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Epigraphic Bulletin

Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015)

Angelos Chaniotis
p. 167-219


To the memory of David Jordan

Texte intégral

1The 28th issue of the EBGR presents epigraphic corpora and new epigraphic finds pub­lished in 2015. I have only included a few contributions to the reading and interpretation of old finds as well as a small selection of publications that adduce inscriptions for the study of religious phenomena. I have also summarizes some publications of earlier years that had not been included in earlier issues of the EBGR (2007–2013).

2In this issue, I summarize the content of new corpora from Athens (34), Macedonia (56. 109), Termessos (64), and Hadrianopolis (79) that mainly contain dedications, but also records of manumission through dedication to deities (56). The two most important new inscriptions are the incantations from Selinous (?), known as the ‘Getty hexameters’ and a cult regulation from Thessaly. The ‘Getty hexameters’ have already attracted significant interest in view of the information that they provide on early Greek apotropaic poetry (21. 25. 43. 44. 47. 67–70. 110. 125). A new long and detailed cult regulation from Marmarini, in the vicinity of Larisa, concerns the cult of an Oriental goddess (37) and mentions unattested terms and rituals. A third important inscription, a cult calendar from Arkadia (62), will be presented in detail in EBGR 2016, because the text of the editio princeps is not accurate. A new inscription from Kardamyle provides the details for a new agonistic festival, apparently sponsored by a benefactor for the commemoration of his dead son (138). Two new regulations concern the sale of priesthoods (91. 116). A bilingual Greek-Latin poem that praises the Nymphs of Germisara (119) provides evidence not only for the presence of Greek culture in Dacia but also for incubation in a santuary of healing deities near a water source. Another significant find, a tablet with hexametrical verses from Kaulonia, is only known from a preliminary presentation (6).

3Many shorter text enrich our knowledge on religious practices and the religious vocabulary. A dedication in Epidauros attests the cult of Zeus Kretagenes (121); a building inscription from Nikopolis ad Istrum provides the first testimony for a temple erected for Theos Hypsistos (129); and a dedication from Elateia mentions a boy-priest of Athena Kranaia (149); Athena is given the unusual attribute ἄφθιτος. A dedication designated as nymphis was probably made in commemoration of a wedding or an engagement (17); the ritual of hair offering is mentioned in a text from Thouria (9). From Termessos we have a dedication by ‘mysts of Herakles’ and a list of ‘envoys to the Moon Goddess’ from Termessos (64), from Oinoanda one of the latest references to imperial neokoreia (103). Several new inscriptions that pertain to the imperial cult (88) and to agonistic festivals (2. 64. 87. 104); the most important relevant finds are the numerous fragments of the victors list of the Sebasta in Neapolis (104). In Thessalonike (109) a grave epigram that refers to the heroization of young man presents him as living together with the Nymphs in the valleys of Kissos and enjoying himself with hunting. Another interesting document of funerary cult comes from Telmessos or Tlos: it attests the heroization of a man and the offering of annual commemorative sacrifices (112). I also note a funerary imprecation from ­Thessalonike that invokes the Sun and ‘the Sun’s daughters’ (109). With regard to the funerary cult and ideas of afterlife I single out a new funerary foundation from the area of Nikaia (3).

4The principles explained in Kernos 4 (1991), p. 287–288, and Kernos 7 (1994), p. 287, also apply to this issue. Abbreviations that are not included in the list are those of L’Année Philologique and J.H.M. Strubbe (ed.), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Index for Volumes XXXVI–XLV (1986–1995), Amsterdam, 1999, as well as of later volumes of the SEG. If not otherwise specified, dates are BCE. Dr. Henry Heitmann-Gordon (Uni­versity of Munich) has improved the English text. I gratefully acknowledge the support of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (Anneliese Maier Award).


Axon – Stroud

A. Matthaiou and N. Papazarkadas (eds.), Ἄξων. Studies in Honor of Ronald S. Stroud, Athens, 2015.

Getty Hexameters

C.A. Faraone and D. Obbink (eds.), The Getty Hexameters. Poetry, Magic, and Mystery in Ancient Selinous, Oxford, 2013.

Mélanges Laronde

J.-C. Couvenhes et alii (eds.), L’hellénisme d’une rive à l’autre de la Méditerranée. Mélanges offerts à André Laronde, Paris, 2012.

Private Associations

V. Gabrielsen and C.A. Thomsen (eds.), Private Associations and the Public Sphere. Proceedings of a Symposium Held at the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 9–11 September 2010, Copenhagen, 2015.

Studies Mattingly

A.P. Matthaiou and R.K. Pitt (eds.), Ἀθηναίων ἐπίσκοπος: Studies in Honour of Harold B. Mattingly, Athens, 2014.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

5Attica: Athens: 4. 11. 15. 22. 33. 34. 53. 54. 63. 80. 82. 86. 90. 92. 93. 113. 114. 126. 133. 134; Eleusis: 30. 51; Marathon: 81; Vari: 57. Korinthia: Isthmia: 38. Argolis: Argos: 108. 120. 121. 123; Nemea: 101. 102. Epidauria: Epidauros: 16. 121. Lakonia: 61. 83. 150; Amyklai: 144; Sparta: 5; Thalamai: 83. Messenia: Andania: 59; Kardamyle: 138; Messene: 137; Thouria: 8. 9. Arkadia: 62. Elis: Olympia: 130. Boiotia: 15; Orchomenos: 10; Tanagra: 95. Delphi: 149. Phokis: Elateia: 149. Akarnania: Nikopolis: 73. Ionian Islands: Leukas: 73. Thessaly: 76. 132; Demetrias: 76. 132; Phalanna: 127; Larisa: 35. 127. 143. Epeiros: Ambrakia: 73; Dodona: 27. 89. 115. Macedonia: 72; Aigeai: 56; Amphipolis: 85; Beroia: 72; Edessa: 56; Kassandreia: 72; Leukopetra: 50; Mieza: 56; Skydra: 56; Thessalonike: 72. 109. Thrace: Maroneia: 20. Moesia: Dionysopolis: 84; Histria: 13. 14. 23; Nikopolis ad Istrum: 128. 129; Tomis: 17. Dacia: Germisara: 119. North Shore of the Black Sea: Bosporan Kingdom: 60; Olbia: 60; Tanais: 14. Delos: 20. Rhodes: Ialysos: 98; Lindos: 7. 57. 142; Rhodes: 135. Lesbos: Mytilene: 71. Thera: 57. Anaphe: 122. Paros: 99. Chios: 71. Naxos: 97. Andros: 98. Samothrake: 32. Thasos: 52. Euboia: Amarynthos: 75. Sicily: Selinous: 25. 43–45. 47. 67–70. 110. 125; Syracuse: 37. Italy: Campania: 36; Kaulonia: 6; Neapolis: 104; Petelia: 100. Spain: 55. Karia: Chalketor: 24; Halikarnassos: 26. 31. 66. 116; Iasos: 48. 91. 107; Lagina: 18; Panamara: 18; Stratonikeia: 18. 20. Ionia: Klazomenai: 1; Klaros: 20. 124; Magnesia on the Maeander: 60; Notion: 78. Lydia: Philadelpheia: 60; Sardeis: 60. Troas: Assos: 111. Bithynia: Klaudiopolis: 40; Nikaia: 3. 40. Paphlagonia: Hadrianopolis: 79. 139; Phazemon: 131. Galatia: Tavium: 148. Phrygia: 106; Toriaion: 78. 139. Pamphylia: Perge: 141; Side: 2. Lykia: Oinoanda: 103; Patara: 87. 88; Rhodiapolis: 65; Telmessos: 112; Termessos: 64; Tlos: 60. 112; Xanthos: 60. Cyprus: Paphos: 136. Egypt: Alexandria: 32; Memnoneion: 29. Kyrene: 39. 58. 96

