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Notes
See Cooper (2013), p. 49–50 (who nevertheless offers a new interpretation of Herodotus); cf. Hersey (1999), p. 77–82, who adds that “sacred marriage” is “sometimes also known as sacred prostitution” (p. 78), a kind of confusion which is pervasive in earlier scholarship on Herodotus; see also Parker (1983), p. 92–93, esp. n. 77, which describes “sacred marriage” in ancient Greece as a “foreign custom tinged with charlatanism.”
For example, Ravn (1942), p. 89 argued that “Herodotus has hardly exaggerated the part played by prostitution in the Babylonian community;” cf. Seymour (2014), p. 58 who adds that, on this passage, Herodotus “leaves no room for ambiguity” regarding the custom of prostitution though he expresses doubts about its universal application.
Thomas (2000), p. 90–97 and 104–117 rejects the idea that Herodotus’ treatment of Europe and Asia implies a cultural clash between Greeks and barbarians; cf. Crist (2013), p. 239; Hall (2002), p. 181 argues that Herodotus “does not consistently portray foreign customs in pejorative terms” with reference to 1.196, where Herodotus praises the Babylonians who auction off the most attractive women for marriage to secure a dowry for the less beautiful ones. Yet, see Lateiner (1989), p. 60: “In sum, barbarian ingenuity and diversity do not obscure Herodotus’ reasoned belief in Greek mental and moral superiority, a result of climate, poverty, political institutions and competitiveness.” Griffiths (2001), p. 167 argues that “the Babylonian material is probably fiction… the fantasy of an outsider projecting Greek Utopian theory onto a realm where it can be imagined as reality.” Also, see Lateiner (1989), p. 136, arguing that Herodotus’ use of women in the Histories suggests his “unintentional distortion of palace life and harem politics,” while on p. 265, n. 32, he claims that Herodotus shows no understanding of Babylonian “sacred prostitution;” in his view, Herodotus is using the irrational behavior of foreign women in the context of the rhetorical tyrant, as these attributes are symptomatic of the dysfunctional oikoi of oriental kings; see also p. 137–140, 156–157 and 171. Also, see Bahrani (2001), esp. p. 173–179 on the use of Herodotus in 19th-century orientalist imagination and the scholarly legacy of this trend.
For example, Budin (2006), p. 72 states that “sacred prostitution” was only “a literary motif used by one society to denigrate another.” See, also, Nyberg (2008), p. 319, who argues that Herodotus “aimed more at shocking his readers than providing them with reliable information,” with Asheri (2007), p. 211 ad 199.1 (with further bibliography), who claims that “what shocked Herodotus was not sacrilege, but the institutionalization of prostitution.”
Aristotle, Politics, 1285a 19–22 and 1327b 27–29 argues that the peoples of the East lack free will, which is why they are content with being ruled by absolute monarchs. On this, see Bringmann (1993), p. 8.
The Sumerian “sacred marriage,” celebrated during the New Year Festival, is known as the akītu; see Lapinkivi (2008), p. 1, 11–12, 20–21; Sallaberger (1999), p. 291–294; Falkenstein (1959), p. 147–182. For the Assyrian akītu, see Von Driel (1969), p. 162–167; Cohen (1993), p. 417–427. Earlier scholars were convinced that a “sacred marriage” occurred during the akītu, with Frankfort (1948), p. 330 and James (1962), p. 87 arguing that it probably took place at the Esagila; cf. Pallis (1926), p. 197–198; Jacobsen (1975), p. 65–97; Kramer (1944), p. 49. For Iddin-Dagan’s celebration of a “sacred marriage” in conjunction with the New Year Festival, see BIN 9: 435, lines 170–191, with Reisman (1973), p. 159–160; for Šulgi, see Klein (1981), p. 32. Bidmead (2002), p. 25 notes the tendency of recent scholarship to examine the akītu for its “political and sociological significance, doing away with the concepts of hieros gamos, cultic battle, and the motif of the dying-rising god.”
