first wrestler won as a boy at the Lykaia, Antigoneia, and Naia; the second wrestler won as a boy at the Eleutheria, Lykaia, and Eleusinia, and as a man at the Heraia, Basileia, Naia, Antogoneia, Isthmia, Nemea, Pythia, and Olympia; the third man won victories in an unknown disciplin at the Antigoneia, Eleutheria and other festivals, and in pankration at the Naia, Soteria, and Aleaia. A fragmentary text (account?) mentions dedications made in the sanctuary of Dionysos. A(86); a second text concernimg building works contains references to the temples of Dionysos and Aphrodite (3rd cent, p. 87). A fragmentary delimitation between Messene and another city mentions a sanctuary of Demeter as a point of orientation (2nd cent.; p. 61). There are also a dedication to Athena (p. 84), a fragment that mentions the Megaloi Theoi (90, 3rd cent. CE), an honorific inscription for a θοιναρμοστήσασα (2nd/1st cent., p. 94), and an honorific inscription for a priest of Zeus Ithomatas (Διὸς τοῦ Ἰθωμήτου; 2nd cent. CE; p. 59).

290117) G. Thériault, “Culte des évergètes (magistrats) romains et agônes en Asie Mineure”, Stephanèphoros, p. 377–388: T. reviews the evidence for contests organized in Asia Minor to honor Roman magistrates in the last century of the Republic and the first decades of the Principate. Such agones also existed in Greece (Titeia in Argos, an agon in Eretria for Lucius Mummius, the Sulleia and Antonieia in Athens, and an equestrian agon in honor of Marcus Annius in Lete) and Sicily (Marcellia in Syracuse). In the province of Asia, the Moukieia, an agon for Q. Mucius Scaevola (governor in 98/97 or 94/93), was added to the pre-existing agon Soteria (OGIS 438–439); it probably took place in the major cities of the province. The Euergesia (IGR IV 291), likely celebrated in several cities of Asia, was not exclusively dedicated to Roman benefactors. Contests were also established for L. Valerius Flaccus (governor in the 90s) in Tralleis, L. Licinius Lucullus in Kyzikos (ca. 73), Paullus Fabius Maximus (governor in 10/9 or 7/6) in Alexandreia/Troas (Smintheia Pauleia: I.Alexandreia/Troas 52–53), C. Marcius Censorinus (governor in 2/3) in Mylasa (I.Mylasa 341), and Cn. Vergilius Capito, Claudius’ procurator in Egypt, in Miletos (I.Didyma 278).