6acclamation: 118

7afterlife: 56. 109

8agonistic festival: 2. 64. 87; agon Athenas Promachou : 34 (Rome); agon Mystikos : 2 (Side); agon Themidos kai epibaterios Athenas : 2 (Side); Aktia : 34 (Nikopolis, Tyros); Amphiareia : 34. 135 (Oropos); Anakeia : 34 (Athens); Androneikiane Themis : 2 (Side); Antiocheia : 65 (Rhodiapolis); Antoneia : 34 (Athens); Apollonia Traiania : 88 (Patara); Asklapieia : 34 (Epidauros). 135 (Kos); Aspis : 34 (Argos); Attaleia Kapitolia : 34 (Aphrodisias); Augusteia : 34 (Pergamon); Badiseia : 138 (Kardamyle); Balbilleia : 34. 135 (Ephesos); Basileia : 34 (Alexandria, Macedonia); Charitesia : 34 (Orchomenos); Chilietes (agon) : 34 (Rome); Chrysanthina : 34 (Sardeis); Delia : 34; Didymeia : 34 (Miletos); Diogeneia : 34 (Athens); Dionysia : 34. 133. 145 (Athens); Dorieia : 135 (Knidos); Eleusinia : 34. 145 (Athens); Eleutheria : 34. 145 (Plataia); Epheseia : 34; Epidalia : 135 (Boiotia); Epitaphia : 34 (Athens); Eusebeia : 34. 36 (Puteoli); Hadriana Olympia : 34 (Smyrna); Hadrianeia : 34 (Athens, Ephesos); Hadrianeia Severeia Antoneia Antinoeia Kommodeia : 34 (Athens); Halieia/Helieia : 34. 135 (Rhodes); Hamarieia : (Aigion); Hekatomboia : 34 (Athens); Heraia : 34. 135 (Argos); Herakleia : 34 (Thebes); Hermaia : 34 (Athens); Heroia : 34 (Athens); Ilieia : 34; Isthmia : 34. 135; Kaisareia (Megala) : 141 (Perge); Kapitolia : 34. 36. 135; Kaseia (Megala) : 87 (Lykia); Kendreisia : 34 (Philippopolis); Klaria : 34; Koina Asias : 34 (in Ephesos, Sardeis, Smyrna). 135; Koinos Bithynias : 34; Korneleia : 34; Lenaia : 34. 145 (Athens); Lykaia : 34; Mouseia : 15; Naa : 34. 135 (Dodona); Nemea : 34. 135; Nikephoria : 135; Nymphaia : 34 (Apollonia); Olympia : 2. 34. 130 (Elis); Olympia : 34 (Athens, Beroia, Ephesos, Epidauros, Kyzikos, Smyrna). 135 (Dion); Olympieia : 34 (Athens); Pamphyliake Touesianios epibaterios themis Athenas kai Apollonos : 2 (Pamphylia); Panathenaia : 34. 77. 145. 146 (Athens); Panhellenia : 34 (Athens); Periporphyros : 34 (Sidon: 629); Ptolemaia : 145; Pythaeia : 34 (Megara); Pythia : 34. 135. 149 (Delphi); Pythia : 34 (Hierapolis, Philippopolis, Tralleis). 135 (Sikyon); Rhomaia; 34 (Chalkis); Sebasmeia : 34 (Damaskos); Sebasta : 34 (Byzantion); 34. 36. 104. 135 (Neapolis); Serapia : 34 (Athens); Severeia : 34 (Nikaia, Nikomedeia); Smintheia Pauleia : 111 (Alexandria Troas); Soteria : 34. 145 (Delphi); Sylleia : 34 (Athens); Syrgastios agon : 79 (Hadrianopolis); Thargelia : 34 (Athens); Theseia : 34 (Athens); Trophonia : 34 (Lebadeia)

9alliteration: 33

10altar: 23. 64; for joint cult: 2; funerary: 112

11amphiktyony, Delphic: 149

12amulet: 44–47

13angel: 19

14animal: cf. s.v. dove, fish, frog, pig, snake

15army, Roman: 23. 42. 119

16association, cult: 10. 11. 13. 14. 34. 35. 56. 60. 64. 76. 84. 95. 109. 111. 121

17astragalos oracle: 41

18asylia: 18

19banquet: 17. 56. 66. 88. 138

20birthday, of emperor: 88. 140; of god: 56

21calendar, cult: 35. 62; new c. of Asia: 140

22cave: 34. 57. 119

23Christianity, opposition to: 105. 109

24clothes, of priests: 94

25collection: 35

26commemorative inscription: 84

27contest: 14. 85; dramatic: 133; cf. s.v. agonistic festival

28crown, of high priest: 88

29cult, introduction of: 22. 57. 76. 134

30cult officials: agonothetes : 64. 88. 104. 141; amphipolos : 108. 123. 132; archiereia of association: 14; archiereia of civic imperial cult: 64. 141; archiereus of Asia: 105; archiereus of civic imperial cult: 26. 56. 64. 103; of Seleucid ruler cult: 65; archiprophetes : 88; epimeletes : 56; hiereia : 22. 24. 35. 54. 56. 72. 78. 91. 109; hiereus : 13. 34. 56. 64. 72. 79. 88. 105. 109. 137. 148. 149; hieromnemon : 24; hieropoios : 24. 92; hymnodos : 14; hypoprophetes : 88; hypostoloi : 76. 94; klinokosmos : 17; mastigophoroi : 141; naokoros : 56; neokoros : 35. 64. 88; neopoies : 91; paianistai : 34; panegyriarches : 1; phoibatria : 35; presbeutai Theai Selenei : 64; propolos : 56; pythaistai : 34; tamias ton Panathenaion 77; theokolos : 130