Klein (1992), p. 5.866 defines “sacred marriage” as a “marriage or sexual union between a god and a goddess, in ancient or primitive religions, an act which is usually connected with some form of fertility cult;” also, see Bahrani (2001), p. 55–56 and 134–140; cf. Noegel (2007), p. 21–22 on the issue of Near Eastern influence on Greece, citing Lincoln (2004), p. 658: “Informed by Romantic nationalism and, in part, by the racism associated with it, it [=scholarship of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries] understood the ‘genius’ of Greek civilization as marking the end of antiquity and the start of the ‘miracle’ that anticipated the Enlightenment by breaking with myth, tradition, and puerile superstition to achieve a critical view of religion.”
See Sefati (1998), passim on the hymns accompanying the “sacred marriage” of Dumuzi and Inanna. Cf. Pongratz-Leisten (2008), p. 66–68, who differentiates between cosmogamy (marriage of heaven and earth), theogamy (divine marriage), and hierogamy (marriage of king and goddess).
Oden (1987), p. 138–147; Bird (1997), p. 39, with n. 8; Sweet (1994), p. 101; Jones (2003), p. 299.
Smith (2008), p. 93. For “sacred marriages” celebrated in the first millennium BCE, see Nissinen (2001), p. 99–101, 103–105. For a study of “sacred marriage” in ancient Greece, see Avagiannou (1991), passim but esp. p. 19–26; although Avagiannou is right to challenge the uncritical, Fraserian association of “sacred marriage” with fertility (p. xi), I find her own differentiation between marriages involving deities and those involving divine rape rather forced (see esp. her remarks on p. 142–144).
Bidmead (2002), p. 104; Lapinkivi (2004), p. 14 and (2008), p. 20–21.
Cooper (1993), p. 83 was convinced that actual sex took place between the king and the priestess, a conclusion which he has subsequently rejected; also, see Cooper (2013).
Holland (2012) discusses Homer, Il. 14.330–360 as referring to the “sacred marriage” between Zeus and Hera; cf. HHomAphr. 5.61–190, for the goddess consummating her affair with the Trojan consort Anchises. Clark (1998), p. 20–22 discusses the re-enactment of the marriage by worshipers at Knossos, as referred to at Diod. Sic. 5.72.4, and the celebration of the institution of marriage, called the Hieros Gamos, in Attica (SEG 26.136.32). The myth of Persephone and Hades might also suggest a hieros gamos at Locri in southern Italy, as Sourvinou-Inwood (1978), p. 113–114, argues. For the “sacred marriage” of Persephone at Eleusis, see Strabo 14.1.45, with Ruck (2008), p. 95–98. There is compelling evidence that the Greeks also believed in mortal-divine couplings. The Anthesteria festival in Athens dramatized an annual marriage between the god Dionysos and the mortal basilinna (queen), the wife of the Athenian religious official called the basileus (king); cf. Xen. Hipp. 3.2, and also, see Burkert (1987), p. 239 and Avagiannou (1991), p. 177–198.
Saggs (2000), p. 173.
Oshima (2007), p. 355. Van der Spek (2009), p. 110–111 argued that, since we have found no Greek temple in Babylonia, the Greeks may have used the temple of Bēl, now identified with Zeus, as their main cultic space. Wright (2010), p. 58 discusses the identification of Zeus with local Ba’als, possibly since the time of Alexander, as indicated on his famous coins representing the Pheidian Zeus of Olympia.
Hdt. 1.181.5–182.1–2; our translation, modified from that of Godley (1920). This part of the article is derived from Anagnostou-Laoutides (2017), p. 84–86.
In Urnamma A, Inanna is portrayed as lamenting the king’s death. She praises his charms (h-li-a-ni) and refers to her ğipar as her shrine that “towers up like a mountain.”
Note that Herodotus has occasionally, though not invariably, used φοιτᾶν to mean sexual intercourse; see Powell (1938), p. 375, who cites the following examples s.v. φοιτῶ: “2. (5) sexually, go in to: of the woman, τινι 3.69.6; παρά τινα 2.66.1; 1.11.2; 4.11; of the man, παρά τινα 5.70.1.”