291118) P. Thonemann, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua. vol. XI. Monuments from Phrygia and Lykaonia Recorded by M.H. Ballance, W.M. Calder, A.S. Hall, and R.D. Barnett, London, 2013: This volume assembles 387 monuments from Phrygia and Lykaonia, mostly inscribed (new texts are marked with an asterisk; the texts date to the Imperial period, unless otherwise stated). Apollonia by Pisidia [cf. EBGR 2012, 102]: An honorific inscription for a benefactor, designated as σωτὴρ καὶ εὐεργέτης, mentions the honors awarded to him: a gilt equestrian statue and a temple (1: καὶ ναῷ, 1st cent.) [cf. EBGR 2012, 102, where I suggest a slightly earlier date; T. assumes that the anonymous benefactor received ‘lifetime cult honours’, like e.g. Diodoros Pasparos; but there is nothing in the text that suggests that the honorand was alive]. Another honorific inscription was erected for a man who provided wild-beast shows and gladiatorial combats ‘in all contests’ (ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγῶσι) by imperial permission (3, 2nd/3rd cent.) [cf. EBGR 2012, 102]. An altar is dedicated to Zeus (10, Hellenistic or Imperial period), an uninscribed altar possibly to Attis (12). The iconography of a stele (crescent moon) suggests that it was dedicated to Mes (11). Eumeneia : An honorific inscription for a hieronikes 26*, 2nd/3rd cent.). Dedications to: Apollo Propylaios, decorated with a double-axe and a snake (30*) and Theos Hypsistos (31*) [or Zeus Hypsistos]. A bilingual funerary inscription set up by a man for his freedman is dedicated to the Hero Gods (32, 1st cent. CE: Θεοῖς Ἥρωσι ἱερό[ν], [D]eis Manibu[s] sacrum). Sebaste : Dionysios dedicated an altar to Zeus and ‘the inhabitants of Babdala’ (69*) in fulfillment of a vow (εὐξάμενος). An interesting anatomical votive with a representation of a leg in relief explains: ‘I, Aurelius Attalos, having been saved from a great illness, thank Mother Leto and the presiding Nemeseis and the sacred nymphs’ (ἐκ μεγάλης νόσου σωθεὶς εὐχαριστῶ Μητρὶ Λητῷ καὶ Νεμέσεσι προκαθημέναις καὶ ἱεραῖς Νύνφαις; 70*, 3rd cent. CE). Akmomeia: The most interesting text is a dedication made by two men designated as kouretes; they founded a sanctuary at their own expense (109, 2nd cent. CE). This is the first evidence for of a board of kouretes in Akmoneia. The cult of the Kouretes in Akmoneia, possibly connected with a tradition about Zeus’ birth, is attested on coins. The women of Akmoneia, Greek and Roman, honored a high priestess (99, 6/7 CE) [cf. EBGR 2012, 188). [I note that [γυ]ναῖκες does not simply designate ‘women’ but ‘married women’ (‘wives’), as. T. more accurately translated in the ed.pr. (JHS 100, 2010, p. 165 and 175; cf. EBGR 2012, 188). It should also be noted that there is an exact parallel for an assembly of women issuing a decree in honor of a woman. It is an honorific inscription from Dion (SEG XXXIV 1210, ca. 200 CE): κολώνων καὶ παροίκων αἱ γυναῖκες (the wives of the Roman colonists and the Greek inhabitants of Dion). Such groups of married women most likely assembled and issued decrees on the occasion of a festival, probably one exclusively attended by married women (such as the Thesmophoria). Such decrees do not necessarily imply a corporate organization]. The council and the people honored C. Claudius Egnatius Vigellius Valerius Ulpius Antonius Pollio Tertullianus, descendant of high priests of Asia and priest of Asklepios (τοῦ ἐπιφανεστάτου θεοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ) for life, and agonothetes of the Great Asklepieia (101*, ca. 150–200 CE). A building was dedicated to the Theoi Sebastoi (107*). An association (συμβίωσις) dedicated an altar to Zeus Alsenos Patrios Megas (110, 215/6 CE), asking him to protect the village (εἵλεως τῇ κατοικίᾳ). The dedicants designate themselves as ‘noble Achaeans’, alluding to the Argive colonization of southern and central Phrygia. We note the term ἀποθεόω in the meaning ‘to bury’ (126*, 2nd/3rd cent.). An interesting grave inscription (120*) was set up by Alexandros, a benefactor, who had served inter alia as panegyriarches and rhapsodos[this is one of the rare attestations of rhapsodes in the Imperial period; see EBGR 2010, 61 and 206].