31cult regulation: 24. 34. 35. 58. 59. 81. 83. 108. 112. 116. 130. 138

32curse: cf. s.v. imprecation

33curse tablet: 33. 55. 82. 100. 114

34dedication: 34; list of: 7; ; paid with sacred money: 56

35dedication, motives for: after completion of ephebic training: 34; after healing: 34; after service in office: 13. 34; after victory in a contest: 34; after victory in war: 34; for the well-being of a family member: 56. 104; for the well-being of a king: 49; for the well-being of a master: 56; in commemoration of engagement: 17; in fulfillment of a vow: 2; in fulfillment of a will: 56; upon divine command: 34. 40; upon dream: 56

36dedication, agent of: priest after term in office: 13. 56. 72; soldier: 42. 119

37dedication, object of: jumping weight: 101. 102; perirhanterion: 98. 121; phiale: 113; statue: 120; statue of healed person: 34; throne: 83. 84; wheel: 75

38deities: Aglauros: 54. Aiolos: 56. Amphiaraos: 34. Amphitrite: 47. 68. Angelos: 19. Aphrodite: 34. 39. 56. 78. 95. 122. 132; Euploia : 34. 147; Hegemone : 34; Ourania : 147. Apollo: 2. 6. 19. 24. 27. 34. 39. 64. 92. 97. 99. 122. 124. 147; Agyieus : 34; Aiglatas : 122; Amyklaios : 144; Apotropaios : 58. 81. 96; Asgelatas : 122; Delphinios : 121; Hypoakraios : 34; Killaios : 111; Lykios : 56; Pylaios : 35; Pythios : 34; Tyritas : 61. Ares: 34. 54. 95. Artemis: 2. 6. 24. 34. 39. 56. 57. 119; Agrotera : 56. 90; Amarynthia : 75; Blaganitis : 56; Chthonia : 82; Delia : 66; Dikaia : 56; Elaphebolos : 56; Ennodia : 132; Gazoritis : 56; Kyrrhaia : 56; Pasikrata : 132; Philoritis : 56 Phosphoros : 26; Phylake : 35; Politike : 56; Soteira : 74. Asklepios: 2. 8. 9. 16. 34. 39. 56. 67. 119. 138; Mounichios : 34. Athena: 2. 34. 64. 92. 93. 95. 98. 121. 123. 127. 146; Apotropaios : 96; Archegetis : 34; Ergane : 34; Kranaia : 149; Kyrrhestis : 56; Lindia : 142; Nike 22; Organe : 34; Polias : 65; Soteira : 34. 74. Babo: 97. Charites: 6. 10. 34. Darron: 56. Demeter: 2. 10. 17. 25. 34. 47. 53. 68. 96. 97. 110. 120; Karpophoros : 26; Malophoros : 110. Dionysos: 2. 13. 14. 27. 34. 39. 56, 60. 81. 95. 121; Bromios : 60; Lenaios : 34; Paideios : 34; Phleos : 28. Dioskouroi: 13. 64. Dodeka Theoi: 34. Eileithyia: 27. 34. 72. Ennodia: 56. 132. Eros: 147; Eukleia: 56. Eumenides: 39. 58. Graia: 56. Hekate: 14. 18. 25. 33. 47. 68. 70. 110; Chthonia : 82; Phosphoros : 72; Soteira : 74. Helios: 35. 64. 109. Hephaistos: 92. Hera: 48; Soteira : 74. Herakles: 34. 51. 56. 64. 67; Kallinikos : 56; Kynagidas : 56; Patroios : 56; Phylakos : 56. Hermes: 1. 9. 19. 34. 56. 64. 138; Agoraios : 56; Chthonios : 33. 82. 100; Dolios : 33; Enagonios : 28. 34; Katochos : 33; Propylaios : 34. Hestia: Boulaia : 34. 35. Hosion kai Dikaion: 19. 109. Hosios kai Dikaios: 19. Hygieia: 9. 34. 56. 119; Soteira : 74. Hypnos: 119. Kallikrateia: 39. Kore: 10. 17. 34. 58. 97; Soteira : 74. Leto: 64. Ma: 56; Aniketos : 56. Men/Mes: 19. 35. Meter Antaia: 78. Meter Phrygia: 91. 107. Meter Theon: 56. Meter Theon: 80. 91. 107. 109; Soteira : 74. Meter Theon Autochthon: 50. Meter Theon Pontia: 84. Moira: 35. Muses: 6. 34. 56. 127. Nemesis: 34. 56. Nike: 22. 34. 116. Nymphs: 34. 57. 58. 70. 109. 119. Opadeus: 27. Paian: 43. 44. 47. 58. 67. 68. 70. 125. Paion: 150. Pan: 34. 35. Pankrates: 34. Pantheion: 19. Parthenos: 56. Pasikrata: 132. Pasiphae: 83. Persephone: 33. 47. 68. Plouteus: 120. Poseidon: 38. 56. 92; Asphaleus : 84. Selene: 64. Telessai: 58. Thea Rhome: 34. 88. Theion: 19. Themis: 2. 34. Theoi Megaloi: 56. Theoi en Samothrakei: 32. Theos Hypsistos: 19. 129. Tyche: Soteira : 74. Zeus: 13. 19. 31. 120. 148; Akraios : 66; Alexikakos : 43; Alsenos : 106; Apotropaios : 96; Basileus : 6; Boulaios : 34; Brontaios : 79. 139; Bronton : 79; Chrysaoreus : 18; Eleutherios : 5; Eubouleus : 97; Hiketas : 5; Hypsistos : 56. 72; Idrieus : 48; Ithomatas : 137; Karios : 18; Katabatas : 83; Koryphites : 2; Kretagenes : 121; Megas : 6; Megistos : 78. 139; Meilichios : 56. 90; Nemaios : 101; Olympios : 6. 34. 35; Panamareus : 18; Patroios : 27; Philios : 34; Polieus : 86; Solymeus : 64; Soter : 2. 34; Syrgastes : 79; Thaulios : 132

39deities, Anatolian: Astros Kakasbos : 64; Kybele : 39. 134; Sabazios : 60; Zeus Dolichenos : 42; Zeus Okonenos : 40

40deities, Dacian: Odrysta : 119

41deities, Egyptian: 94; Harpokrates : 147; Isis : 12. 20. 49. 76. 111; Isis Soteira : 74. 147; Sarapis : 49

42deities, Oriental: 35; Adara : 35; Alaia : 35; Astarte : 147; Lilla : 35; Mithras : 128; Mogga : 35

43deities, Roman: Iuno : 23; Iuppiter Optimus Maximus : 23. 56

44deities, Syrian: Atargatis : 35; Hagne Theos : 35; Thea Syria : 35; Thea Syria Parthenos : 56