See, for example, Eur. Cycl. 582: Γανυμήδην τόνδ’ ἔχων ἀναπαύσομαι κάλλιον ἢ τὰς Χάριτας; Machon of Sicyon, Chreiai, 286, 328: ἀναπαυόμενον μετὰ τῆς Γναθαίνης (ed. Gow); also, in Athen. 13.579e–580a; Plut. Alex. 2.4: ὡς μηδὲ φοιτᾶν ἔτι πολλάκις παρ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀναπαυσόμενον.
Noegel (2004), p. 134–135; see also Maul (2007), p. 368; cf. Durand (1988), p. 455–482.
For incubation as practiced throughout Mesopotamia, see Kim (2011), p. 27–60.
Sasson (1984), p. 285; DeJong Ellis (1989), p. 136; see also Butler (1998), p. 224–227. For incubation among the Jews under ancient Near Eastern influence, see Moore (1990), p. 78–86; Ackerman (1992), p. 194–120. On the Jewish disapproval of incubation, which was perceived as being linked to pagan necromancy, see Schmidt (1994), p. 261–263.
See Paus. 2.27.3 and Strabo 8.374; for an overview of incubation in the ancient Near East, see Kim (2011), p. 27–58. Cf. Husser (1999), p. 20–22, who warns against the conflation of the “therapeutic incubation,” popular during the Hellenistic period, and the “oracular” incubation mainly practiced in the ancient Near East in earlier times.
Diod. Sic. 1.25.5.
DeJong Ellis (1989), p. 178–179.
E3/1.1.7 CylA; see Edzard (1997), p. 69–70. Starting with the Akkadian dynasty of Sargon, ancient Near Eastern kings would often place their daughters as priestesses of the god. On this, see Hallo – Simpson (1997), p. 175.
Hurowitz (1992), p. 47–48, 153–156. Van Buren (1952), p. 293–294, with n. 1, draws our attention to the king’s sense of duty and obedience to the expressed wish of gods to have new temples built in their honor. Gudea, for example, was instructed in a dream to build a new and better Eninnu for Ningiršu, the Amorite Samsuiluna (ca. 1792–1712 BCE) was commanded to build a temple by Šamaš, and Waradsin of Larsa (1770–1758 BCE) by Nannar.
Butler (1998), p. 17–19; see, also, Chapman (2008), p. 41–44.
Gurney (1981), p. 143; cf. Beckman (2003), p. 159.
Hdt. 1.77 and 188.
Gadd (1948), p. 58–59 with Böhl (1939), p. 162 (i 1.170); cf. Reiner (1985), p. 1–16, esp. p. 2; Beaulieu (1989), p. 71–72, 127–132; Beaulieu (1994), p. 39–40. A liver omen also confirmed the god’s “desire,” since erešum can actually mean both demand/request and wish/desire. But given that ērišu, of the same root, means the bridegroom, the erotic connotations of the word cannot be missed.
Garrison (2012), p. 45.
Herodotus’ work is full of obscure oracles that require careful interpretation. For oracular allegory in Herodotus, see Benardete (1969), p. 7–9; cf. Hartog (1988), p. 131–133, where oracles — in the particular example, false oracles or ψευδομάντιας (Hdt. 4.69.2) — exemplify the ‘otherness’ of the Scythians.
Mikalson (2000), p. 55–60 argues that, regardless of whether the oracles were historical or part of contemporary traditions, and not necessarily based on actual events, one has the impression that Herodotus relates them as part of his storytelling in order to teach his audience through the stories and mistakes of those who related the oracles to him. On p. 143, while discussing Herodotus’ appreciation of human impiety as the source of misinterpreting “the import of oracles, omens, and dreams,” he also notes: “Herodotus himself expresses (3.38) and exhibits considerable respect for the ‘customs’ (νόμιμα) of others, however strange they might seem…but, however open-minded, he cannot silently accept sexual intercourse in religious settings…,” citing as the first of his examples the “most shameful” custom of the Babylonians recorded at 1.199.