292Upper Tembris Valley: Trophimos dedicated a stele to Τετραπρόσωπος, a ‘four-faced’ mother goddess (cf. MAMA V 101; SEG XIV 782), in accordance with her command (ὡς ἐπέταξεν; 131*, Çalköy, Imperial period). The stele is decorated with the image of four female figures (cf. MAMA VI 245, a dedication to Meter Theon Kasmine) and a mounted figure, probably Mes. One of the most interesting texts is the funerary epigram for Eutropios, set up by his wife: ὃς σοφίης μέτρον ἔσχε μέγα, τειμάς τε ἀρίστους· ὃν τείμησε συνκλητικῶν γένος διὰ πίστιν·… ἐλθὼν δ᾿ ἰς πατρίδα ἀνεπαύσατο βιότοιο τελευτήν· εἶχε γὰρ καὶ θεὸν ἐπήκοον ὃν πεποθήκει· εἰ δέ τις τῷ τύνβῳ τούτῳ κακοεργέα χεῖρα προσοίσει, ὀρφανὰ λείψει τέκνα καὶ οἶκον ἔρημον (‘who had a great measure of wisdom, and whom a senatorial family honoured with the highest honours on account of his trustworthiness… on his return to his homeland, he found rest at the end of life, for he had a listening God whom he yearned for’ [detailed discussion of this epigram as a possibly crypto-Christian text by É. Chiricat, “The ‘Crypto-Christian’ Inscriptions of Phrygia”, in P. Thonemann (ed.), Roman Phrygia: Culture and Society, Oxford, 2013, p. 198–214; for the expression σοφίης μέτρον in connection with poets see supra no 94; ἐπήκοος is never securely attested for the Christian God; ποθέω is used in both pagan and Christian contexts; e.g. IG II2 4514: μάκαρ ὦ πεποθημένε (for Asklepios). Cf. É. Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de l’Égypte gréco-romaine, Paris, 1969, no 129: πεποθημένον | ἐσθλὸν Ὄσειριν]. Axylon: A grave epigram for a young individual asks the passers-by to pray for his or her soul (216*, 4th/5th cent.): εὐκάς μοι θελέσετε ἐμῇ ψυχῇ [for θελέσετε T. thinks of a form of ἐθέλω (‘may you wish (?) prayers for my soul (?)’); read τελέσετε: ‘you will perform prayers’; cf. D. Feissel, BE 2014, 576; the text is certainly Christian but uses the Homeric formula γέρας ἐστὶ θανόντων]. Kidyessos: a man is called νέος ἥρως (160*, 3rd cent. CE) [for ‘new heroes’ see C.P. Jones, New Heroes in Antiquity. From Achilles to Antinoos, Cambridge MA, 2010)]. Kinna: Dedications to Zeus Megistos (248*, 249: εὐχήν). Laodikeia Katakekaumene: Dedications to Meter Zizimene (255, 1st/2nd cent.) and Meter Amlasenzene (256*, 2nd/3rd cent.; εὐχήν).

293Northern Lykaonia: Dedication to Angdistis (279*, Akçaşar; εὐχήν), Zeus Ti[- -] (281*, Zengicek), and Dionysos (282*, Zengicek; εὐχήν). An epitaph expresses thoughts about life and death: [ἐκ τῆς γ]ῆς γενν[ηθεὶς εἰς γῆν] νῦν ἀν[αλύω, τῆς ζοῆς] ἀποδο[ὺς τὸ δάνειον] (285, Zengicek; ‘born from dust, to dust I now depart, returning the loan of life’; cf. MAMA VIII 250: γεννηθεὶς ἀπὸ γῆς ἰς γῆν π[ά]λι νῦν ἀναλύω τὸ ζῆν μου παραδοὺς τῷ δ[α]νίσαντι χρόνῳ). [A small detail: in 286* (Zengicek, Imperial period): παρθένος is not ‘virgin’ and a ‘term of praise in the epitaphs of both pagan and Christian women’ but a reference to the age-class of the deceased girl; on parthenos as designation of an age-class see A. Chaniotis, “The Age of a Parthenos. A New Inscription from Aphrodisias”, in B. Tekmer et alii (eds.), Vir doctus Anatolicus. Studies in Memory of Sençer Sahin, Istanbul, 2016, p. 200–205]. Konya: Dedication to Zeus Salarameus (297) and [- -]benos (298*, εὐχήν). Perta: A priest of Zeus contributed to the construction of a temple: εἰς κατασ[κευὴν] τοῦ τε ν[αοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀγάλματος τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ?] (309 = SEG XLIII 992) [since this building was not dedicated to Hadrian ([ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ Αὐ]τοκράτορ[ος Καίσαρ]ος Τραϊα[νοῦ] Ἁδριανοῦ αἰ[ωνίου διαμονῆς] but for his well-being, it is unlikely that it was a temple of the imperial cult; Σεβαστοῦ, which cannot be restored after Ἁδριανοῦ, may have stood before Αὐτοκράτορος as, e.g., in SEG LIX 1377, LX 349]. A dedication was made by a priest and his parents to Zeus Stratios Megistos (311*; εὐχῆς χάριν). A dedication attests a new epithet of Zeus: Akouseos (Διὶ Ἀκουσέῳ εὐχήν, 312*); ‘the epithet Ἀκουσέος may be the equivalent of ἐπήκοος’ (p. 279). Dedications to: Zeus Megistos (313*), Apollo, θεὸς ἐπήκοος (314*, εὐχήν), the emperors (315), Theos Hypsistos (316*, 3rd/4th cent.; εὐχὴ… ὑπὲ[ρ] ὑγ[είας]). Savatra: An epitaph for a priestess and twice high priestess of the imperial cult (345*, 1st/2nd cent.; [ἀθ]ανάτων ἱερείῃ δὶς ἀρχιερείῃ ἀνάκτων). Kana: Dedication to Aristeus (355*; Ἀριστέω εὐχήν). Komitanassos: Dedication to Apollo epekoos (365) and Aklepios and Hygieia epekooi (366*, εὐχήν).