45deities, Thracian: Bendis : 11. 34. 126; Rider God : 56

46deity, assimilation of: 147; chthonic: 58; ‘double d.’: 147; as eponymous official: 124; patron of agriculture: 86; patron of children: 9. 120. 132; patron of fertility: 58; patron of the market: 1; patron of navigation: 2. 32. 39. 84; patron of political unity: 86; patron of roads: 132; patron of women: 132; presence: 50; rider god: 56. 109. 117; river god: 14; trans-divine epithet: 74; cf. s.v. divine

47Dionysiac artists: 2

48divination: 41; cleromancy: 115; cf. s.v. oracle

49divine, the: 19. 20

50dove: 35

51dream: 56

52ear, in relief: 132

53emotion: 19

54endowment: 52. 88; cf. s.v. foundation

55ephebe: 9. 17. 34. 85

56Ephesia grammata : 21. 43. 47. 67–68

57epiphany: 7

58Eumolpos: 30

59experience, religious: 19

60expiation: 89

61festival: 1. 24. 98; funding of: 145; Aloulaia/Eloulaia : 35; Anthesteria : 145; Apatouria : 145; Bendideia : 126; Bouphonia : 86; Diasia : 90; Dipolia : 86; Hephaisteia : 92; Nisanaia : 35; Theseia : 92. 145; cf. s.v. agonistic festival

62finances of cult: 22; funding of sacrifice: 22. 91. 116;

63fish: 35

64foundation: 60. 138

65frog: 56

66funerary cult: 3. 56. 64; f. foundation: 3; f. imprecation: 56. 109; protection of grave: 109

67gem: 117

68gymnasion: 56. 73. 127. 138

69hair offering: 9

70hands, raised in prayer: 109

71healing: 16. 34; healing deity: 56. 150

72hero: 34. 72?. 89. 121; Archegetes: 34; Hephaistion: 56; Leos: 4. 34; Mounichos: 34; Strategos: 34; Theseus: 34

73heroization: 26. 56. 72. 109. 112

74historiola : 25. 69–70. 110

75hymn: 14. 20. 39

76Idaean Dactyls: 43. 46. 68

77imperial cult: 26. 34. 52. 56. 64. 66. 71. 72. 88. 105. 140. 143; identification of emperor/emperess with deity: 26. 66

78imprecation, funerary: 56. 64

79incantation: 21. 25. 43–45. 47. 67–70. 110. 125

80incense: 35

81individual religion: 19

82initiation: 35. 54

83inventory: 88. 91. 93. 113

84libation: 27

85magic: 21. 33. 45–46. 114. 117; magical handbook: 45; cf. s.v. historiola

86manumission, sacred: 56

87milk: 47

88miracle: 18

89Mithraic mysteries: 128

90moon, new: 35

91myrrh: 35

92mystery cult: 25. 35. 43. 46. 56. 59. 60. 64. 81. 110. 128; Eleusinian: 30

93neokoreia : 103

94night: 110; nocturnal rite: 35

95nympholespy: 57

96oath: 37. 56. 85. 127; o. of loyalty to emperor: 131. 136

97oracle: 27. 60. 83. 89. 122

98Oriental cult: 35

99Orpheus: 43

100Orphic/Dionysiac texts: 25. 44. 47

101paganism, in Late Antiquity: 103. 105

102peplos, offering of: 146

103phallus: 56

104pig: 35

105praise: 19. 119

106prayer: 119

107priest, boy-priest: 149; couples serving as priest/priestess: 56. 72; dedication by p.: 13. 56. 72; eponymous p.: 85. 137

108priesthood: 22; appointment: 48; as honor: 48; for life: 2. 56. 64. 91; perquisites: 22. 24. 35. 91; remuneration: 22; requirement: 116; sale of: 26. 28. 91. 116

109procession: 11. 35. 85. 91. 138

110punishment, divine: 109

111purification: 35. 46. 125; cf. s.v. shaving

112Pythais : 34

113reciprocity: 34

114rescue: 32

115rider god: 56. 109. 117

116rite of passage: 9. 56

117ritual: cf. s.v. hair offering, incantation, initiation, libation, oath, procession, purification, Pythaists, rite of passage, sacrifice, shaving, washing of mouth

118river god: 14

119ruler cult, Hellenistic: 64

120sacrifice: 24. 27. 35. 83. 91. 116. 138; commemorative: 112; for the well-being of king: 77; funding of: 22. 91. 116; holocaust: 35; thanksgiving s.: 22

121sacrificial animal: 58. 81. 112; calendar: 81; prohibition: 35; raising of: 28

122sanctuary: 35; abaton : 86; boundary marker of: 120; construction work: 63. 122; dining hall in s.: 66; house of prophet: 88; payment of fine to s.: 64; prohibition of entering: 35; property of: 38. 51. 108. 123; repairs: 88; restoration of: 105

123shaving: 35

124similia similibus : 33

125slave, sacred: 56. 84

126smell: 35

127snake: 121

128soul: 33

129statue: 1. 6. 27. 34. 120; adornment of cult s.: 35; cult s.: 96; cf. s.v. xoanon

130statue base with cavity for the placement of offerings: 142

131table: 35. 91

132thunderstone: 46

133torch: 70; procession: 35; torch-race: 17. 34

134vow: 119; see Greek words, s.v. εὐχή

135washing of mouth: 35

136water: 35. 119

137wreath: 85

138xoanon : 150

Greek Words (a Selection)

139acclamation: εἷς θεός 118

140afterlife: ἥρως/ἡρώισα 56. 72. 112; ἥρως ἱερός 79; ἱππευτὴς ἥρως 109; μακάρων πεδίον 56

141association: Ἀλουλιασταί 35; Ἀριστιασταί 95; ἀρχισυνάγωγος 109; Δελφιδιῶται 121?; Ἑλληνάρχης 14; κοινεῖον 64 (κυνεῖον); νεομηνιασταί 84; νεωκόρος 14; ὀργεών 11; πατὴρ νόμιμος 14; πατὴρ συνόδου 14; συνήθεις 56. 109; συνθύται 95; σύνοδος 95; τάξις 95

142cult: θεραπεύω 27. 35; θρησκεία 3. 88; θρησκεύω 79

143cult personnel: ἀρχινεύω 72?; ὁσίων πρέσβυς 149; πρεσβευτὴς Θεᾷ Σελήνῃ 64; προπόλος 56; ὑπόστολος 94; φοιβάτριαι 35

144curse: ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔσται θεοῖς καταχθονίοις 112; δήω ἐν αἵματι καὶ κονίαισιν σὺμ πᾶσιμ φθιμένοις 82; ἐπιφθονέω 82; κυνωτὸν ἐπεγκρόω 82