Harris (2000), p. 122–157 holds that Herodotus distances himself from popular religion precisely by referring to cases in which erroneous interpretations of oracles precipitated one’s downfall. On Herodotean oracles as literary forgeries designed to promote political objectives, see Struck (2002), p. 181–183.
Hurowitz (1992), p. 162.
Melville (2006), p. 390–391.
Granius Licinianus, History of Rome, 28.6 (with Diana). Eddy (1961), p. 141–145 refers to Antiochus marrying Ištar at Babylon. Consider, too, his marriage to Nana at Susa, as recorded in 2 Maccabees 1.13–15 and Polybius 31.9.1.
Either Antiochus was a usurper who murdered his brother out of political ambition or, given that there is no evidence clearly associating him with the murder of Seleucus IV, he was the remaining ruler who managed to overcome the conspiracy that brought about the demise of his co-ruler. See Daniel 11:20, with Bahrani (2002), p. 19 and, contra, Shea (2005), p. 31–66.
Pongratz-Leisten (2008), p. 66.
Widengren (1951), p. 9, 11, 15.
Sefati (1998), p. 224–225.
See Kramer (1944), p. 33–37; Frayne (2001), p. 130; Wolkstein – Kramer (1983), p. 4–5; Anagnostou-Laoutides (2017), p. 43–46.
Westenholz (2007), p. 36–41; Stronach (1990), p. 171–174.
Turner (1979), p. 26.
Bottéro (1993), passim. Dalley (1993), p. 1–2 refers to kings trying to recreate a Paradise location. The “sacred marriage” between Nabu and Tasmetu at Calah in Assyria was followed by an animal hunt in a game park, the ambassu. On this, see Matsushima (1987), p. 139–143; Nissinen (2001), p. 99; Lapinkivi (2004), p. 84, n. 289; CAD 1.2.44, s.v. ambassu; Smith (1958), p. 43–44, with Munn (2006), p. 136, n. 12.
Hdt. 7.26–29.
Xen. An. 1.2.7–9. See Anagnostou-Laoutides (2017), p. 46–48.
Tuplin (1996), p. 109–177 discusses the evidence on Persians gardens and argues that they were invested with an ideology of wealth and prestige. In his opinion, Greek (vegetable) gardens were associated ideologically with sex and education, connections not made in the case of Persian paradeisoi (see esp. p. 75–76, 117 and 129, on Adonis’ gardens). The ‘gardens’ of Adonis were part of the ritual celebration of his affair with Aphrodite, a Greek adaptation of the rites in honor of Ištar and Tammuz, which had become popular in first millennium BCE private religion. However, the Greeks were also aware of Lydian and Persian royal paradeisoi, which they allegedly despised as symptomatic of their owners’ luxurious and unmanly character; see Bremmer (2002), p. 112–119. For descriptions of Persian paradeisoi, see Plut. Alcibiades 24.5; Xen. Hell. 4.15.33; An. 1.4.10. In addition, see Xen. Oec. 4.23, where Lysander is surprised to know that Cyrus had been toiling in the garden, an action which was at odds with fine garments and exquisite array of jewelry.
Xen. Cyr. 1.3.14; see Munn (2006), p. 136, with n. 13.
Xen. Oec. 4.8–5, 20.
Xen. Oec. 4.12: οὐκοῦν εἰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιεῖ βασιλεύς, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐδὲν ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἧττον τῶν γεωργικῶν ἔργων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἢ τῶν πολεμικῶν.
Xen. Oec. 4.13; all trans. of Xenophon are by Heinemann (1979).