294Inscriptions from various sites attest common and unusual formulae of funerary imprecations (if not otherwise stated, all texts date to the third cent. CE); in most cases, except for the imprecations that invoke Mes, it is difficult to determine if they are pagan, Montanist, Christian, or Jewish; I use standard Greek spelling for these texts: i) ἐννέα Μῆνας ἔχοιτο καταχθονίους κεχολωμένους (319*, Perta), ἕξει Μῆνας καταχθονίους κεχολωμένους (320*, Perta). ii) ἔστω πρὸς τὸν Θεόν et sim.: ἕξει πρὸς τὸν Θεόν (181*, Synnada), ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν (41*, 42, Eumeneia; 139*, Emirhisar; 144, Kilter; 150*, Başkuycak, 3rd/4th cent.); ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ζῶντα Θεόν (40*, Eumeneia); ἔσται αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν τὴν θεοῦ (17*, Apollonia); ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν καὶ νῦν καὶ τῷ παντὶ αἰῶνι καὶ μὴ τύχοιτο τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐπαγγελίας (36, Eumeneia); ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν κτίσαντα τὰ πάντα (177*, Prymnessos, Jewish or Christian); ἕξει πρὸς τὸν βραχίονα τὸν ὑψηλὸν καὶ τὴν κρίσιν τὴν ἐρχομένην (271*, Laodikeia, 3rd/4th cent.; βραχίων ὑψηλός is common in the Septuagint in connection with the Exodus); δώσει λόγον τῷ Κυρίῳ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεως (274*, Laodikeia, 4th cent. CE). iii) ἔσται ἐπικατάρατος et sim.: ἔσται ἐπικατάρατος εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα (37, Eumeneia); ἔστω αὐτῷ κατάρα τέκνων καὶ τῷ συνβουλεύσαντι (39, Eumeneia). iv) ὀρφανὰ τέκνα λίποιτο, χῆρον βίον, οἶκον ἔρημον (269*, Laodikeia). v) μηδέ τέκνων τύχοιτο μήτε βίου μήτε τάφου et sim.: μηδέ τέκνων τύχοιτο μήτε βίου μήτε τάφου τύχοιτο (40*, Eumeneia); ἄσπερμός τ᾿ἄγαμός τ᾿ ἄτεκν[ος] (63, Dionysopolis). vi) ἄωρα τέκνα et sim.: ἄωρα τέ[κνα] πρόθοιτ[ο] (‘may he lay out his children for burial before their time’, 125*, Akmoneia; cf. 126*); ἄωρα τέκνα θάψει (232*, Kinna). vii) ἀώροις περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς et sim.: εἴ τις δὲ προσοίσι χεῖρα τὴν βαρύφθονον, δισσοῖς ἀώροις περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς (141*, Karasandikh; ‘if anyone lays a hand with heavy envy, may he fall victim to twofold untimely misfortunes’). viii) Unusual formulae: εἴ τις αὐτὸ ἄρῃ, πενθήσετο τοὺς ἰδίους (116, Akmoneia; ‘if someone removes this, may he mourn his family’); τίς σορὸν ἀνοίξει, ὄλεθρον (245, Kinna). Cf. an invocation of God: ἐνορκ[ί]ζομέ σοι τὸν Θεὸν μή τις συλήσει τύνβον σώματος ἡμετέρου (142, Mentes). [For some critical remarks on individual texts see the review by C.P. Jones, JRA 27 (2014), p. 837–840].