145dedication: ἀπαρχή 34. 142; δεκάτη 97. 98; δίκαιος ὀφθαλμός 109; δῶρον 56. 61. 119; ἐπ᾿ εὐτυχίαις 34; εὐξάμενος 56. 64. 119; εὐχαριστήριον 19; εὐχήν 31. 32. 56. 64. 106. 132; κατὰ διαθήκην 56; κατὰ ἐπιταγήν 40; κατὰ χρηματισμὸν 56; κατ᾿ εὐχήν 56. 72; κατ᾿ ὄναρ 56; νυνφίς 17; παρατίθημι 120; σωθεὶς ἐκ πολλῶν 32; ὑπὲρ δήμου 64; ὑπὲρ τῶν ἰδίων 106; ὑπὲρ τῶν παιδίων 56; ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας 56; ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας τῶν κυρίων 56; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας μητρός 2; χαριστήρια 119; χαριστήριον 56

146devotion: ἀπὸ νῦν εὐλογῶ 19; εὐχαριστῶ 19

147divination: χρηματίζω 34. 56

148epithets (a selection): ἀγαθόν 19 (Theion); ἀγγελικός 19; ἀγοραῖος 56 (Agoraios); ἀγροτέρα 56. 90 (Artemis); ἀγυιεύς 34 (Apollo); ἀδράστειος 56 (Nemesis); ἀκραῖος 66 (Zeus); ἀλεξίκακος 43 (Zeus); ἄναξ 39; ἀνίκητος 56 (Ma); ἀποτρόπαιος 58. 81. 96 (Apollo), 96 (Athena, Zeus); ἀρχηγέτης/ἀρχηγέτις 34 (Athena, Heros); ἀσφαλεύς 84 (Poseidon); αὐτόχθων 50 (Meter Theon); ἄφθαρτος 149 (Athena); ἄφθιτος 149 (Apollo, Hermes, Zeus, Anoubis); βασίλεια 107 (Meter Theon?); βασιλεύς 6 (Zeus); βασιλικόν 19 (Theion); βουλαία: 34 (Hestia); βουλαῖος 34 (Zeus); βρονταῖος 79 (Zeus); βροντῶν 79 (Zeus); δεσπότης 33 (Hermes); δικαία 56 (Artemis); δόλιος 33 (Hermes); ἐλαφηβόλος 56 (Artemis); ἐλευθέριος (Zeus); ἐναγώνιος 34 (Hermes); ἐπήκοος 56 (Darron, Ma, Meter Theon). 132 (Pasikrata). 147 (Aphrodite); ἐπιφανέστατος 64 (Herakles); ἐργάνη 34 (Athena); εὐβουλεύς 97 (Zeus); εὔπλοια 34. 147 (Aphrodite); ἡγεμόνη 34 (Aphrodite); θεῖος 19 (Angelos); ἱκέτας (Zeus); καβάτας 83 (Zeus); καταβάτας 83 (Zeus); καλλίνικος 56 (Herakles); καρποφόρος 26 (Demeter); κάτοχος 33 (Hermes); κορυφίτης 2 (Zeus); κυναγέτις 119 (Artemis); κυναγίδας 56 (Herakles); κυρία 56 (Ma); μέγας 56 (Theoi), 19 (Theion), 6 (Zeus); μέγιστος 78 (Zeus); μειλίχιος 56. 90 (Zeus); ὀπαδεύς 27; οὐρανία 147 (Aphrodite); οὐράνιος 19 (Angelos); παιδεῖος 34 (Hermes); παντοδυνάστης 19 (Theion); παρθένος 56 (Thea Syria Gyrbiatissa); πασικράτα 132 (Artemis); πάτριος 56 (Dionysos); πατρῶιος 27. 56 (Zeus), 88 (Apollo); πολιάς 65 (Athena); πολιεύς 86 (Zeus); πολιτική 56 (Artemis); πολύμορφον 19 (Theion); ποντία 84 (Aphrodite, Meter Theon); προπυλαῖος 34 (Hermes); πυλαῖος 35 (Apollo); σεβαστή 26 (Demeter); σώτειρα: 34 (Athena), 74 (Artemis, Athena, Hekate, Hera, Hygieia, Isis, Kore, Meter Theon, Tyche). 147 (Isis); σωτήρ 2. 34 (Zeus); τροφός 12 (Isis); ὕψιστος 19 (Theion), 56. 72 (Zeus), 64 (Theos?); φαεινή 25 (Theai); φίλιος 34 (Zeus); φιλορεῖτις 56 (Artemis); φυλακή 35 (Artemis); φύλακος 56 (Herakles); φωσφόρος 26 (Artemis), 72 (Hekate); χθόνιος 33. 82. 100 (Hermes), 82 (Artemis, Hekate)

149festivals: ἐπιβατήριος 2

150magic: ἀλέξιμος 25. 110; ἀτέλεστος 25; ἐπαείδω 25; καταδέω 33; κάτοχος 33; κολάπτω γράμματα 25; ψυχρός 33

151miracle: ἀρετή 56

152mystery cult: μύσται 64; τελετή 35

153rituals: ἀγείρω 35; διακλαίνω τὸ στόμα 35; εἰσαγώγεια 54; εἰσιτητήρια 54; καθαίρω τὰ ἀκάθαρτα 35; κοματεύω 9; κοσμέω τὴν θεόν 35; λαμπαδεύομαι 35; ξυρέομαι 35; πανημερίζω 35; πρεσβεύω Θεᾷ Σελήνῃ 64; πρόποσις 56; τελετή 35; τραπεζοπλησία 35; ὑδρεύομθαι 35

154sacrifice: ἀπάργματα 112; ἀποθύω 35; ἐπιθύω 35; θύω 35; θύω ἑλληνικῶι νόμωι 35; μεταθύω 35; προθύω 35

1551) M. Adak, “Zwei Weihungen aus Klazomenai”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 77–81: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Klazomenai that commemorates the dedication of a statue of Hermes holding a scale (Ἑρμῆν σὺν τῷ ζυγῷ, 2nd cent. CE). The attribute of Hermes shows that he was conceived as the patron of the market. The dedicant was a panegyriarches, whose responsibilities included the supervision of market activities during the festival. This ded­ication is paralleled by the dedication of the image of ζυγοστάτης Ἑρμῆς in Ilion by a supervisor of the market, who was in office during a panegyris (πανηγυρικὸς ἀγορανόμος; I.Ilion 4, Imperial period). A. comments on the duties of panegyriarchoi.