Xen. Oec. 4.24: ὄμνυμί σοι τὸν Μίθρην, ὅτανπερ ὑγιαίνω, μηπώποτε δειπνῆσαι πρὶν ἱδρῶσαι ἢ τῶν πολεμικῶν τι ἢ τῶν γεωργικῶν ἔργων μελετῶν ἢ ἀεὶ ἕν γέ τι φιλοτιμούμενος (“I swear by the Sun-god that I never yet sat down to dinner when in sound health, without first working hard at some task of war or agriculture, or exerting myself somehow”).
Charpin (2013), passim.
Xen. Oec. 4.25.
Xen. Oec. 5.7: παρορμᾷ δέ τι καὶ εἰς τὸ ἀρήγειν σὺν ὅπλοις τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ἡ γῆ τοὺς γεωργοὺς ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τοὺς καρποὺς τρέφουσα τῷ κρατοῦντι λαμβάνειν.
Xen. Oec. 5.12: ἔτι δὲ ἡ γῆ θεὸς οὖσα τοὺς δυναμένους καταμανθάνειν καὶ δικαιοσύνην: διδάσκει· τοὺς γὰρ ἄριστα θεραπεύοντας αὐτὴν πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ ἀντιποιεῖ.
Dumuzi is typically addressed in ancient Near Eastern hymns with epithets borrowed from the world of animal husbandry. Thus, he is the shepherd of the people, which is a king’s most important task, as is argued by van de Mieroop (1999), p. 119; Lambert (1998), p. 57. Hallo (2010), p. 215 cites hymn B1.13, where Išme-Dagan (ca. 1778–1744 BCE) assumes the role of Dumuzi and is called a “righteous shepherd.” In addition, see Hymn DI O in Sefati (1998), p. 210–217, entitled A Blessing of Abundance for the Bridegroom; cf. his p. 301–311 for DI D1, the Blessing of Dumuzi on the Wedding Day, esp. lines 47–59, where the goddess blesses Dumuzi with shepherdship “over the black-headed people.” Dumuzi is compared to a successful farmer and shepherd whose rule will see “orchards and gardens bear juice and fruit under him,” as well as “wild sheep and goats multiply in the forests.” The hymn concludes with a wish for long life under Dumuzi’s rule. Hence, the competition between the farmer and the shepherd over Inanna (Sefati [1998], p. 324–343) may well refer to instances of political rivalry.
For text and trans. see ETCSL 1.3.3 (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section1/tr133.htm); cf. the tale of gardener Ishullanu in GE VI.64–69.
See Zólyomi (2003), p. 78–79, who cites the Cursing of Agade 2.1.5, lines 172–174; see also Rīm-Sîn E 2.6.9.5, lines 78f. and Inanna C 4.0.7.3, line 33: iri dInanna saĝ-ki ba-gid2-i id2-be2 a nu-um-de6 a-gar3-be2 še nu-mu2-mu2 I get (“If Inanna frowns upon a city, its river shall carry no water, its arable tracts shall grow no grain”).
Assante (1998), p. 10 argued that this widespread belief was the unfortunate result of “the patriarchal system scholars have developed and imposed on the study of ancient Mesopotamia;” cf. Budin (2006), p. 83.
Trans. Godley (1920), p. 250–253.
Hdt. 1.196.5 (three final lines of the paragraph, as per Godley [1920], p. 248: ἐπείτε γὰρ ἁλόντες ἐκακώθησαν καὶ οἰκοφθορήθησαν, πᾶς τις τοῦ δήμου βίου σπανίζων καταπορνεύει τὰ θήλεα τέκνα [“Since the conquest of Babylon made them afflicted and poor, everyone of the people that lacks a livelihood prostitutes his daughters”]).
See Cooper (2013), p. 50–51; Marsman (2003), p. 196–198, 498–500; Benko (2004), p. 39, n. 46, citing, among others, van der Toorn (1989), p. 204, who understands the rite as fulfilling a once-in-a-lifetime vow. On harimtu, see Assante (2003), p. 33. See also the discussion on kezertu in Larson (2014), p. 223.
Maclachlan (1992), p. 149.
Trans. Jones (1930), p. 227.
Trans. Jones (1928), p. 341.