295119) A. Tırpan, Z. Gider, “Lagina ve Börükçü 2009 Yili Çalişmalari”, KST 32.2 (2011), p. 374–395: The authors report on new finds in Lagina (p. 379). An inscribed fragment of a lintel mentions an ἀρχινεω̣κόρος. Fragments of vases are inscribed with the name of Hekate in the genitive.

296120) P. Triantafillopoulou, “ΙΓ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Δημητριάς”, AD 62 B2 (2007) [2014], p. 696–700: T. mentions a relief stele, decorated with an ear, dedicated to Meter Theon (Demetrias, Imperial period) [cf. EBGR 2012, 189. On the ph., after the partly preserved name of the female dedicant, one can read Μητ|ρεὶ Θεῶν ε[ὐ]|ξαμένη, δῶ|ρον].

297121) O. Tribulato, “Phoenician Lions. The Funerary Stele of the Phoenician Shem/Antipatros”, Hesperia 82 (2013), p. 459–486 [BE 2014, 35]: An Athenian funerary stele (IG II2 8388; CEG 596; early 3rd cent.) with a bilingual Greek/Phoenician epitaph and a Greek epigram is decorated with an image that has puzzled scholars. A dead man is lying on a bed; a lion attacks the corpse from the left, while a man (on the right) defends it; the prow of a ship is depicted behind the man. The epigram explains the scene: ‘Let no one wonder at this image — that on one side of me a lion and on the other a prow are stretched out. For a hateful lion came, wishing to scatter my things around. But friends came to the rescue and built me a tomb here, those whom, in my love, I desired [should rescue and bury me], coming from a sacred ship. I left Phoenicia and I am, in body, here hidden in earth.’ T. proposes a symbolic interpretation of the relief and the text, adducing Near Eastern ideas about the afterlife. In her interpretation, the image alludes to the fear that if the Phoenician man’s remains did not receive proper burial, his soul would be condemned to an unhappy fate in the underworld; the naked man grappling with the lion reflects Oriental ideas about a death-fighting god or hero, and the ship to the perception of death as a voyage by ship from this world to the next.

298122) A. Tsiaka, “ΙΕ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Περισυλλογές”, AD 63 B1 (2008) [2014], p. 712: Ed. pr. of two inscriptions delivered to the Museum of Larisa. An epitaph from Argissa is dedicated to Hermes Chthonios (3rd/2nd cent.). A stele from Larisa is inscribed with a dedication to Zeus Homoloios (undated).

299123) N. Tüner Önen, “Hadrians Reisem im östlichen Mittelmeer anhand neuer Inschriften aus Phaselis”, Adalya 16 (2013), p. 93–106 [BE 2014, 457]: Ed. pr. of dedications to Hadrian and Sabina Hera Sebaste (1), Thea Matidia (2), and Hadrian (3) from Phaselis.

300124) Y.Z. Tzifopoulos, “Χρυσὰ ἐνεπίγραφα ἐπιστόμια, νέα καὶ παλαιά”, Horos 22–25 (2010–2013) [2014], p. 351–356: Ed. pr. of a new Hellenistic Orphic lamella from Crete, probably from one of the cemeteries of Eleutherna. The gold tablet is inscribed with a variant of the Orphic text often found in the Cretan lamellae: (δίψαι το̣ι̣ Ε|Ι̣ΤΟΣ παρα|πόλλυται· | ἀλλὰ πιε͂ν ἐ(μοὶ) | κράνας̣ ἄ̣π̣ο̣). After new examination of an Orphic lamella from Methone (SEG XL 541), T. observes that the scribe corrected the name of the deceased woman from Φυλομάγα το Βουλομάγα or vice versa.