1562) M. Adak, E.N. Akdoğu-Arca, and M. Oktan, “Neue Inschriften aus Side”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 89–122: Ed. pr. of 26 inscriptions from Side; some of them concern the agonistic and religious life of the city. Agonistic festivals: 6: An architectural fragment from the theater is decorated with a wreath in relief, in which an acclamation for Side as ‘mother of the synodos ’, i.e. as patron the Dionysiac artists, was engraved (αὖξε Σίδη, μήτηρ συνόδου, 2nd/3rd cent.). The presence of a branch of the Dionysiac artists in Side was already attested (I.Side I 31–32, 137); they were the sponsors of the agonistic festival Agon Mystikos (I.Ankara 141). 7: The dedicatory epigram for two kitharists from Aphrodisias commemorates their victory in the Agon Mystikos. The victors dedicated their honorific statue (χαλκείη δ᾿ εἰκὼν μυστικοῦ ἐστὶ γέρας, 2nd/3rd cent.). [The fact that the two (line 4: ἀμφοτέροις) musicians made a joint dedication suggests that they were related (brothers?), apart from their common origin. They both won in the same contest, but not in the same discipline (l. 2–4: ἡ κιθάρα δὲ μουσοχαροῦ νείκης ἀμφοτέροις πρόφασις). It is possible that one of them was a kitharist, the other a kitharode]. The Agon Mystikos, dedicated to Dionysos and Demeter, was a sacred ecumenical iselastic contest. 8: A victorious wrestler in the age-class of the boys made a dedication to Athena, Themis, and the Demos (1st cent. CE). His victory was at the trieteric contest for Themis and Athena (ἱερὸς τριετηρικὸς ἀγὼν Θέμιδος καὶ ἐπιβατήριος Ἀθηνᾶς), which was founded by L. Avidius Maximus and was only open to citizens. His prize was a portrait statue. The designation ἐπιβατήριος (sc. ἀγών) denotes a festival of Athena as patron of navigation. The contest probably took place in the spring, when the seafaring season started. Athena is represented on a ship on coins of Side. This contest seems to be identical with a contest labeled Ἀνδρονεικιανὴ θέμις καὶ ἐπιβατήριος τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς, founded by the same Avidius Maximus, priest of Themis for life (I.Side II 120). As regards the different designations (ἱερὸς τριετηρικὸς ἀγὼν vs. θέμις), the eds. observe that sometimes ἀγὼν and θέμις are used in the same meaning. [The different designations rather suggest an evolution of the festival. The themis was founded to commemorate a certain Andronikos and was connected with the cult of Athena and Themis; the founder was priest of Themis for life; originally, it may have been an annual contest. It was later upgraded into a ‘sacred contest’, the name of Andronikos was dropped, and the ‘themis for Andronikos’ became ‘the agon for Themis’; for a further change in the 3rd cent. CE, see infra]. 9: An honorific inscription (3rd cent. CE) commemorates the victory of a boy from Aspendos in wrestling. His victory occurred in a themis in honor of Athena and Apollo, founded by Aurelius Paionios Touesianos and called after him Παμφυλιακὴ Τουησιάνιος ἐπιβατήριος θέμις Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος (cf. I.Side 121–126, 127?). This contest was open to all Pamphylians. The founder of the contest served as agonothetes for life. The boy-wrestler had won without falling and without allowing his opponent to catch him around the waist (ἀπτώς, ἀμεσολάβητος). His award was a money prize (themis) and a statue with its base. This contest represents a further development of the ἐπιβατήριος τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς; in the 1st cent. CE it was connected with the cult of Themis, in the 3rd with that of Apollo. 10: An honorific inscription for a victor at the Olympia (3rd cent. CE). Dedications : 12: A dedication to Asklepios made by Glykon (a slave) for his mother in fulfillment of a vow (ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας μητρός, 2nd or 3rd cent. CE). 13: An altar for the joint cult of Athena and Artemis (3rd cent. CE). Athena appears as a patron goddess of Perge and Artemis of Side on coins the commemorated the end of the conflict between the two cities for the first rank in Pamphylia; this altar may be connected with the reconciliation of the two cities. 14: An altar of Zeus Soter (3rd cent. CE). 15: An altar of Zeus Koryphites (2nd cent. CE); the epithet was unattested (but cf. Koryphaios) and probably originates in Koryphe, the name of the cap on which Side lag.

1573) N.E. Akyürek Şahin, “Bilecik Müzesi’nden iki Epigram”, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 140 (2012), p. 155–162 [SEG LXII 1040–1041]: Ed. pr. of two grave epigrams from the area of Nikaia. The first epigram, for the local dignitary Severus (ca. 150–200), mentions the erection of a funerary altar and further activities pertaining to the funerary cult. In the ed.’s reading and interpretation of the last lines, the man’s widow bought two memorial places, one for the assembly of many people (ἐπὶ ἁλίαις), one for private commemoration. [The reading of the last lines should be: Δομιτία Ἰουλιανὴ κατέλιπον Θάλλον (and not θαλλόν) ἐλεύθερον καὶ χώραν ἐπὶ ἁλίαις καὶ ἄλλο χωρίον πρὸς τῇ Γαιανῇ ἀκίνητα ἰς θρησκίαν (not ἀκιν̣ταις θ̣ρ̣ησκίαν). Domitia Iouliane manumitted her slave Thallos, who was to take care of the grave monument. She also set aside two pieces of land, one near the sea (or saltworks) the other near Gaiane. Τhis property became part of a funerary foundation; it was unalienable (ἀκίνητα); the revenues thereof were to be used for the funerary cult of Severus. This is reference to a funerary foundation; for θρησκεία in connection with the establishment of a funerary cult see EBGR 2014, 71]. The second epigram (3rd cent. CE) reports that the sons of Appas and Eia set up a funerary monument, ‘in order that the descendants have glory’ (ἡρῷον τόδ᾿ ἔθοντο ἵν᾿ ὀψιγόνοις κλέος εἴη) [through the continuation of the funerary cult].

1584) S. Aliferi, “Ἀνάθημα ἐφήβων στὸν ἥρως Λεώ”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 425–443: A. republishes a decree of the tribe Leontis in honor of the ephebes and the tribal officials (Athens, 331 BCE; SEG XXXI 513). The stele was dedicated to the hero Leos, whose name A. restores in line 1 ([Λεὼι) ἥρ̣ωι). The stele was to be dedicated in the sanctuary of the hero (col. II, line 5), whose location is not known. It is also not clear if it is identical with the Leokoreion or a separate shrine.

1595) A. Alonso Déniz, “Διοhικετα Διοελευθερι[-] IG V.1. 700”, Emerita 78 (2010), p. 103–127 [SEG LX 603]: The A. returns to a puzzling inscription from Sparta (IG V.1.700, early 5th cent.) with the names Διοhικετα Διοελευθερι[-]. He interprets these names as personal names composed with Διο- (and not Διοσ- with suppression of the final sigma before a vowel). [But see SEG XLIII 134, on O. Masson’s view that these are theonyms, i.e. the name of Zeus followed by the epithets Ἱκέτας and Ἐλευθέριος. There is nothing strange in finding a cult of Zeus as patron of both supplication and freedom or liberation].