For the use of Herodotus by modern colonialists, see Said (1978), p. 58, 90, 175.
On this locus, see Godley (1920), p. 252.
Trans. modified from that of Yardley (1997), p. 156 after consulting MacLachlan (1992), p. 154 and Budin (2006), p. 228. See Pirenne-Delforge (1994), p. 345.
Trans. Yardley (1984), p. 95.
Budin (2006), p. 86–90, esp. 86–87. Pirenne-Delforge (2007), p. 322.
Konstan (1987), p. 122–139; cf. Miner (2003), p. 30–34.
Ramsay (1883), p. 276–277. Budin (2003), p. 152–153 also argues that Strabo’s differing terms throughout his writing, such as his use of the ostensibly similar pallake, hetaira and hierodoulos, adds to the confusion.
Robert (1970), p. 406.
Text and trans. Hamilton – Falconer (1957), p. 263; cf. n. 79 below.
See LSJ, s.v. σύνειμι (εἰμί sum) I, with numerous examples, including Ar. Fr. 959; Thuc. 4.18.4; Xen. Oec. 15.12; Pl. Rep. 586a, 586b; Laws, 791b.
Strabo 17.1.46; trans. Jones (1932), p. 125: “to Zeus (Amon) who is held in the highest honour, they dedicate a maiden of greatest beauty and most illustrious family (such maidens are called ‘pallades’ [virgin-priestesses] or pallacide [harlots] by the Greeks); and she prostitutes herself, and cohabits with whatever men she wishes until the natural cleansing of her body takes place (menstruation); and after her cleansing she is given in marriage to a man; but before she is married, after the time of her prostitution, a rite of mourning is celebrated for her.” Budin (2008), p. 199 translates the passage as follows: “But for Zeus, whom they [the Thebans] honour most, a beautiful girl maiden of most illustrious family serves as priestess, [girls] whom the Greek called pallades; she serves as a functionary (prophetess) and accompanies whomever/attends whatever [rites] she wishes until the natural cleansing of her body; after her cleansing she is given to a man/husband but before she is given, a rite of morning is celebrated for her after the time of her religious service.”
Pirenne-Delforge (1994), p. 113–127 and (2007), p. 321.
MacLachlan (1992), p. 98.
Ferguson (1993), p. 64.
Beard – Henderson (1997), p. 196.
See Jones (1928), p. 439.
For the terms hetaira and porne and their exact meanings in the Greek world, see Kurke (1997), p. 110–115. It seems that hetairai wished to be distinguished from their low-class counterparts, the pornai, by putting less emphasis on receiving money for their services and promoting the idea of charis (“grace”) and companionship; the latter is etymologically also closer to ἑταῖρος (LSJ = “companion,” “friend,” “mate”).
The epithet occurs in the Descent of Inanna, v. 221. On this, see Beaulieu (2003), p. 112, n. 65.
Kurke (1996), p. 52.
Budin (2006), p. 86. Pirenne-Delforge (1994), esp. p. 113. In addition, see Breitenberger (2013), p. 132–135, who agrees that the text does not describe an incident of “sacred prostitution.” She points out the role of Peitho in the poem and its association with prostitution in antiquity.
See the discussion of this text in MacLachlan (1992), p. 160.
There is a reference to Inanna’s golden girdle in Inanna’s Descent to the Underworld (lines 54–55, 121), while the girdle is also very important for the goddess’ military aspects; cf. the Agushaya hymn dedicated to Ishtar. For both texts, see Foster (1996), p. 1.81–83, 100. Several Sumerian votaries depict male devotees wearing a double rope around their waist and carrying offerings to the goddess. These are probably, according to Crawford (1960), p. 246 and 249, building bricks for the goddess’ temple.
The hymn mirrors the goddess’ ascent to the highest rank of the Assyrian pantheon in the later first millennium BCE; see A ii 12 in Groneberg (1997), p. 75; cf. Westenholz (2007), p. 339.