301125) H. Uzunoğlu, E. Taşdelen, “Parerga zum Stadiasmus Patarensis (14): Die Strecken 35 (Arykanda-Arneai) und 37 (Arykanda-Lesei)”, Tekmeria 10 (2013) p. 121–131: Ed. pr. of an epitaph which mentions a slave appointed by her mistress as caretaker of her grave and that of her husband (Yeşilköy, territory of Arykanda, 3rd cent. CE; Ἀμυμόνη ἡ ἠ[γ]|μένη μνημό|δουλος ὑπὸ τῆς | εὐεργέτιδος πατρωνίσσης etc.; cf. ταφόδουλος in EBGR 2012, 63). [In addition to receiving a payment for her service, Amymone must have been freed after her master’s death; this explains the reference to her mistress as her ‘patron’].

302126) P. Valta, “Γ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἐργασίες. Μεγαρίδα”, AD 60 B1 (2005) [2013], p. 124–126 [SEG LXI 333–334]: V. mentions two epigraphic finds from the area of Megara (124 f.): the fragment of an inscribed vase dedicated to an anonymous deity (ἀνέθηκε; undated) and a stone fragment that mentions Apollo Apotropaios (undated).

303127) R. Wagman, “From Song to Monument: Sacred Poetry and Religious Revival in Roman Epidaurus”, in Hymnes, p. 219–231: W. examines the hymns that were inscribed in Epidauros between the 2nd and 3rd cent. and the possible reasons for the creation of this epigraphic collection of old musical compositions. The hymns, composed at different times and for different occasions, praise Hygieia and Pallas Athena, and probably Asklepios and Apollo (IG IV2.1.129–135; SEG XXX 390). They were collected from various sources (inscriptions, tablets, papyri) and reinscribed, probably in order to promote the sanctuary’s reputation. W. suggests that the dossier was inscribed in the hestiatorion, in whose central court a roofed music hall was built in the late 2nd cent. CE — a time in which interest in ancient traditions was fervent. In an appendix (p. 229–231), W. presents the Greek texts.

304128) M.B. Walbank, “Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora”, Hesperia 82 (2013), p. 301–339 [BE 2014, 155]: Ed. pr. of 25 small fragments of inscriptions, mostly leases, inventories, and other financial documents (Athenian Agora). No 9 (lease?, 4th/3rd cent.) probably refers to the shrine of Eileithyia (line 4: Εἰλεθίηι).

305129) A.V. Walser, “Kaiserzeitliche und frühbyzantinische Inschriften aus der Region von Germia in Nordwestgalatien”, Chiron 43 (2013), p. 527–619 [BE 2014, 481, 581; SEG LXI 1102]: W. presents 43 inscriptions from the area of Germia, mostly inedita (cf. id., in P. Niewöhner et alii, “Bronze Age Hüyüks, Iron Age Hilltop Forts, Roman Poleis, and Byzantine Pilgrimage in Germia and its Vicinity”, Anatolian Studies 63 [2013], p. 106 f.). 5 texts are of religious interest (2nd/3rd cent.). A freedman made a dedication to Kyrios Asklepios Soter and Kyria Hygieia, praying (εὐξάμενος) for the well-being of his master, his own, and that of his family (6). An alumna and two men made dedications to Mes Mantalenos in fulfillment of their vows (7–9: εὐχήν). The epithet of Mes derives from the village Mantalos, which may be located near Ayvali, where the three dedications were found. W. presents an improved edition of an altar dedicated to Asklepios (RECAM II 127); in lines 3 f. he restores κατὰ παρά[στασ]ιν (‘entsprechen seiner Erscheinung’; cf. TAM V.1.361) [the dedication was probably made after a dream; for παρίστημι in epiphanic dreams see supra no 97].

306130) C. Ziota, “Λ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Κίτρινη Λίμνη”, AD 62 B2 (2007) [2014], p. 1001–1007: Ed. pr. a marble statuette of an eagle dedicated by Menon in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν); it was found at the site Kleitos, north of Kozani (Imperial period, p. 1005). Statuettes of eagles are a common dedication to Zeus Hypsistos.

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2013 (EBGR 2013) »Kernos, 29 | 2016, 269-316.

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2013 (EBGR 2013) »Kernos [En ligne], 29 | 2016, mis en ligne le 01 octobre 2018, consulté le 24 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/2402; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2402

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Angelos Chaniotis

School of Historical Studies
Institute for Advanced Study
Einstein Drive
Princeton, NJ 08540
achaniotis@ias.edu

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