1606) C. Ampolo, M.C. Parra, and E. Rosamilia, “La tabula Cauloniensis. Note preliminari”, in ASNP Ser. 5, 6.2 (2014), p. 72–80: An inscribed bronze tablet found in 2000 near a temple at Punta Stilo (Kaulonia, ca. 480–470) and dedicated by a certain Pythokritos contains 14 verses (hexameters or pentameters) that probably belong to different poems. The tablet accompanied a statue (ἄγαλμα) that stood in the agora. The text, to be published by A.‑R., mentions Zeus, called μέγας, Ὀλύμπιος, and βασιλεύς, Apollo, Artemis, the Charites, and the Muses, whose cults or statues were somehow close to Zeus’ statue and sanctuary. Zeus’ sanctuary is also the finding place of a bronze helmet dedicated to Zeus. [On these finds see also C. Ampolo, “Zeus a Kaulonia: la tabula Cauloniensis, un elmo con dedica e il loro significato storico”, in M.T. Iannelli and C. Sabbione (eds.), Le spose e gli eroi. Offerte in bronzo e in ferro dai santuari e dalle necropoli, Vibo Valentia, 2014, p. 123–124.]

1617) C. Ampolo, D. Erdas, and A. Magnetto (eds.), La gloria di Athana Lindia (ASNSP Ser. 5, 6.1), Pisa, 2014, p. 3–445 [SEG LXIV 728]: This special issue of the ASNSP assembles twelve studies dedicated to the Lindian ‘Anagraphe’ (I.Lindos 2, 99/98 BCE), the result of a seminar organized in Pisa. The text of the inscription, consisting of a list of old dedications and narratives of epiphanies, is reproduced on p. 5–29 with an Italian translation. The individual essays discuss in detail the following subjects: the archaeological context of the inscription and the history of its discovery (D. Barbera, p. 31–62); the citation of literary sources in the ‘Anagraphe’ (D. Amendola, p. 63–90); the authorship of the ‘Anagraphe’ and the insecure identification of one of the authors, Τιμαχίδας, with a homonymous ­Hellenistic poet and grammarian (I. Matijašić, p. 91–112). M. points to dissimilarities between the fragments of Timachidas and the ‘Anagraphe’, e.g. in the treatment of the sources, the dialects, and the epiphanies; he also presents an edition of Timachidas’ fragments (p. 113–185) [as M. points out in his essay, Timachidas is not the sole author of the ‘Anagraphe’; the first author was Tharsagoras, Timachidas the second. For this reason, the dif­ferences between the ‘Anagraphe’ and the fragments of the grammarian Timacchidas do not necessarily prove that we are dealing with two different authors. The longest and more telling narratives (the epiphanies) may be the work of Tharsagoras. Additionally, the ‘Anagraphe’ may well be the work of a young Timachidas]; the chronicles mentioned in the text (L.F. Carlini, p. 187–203); the themes of local Rhodian historiography as reflected by the sources of the ‘Anagraphe’ (O. Salati, p. 205–237); the work of the historian Xenagoras, one of the sources of the ‘Anagraphe’ (C. Cioffi, p. 239–257); the dedication of φυλαί in the lemma XV and the way the ‘Anagraphe’ reflects the historical realities and institutions of the Archaic and Hellenistic periods (O.S. Cannistraci, p. 259–294); references to the Western Greeks in the ‘Anagraphe’ and their significance for the commemoration of the past in Lindos and Rhodes (C. Ampolo, p. 295–324); the Rhodian libraries at the time of the composition of the ‘Anagraphe’ (E. Rosamilia, p. 325–362); the ‘Anagraphe’ in the context of the relations between Rhodes and Rome (S. Rendina, p. 363–397).

1628) X. Arapoyanni, “Ἀνασκαφὴ στὴν ἀρχαία Θουρία”, PAAH 170 (2015) [2016], p. 71–107: Continuing her reports on the excavations of the sanctuary of Asklepios in Thouria (cf. EBGR 2014, 4), A. mentions the discovery of a graffito on a vase dedicated to Asklepios (80); a stamped tile is designated as belonging to the sanctuary ([ἱ]ερό[ν]).

1639) X. Arapoyanni and A. Makri, “ Ἐπιγραφὲς ἀπὸ τὸν χῶρο τοῦ Ἀσκληπιείου τῆς ἀρχαίας Θουρίας”, AE 154 (2015), p. 83–94: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from the gymnasium of Thouria (1–2) and the sanctuary of Asklepios (cf. EBGR 2012, 8; 2013, 10–11; 2014, 4). 1: The supervisor of the gymnasion and the secretary dedicate a Hermaic stele to Hermes (3rd cent.). 2: The gymnasiarchos dedicated a list of ephebes to Hermes (2nd cent.). 3–4: Parents dedicated the statues of their sons to Asklepios and Hygieia, after they had performed an action which is described with the verb κοματεύω (2nd cent. BCE – 1st cent. CE). According to A.P. Matthaiou (apud A.-M.) the verb derives from κομήτης (wearing long hair). The eds. also adduce the verb κοματροφέω in Amorgos (IG XII.7.259) and suggest that the boys must have participated in a rite of passage in which they wore long hair (p. 92 and 94) or dedicated their hair to Asklepios (p. 94 note 17) upon entering the ephebeia. [That ephebes wore their hair long is iconographically attested (e.g. A. Lebessi, Τὸ ἱερὸ τοῦ Ἑρμῆ καὶ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης στὴ Σύμη Βιάννου. 1.1. Χάλκινα κρητικὰ τορεύματα, Athens, 1985). A fragmen­tary passage in the treaty between Anaktorion and the Akarnanian Koinon concerning the sanctuary of Apollo at Aktion refers to the participation in the procession of ephebes with long hair (IG IX2.1.583, line 43: καὶ τὰν κόμαν τρέφειν). In Thouria, these dedications cannot have commemorated the beginning of the ephebeia (i.e. that time when the boys started wearing their hair long), but the end, since the verb is in the aorist (κοματεύσαντα/κοματεύσαντας). As I suggested in EBGR 2012, 8, the erection of the statues marked the end of the ephebeia and the offering of hair.]

16410) V. Aravantinos, M. Bonanno, K. Kalliga, and M. Pisani, “Εἰδώλια, στέφανοι, μικκύλα ἀγγεῖα καὶ λύχνοι. Πήλινα ἀναθήματα σὲ ἀγροτικὸ ἱερὸ στὸν Ὀρχομενό”, in A. Giannikouri (ed.), Κοροπλαστικὴ καὶ μικροτεχνία στὸν αἰγαιακό χῶρο ἀπὸ τοὺς γεωμετρικοὺς χρόνους ἕως καὶ τὴ ρωμαϊκὴ περίοδο. Διεθνὲς συνέδριο στὴ μνήμη τῆς Ἠοῦς Ζερβουδάκη. Ρόδος, 26–29 Νοεμβρίου 2009, Athens, 2014, p. 45–68: The A. give an overview of the small finds from a rural sanctuary in the countryside of Orchomenos (7th–3rd cent.). The finds (clay figurines, clay wreaths, lamps, etc.), include a loom weight dedicated to Eurynome, the mother of the Charites (SEG LXI 345, 4th cent.), and a stele that is designated by an inscription as shared property of an association of poets (κοινὰ ποειταδάων | φρατέρων, early 4th cent.) [since the stele was found re-used in a cemetery, it may not be a dedication, but a marker of the funerary precinct of an association of poets: κοινὰ, sc. στάλα]. In view of the finds, the A. assume a joint cult of the Charites, the Oceanids and the Nymphs, and Demeter and Kore, as goddesses connected with the Thesmophoria [the mention of male poets in the aforementioned text makes the association of the sanctuary with rites of the Thesmophoria-type unlikely]. It is possible that the cult of the Charites was not abandoned but moved to the city, where the agonistic festival of the Charitesia was celebrated.