Collon (2007), p. 104; see also Selz (2007), p. 277 for the “measuring rope” as one of the insignia that the gods entrusted to the kings for the purposes of according justice.
On the famous Games text, see Harris (2000), p. 168–169.
Fehling (1989), p. 10 and 247–248; cf. Rollinger (2000), p. 76 and (1993), p. 29 and 176, which contain the only references to Babylonian prostitution in the book.
Pritchett (1993), p. 235–242. Note that, according to Pirenne-Delforge (2009), Budin inevitably accepts that Herodotus was lying in reporting the custom, thus siding with Pritchett’s school of thought.
Rollinger (2000), passim, discusses the story of the rich Pythios and his son (Hdt. 7.38–40) in light of Hittite rituals and the story of Ascalon and the Scythian invasion of Asia (1.103–106).
Rollinger (2000), p. 69–70 makes a similar argument for Herodotus’ use of the tale of Pythios which Herodotus employs in a way that supports his view of Xerxes as an oriental despot; accordingly, his execution of Pythios’ son is not presented as a ritual performed to ensure military victory but as the arbitrary decision of a cruel king.
See Asheri – Anelami (1988), p. 222–223, who translate as follows: “È obbligo che ogni donna del paese, una volta durante la vita, postasi nel recinto sacro ad Afrodite, si unisca con uno straniero… Quando una donna si asside in quel posto, non torna più a casa se prima qualche straniero, dopo averle gettato del denaro sulle ginocchia, non si sia a lei congiunto all’interno del tempio.” But “postasi ” is a reflexive form that the translator understood in connection to δεῖ and not to the noun γυναῖκα, which is closer to the participle. Legrand (1932), p. 195 translates the passage as “toute femme du pays doit, une fois en sa vie, aller prendre place dans un sanctuaire d’Aphrodite et s’unir à un étranger… Lorsqu’une femme a pris place en ce lieu…” Although he avoids reflexive forms, the phrase “aller prendre” implies an understanding of the participle as indicating purpose rather than being adjectival/relative. In Spanish, Schrader (2000), p. 256–267 follows this model: “toda mujer del país debe, una vez en su vida, ir a sentarse a un santuario de Afrodita y yacer con un extranjero. …muchas mujeres toman asiento en el recinto sagrado de Afrodita… Cuándo una mujer ha tomado asiento en el templo…”
Smyth (1920), p. 445, § 2046. See, also, p. 459, § 2068a: ἐκέλευσε λαβόντα ἄνδρας ἐλθεῖν ὅτι πλείστους (Xen. An. 1.1.11), meaning “he ordered him to take as many men as possible and come,” with the participle λαβόντα being used to express one of the orders.
Bartolomé Pou (1989), p. 42 translated the participle as temporal: “estando sentada en el templo de Venus (while sitting)… Después se ha sentado allí,” again implying that the custom is obligatory for every woman in the country. His translation is closer to the early German version of Bähr (1868), p. 149, who wrote: “Eine jede Frau des Landes muß, im Tempel der Aphrodite sitzend, einmal in ihrem Leben sich einem Fremden preisgeben… Wenn sich nämlich eine Frau hier gesetzt hat.”
See 1.11.3; 1.57.2; 1.67.5; 1.199.1 and 3; 2.24.1; 2.29.2; 3.6.2; 3.69.1 (4 participles); 3.110.1; 5.62.1; 7.2.1; 7.17.2; 7.51.2 and 7.142.3.
3.6.2: δεῖ τὸν μὲν δήμαρχον ἕκαστον ἐκ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ πόλιος συλλέξαντα πάντα τὸν κέραμον ἄγειν ἐς Μέμφιν, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ Μέμφιος ἐς ταῦτα δὴ τὰ ἄνυδρα τῆς Συρίης κομίζειν πλήσαντας ὕδατος; 3.110.1: τὰ δεῖ ἀπαμυνομένους ἀπὸ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν οὕτω δρέπειν τὴν κασίην; 7.2.1: ὡς δεῖ μιν ἀποδέξαντα βασιλέα κατὰ τὸν Περσέων νόμον οὕτω στρατεύεσθαι; 7.142.3: ὡς ἀμφὶ Σαλαμῖνα δεῖ σφεας ἑσσωθῆναι ναυμαχίην παρασκευασαμένους.
1.57.2: εἰ τούτοισι τεκμαιρόμενον δεῖ λέγειν, ἦσαν οἱ Πελασγοὶ βάρβαρον γλῶσσαν ἱέντες; 1.67.5: τοὺς δεῖ… Σπαρτιητέων τῷ κοινῷ διαπεμπομένους μὴ ἐλινύειν ἄλλους ἄλλῃ; 2.29.2: ταύτῃ ὦν δεῖ τὸ πλοῖον διαδήσαντας ἀμφοτέρωθεν κατά περ βοῦν πορεύεσθαι; 7.51.2: ἢ γὰρ σφέας, ἢν ἕπωνται, δεῖ ἀδικωτάτους γίνεσθαι καταδουλουμένους τὴν μητρόπολιν, ἢ δικαιοτάτους συνελευθεροῦντας. Also, see 5.62.1: δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἤια λέξων λόγον which does not fit the construction we examine here, since the participle λέξων accompanies the verb ἤια; Welser (2010), p. 21 [under his listing “(ii.) with ᾖα” and with his n. 30]; cf. Hornblower (2013), p. 181.
1.199.3: ἐμβαλόντα δὲ δεῖ εἰπεῖν τοσόνδε·; 2.24.1: εἰ δὲ δεῖ μεμψάμενον γνώμας τὰς προκειμένας αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν ἀφανέων γνώμην ἀποδέξασθαι.
3.69.1: ὦ θύγατερ, δεῖ σε γεγονυῖαν εὖ κίνδυνον ἀναλαβέσθαι τὸν ἂν ὁ πατὴρ ὑποδύνειν κελεύῃ οὔτοι μιν σοί τε συγκοιμώμενον καὶ τὸ Περσέων κράτος ἔχοντα δεῖ… ἀπαλλάσσειν, ἀλλὰ δοῦναι δίκην. For the descriptive participle χαίροντα, see Goodwin (1965), p. 336, and 1563 under n. 7.
3.69.1: οὔτοι… δεῖ χαίροντα ἀπαλλάσσειν.
7.17.2: Ξέρξην δὲ τὰ δεῖ ἀνηκουστέοντα παθεῖν, αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ δεδήλωται.
1.11.3: ἀλλ᾽ ἤτοι κεῖνόν γε τὸν ταῦτα βουλεύσαντα δεῖ ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἢ σε τὸν ἐμὲ γυμνήν θεησάμενον καὶ ποιήσαντα οὐ νομιζόμενα.
Goodwin (1889), p. 330–331, and 827 (a) notes that the phenomenon is generally observed with plural participles (for example, Xen. Hell. 5.1.19; Cyr. 7.5 and 73), yet he also cites Soph. El. 697: Δύναιτ’ ἂν οὐδ’ ἂν ἰσχύων φυγεῖν and Pl. Lys. 212b: oὐκ ἔστι φιλοῦντα μὴ ἀντιφιλεῖσθαι.
See 1.130.1 (ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα τριήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν δυῶν δέοντα); 4.7.3 (ὑπὸ πτερῶν κεχυμένων·); 4.8.2 (τὸν δὲ Ὠκεανὸν λόγῳ μὲν λέγουσι ἀπὸ ἡλίου ἀνατολέων ἀρξάμενον γῆν περὶ πᾶσαν ῥέειν).
As in Hdt. 4.85.1: Δαρεῖος…, ἱζόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ Ἱρῷ ἐθηεῖτο τὸν Πόντον.
Cf. Peels (2016), p. 207–208 for the debated meaning of ὁσιος used by Herodotus at 1.199.4 (ἀποσιωσαμένη) to denote that the women have fulfilled their debt to the goddess.
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