16511) I. Arnaoutoglou, “Cult Associations and Politics: Worshipping Bendis in Classical and Hellenistic Athens”, in V. Gabrielsen and C.A. Thomsen (ed.), Private Associations and the Public Sphere. Proceedings of a Symposium Held at the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, 9–11 September 2010, Copenhagen, 2015, p. 25–56: A. collects the evidence for the cult of Bendis in Athen, from its first introduction in the mid-5th cent. and its re-organization in the late 5th cent. (in connection with Athenian political and military interests in Thrace) to the end of the Hellenistic period. He discusses in detail the organization of cult associations of worshippers of Bendis (ὀργεῶνες), attested since the late 4th cent., and their activities. Although their main activity consisted in the participation in the great procession of the Bendideia, they retained their character as private associations.

16612) R. Ast and R.S. Bagnall, “The Receivers of Berenike. New Inscriptions from the 2015 Season”, Chiron 5 (2015), p. 171–185: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Ἶσις ἡ ἐν Βερενείκῃ, θεὰ τροφὸς μεγίστη (Berenike, Egypt, 49 CE). A.-B. associate her description as θεὰ τροφὸς μεγίστη with the iconography of Isis lactans who nurses Horos-Harpokrates (cf. I.Portes 70: Ἴσιδος … ξόανον).

16713) A. Avram, “Inscriptions d’Istros”, Dacia 58 (2014), p. 271–284 [SEG LXIV 617, 621]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions found in the ‘sacred area’ of Histria. 2: A fragmentary honorific decree of the cult association of the Ταυρεασταί from Histria (2nd cent.). This association is already attested (I.Histria 57, lines 26–27; I.Histria 60–61). 3: A fragment mentioning Dionysos (1st cent.). 5: A dedication made by a priest at the end of his term in office. The recipient of the dedication (Δι[- -]) cannot be determined (Zeus, Dionysos or, less likely, the Dioskouroi). 6: A dedication to Apollo and Dionysos (3rd cent.).

16814) A. Avram, “Newly Published Documents Concerning Cult Associations in the Black Sea. Some Remarks”, in Private Associations, p. 122–135: A. discusses inscriptions concern­ing a cult association (θίασος) in Tanais (SEG LVIII 782–785; EBGR 2011, 68), stressing the significance of the fact that they are of an early date (3rd/2nd cent.). He rejects the view that this association was dedicated to the worship of the river-god Tanais. To judge from its complex organization (πατὴρ συνόδου, νεωκόρος, Ἑλληνάρχης?) it must have worshipped a god of central importance, perhaps Dionysos. The expression πατρὶ νομίμῳ designates a priest of Hekate in an inscription from Tomis (early 2nd cent. CE; SEG LVII 680; EBGR 2008, 12). A. discusses the use of parental terms in cult associations (e.g. CIRB 98–100, 104, 105, 1261, 1263, 1277, 1282, 1288) and argues that they were honorific titles and not designations of offices. Finally, A. presents a new edition of an inscription from Histria (BE 2008, 379 no 6, early 3rd cent. CE). The text records the names of the victors in choral competitions ([τὸν ἀ]γῶνα χορῶ[ν– νεικάσα]ντες ἐπ[ὶ ἀγωνοθέτου–). The inscription was set up by the association of the hymnodoi who worshipped Dionysos ([οἱ περὶ τὸν μέγαν θεὸν Διόνυ]σον ὑμνῳδ[οὶ πρεσβύτεροι–-] cf. I.Histria 167). This text attests the existence of a high priestess (l. 2: ἀρχιέρεια), a rare function in Dionysiac associations.

16915) P. Baker and G. Thériault, “Note sur le décret béotien SEG 26, 130, l. 10”, ZPE 195 (2005), p. 82–84: A Boiotian decree that was found in Athens and probably concerns the Mouseia (SEG XXVI 130, late 3rd/early 2nd cent.) does not mention Apollo (l. 10: [- -]Ι ο Παιάν or the unattested Ἰοπαιάν). It mentions the offering of an armor to a goddess
̣οπλίαν τὸ ἀριστεῖο[ν]).

17016) D. Bajnok, “Aeschines’ Inscription in Epidauros?”, Graeco-Latina Brunensia 19 (2014), p. 15–26 [SEG LXIII 197]: A fragmentary dedication by a certain Aischines, followed by an epigram (Epidauros, IG IV2.1.255) has been attributed to the famous Athenian orator and the epigram identified as AP 6.330, in which Aeschines thanks Asklepios for his heal­ing. This epigram is the oldest Greek acrostich, the first letters of the verses producing the invocation θεῖε. Examination of a photo of this inscription by B. leads him to the conclusion that the name of Aeschines’ father cannot be restored with certainty in l. 1. The first extant letter seems to be a T, making the restoration [Ἀτρο]μήτου impossible. More importantly, in l. 3 B. reads [- -] μ̣ τὸ θεῖον, not [- -ε]ἰς δ̣̣ τὸ θεῖον as in W. Peek’s drawing and Aeschines’ epigram in the AP. [On the ph., one can read Ι̣ΔΕ or ΜΕ, certainly not Ι̣ΣΔΕ.]

17117) M. Bărbulescu and L. Buzoianu, “Éducation, culture et religion à la lumière de deux inscriptions inédites de Tomis et de son territoire”, in V. Cojocaru and C. Schuler (eds.), Die Außenbeziehungen pontischer und kleinasiatischer Städte in hellenistischer und roemischer Zeit. Akten einer deutsch-rumaenischen Tagung in Constanţa, 20.–24. September 2010, Stuttgart, 2014, p. 141–160 [BE 2015, 502; SEG LXIV 637, 639]: Ed. pr. of two inscriptions from Tomis. The first text is a list of ephebes (late 2nd cent. CE). One of the ephebes exercised the function of a λαμπαδάρχης (line 7), in charge of the torch-race; two ephebes served as κλινόκοσμοι (lines 8f.; cf. I.Tomis 12, lines 5f.), responsible for preparing the tables for the banquet in the gymnasion [arranging the klinai]. The second text is a votive stele depicting a young woman and dedicated by Megiste, daughter of Noumenios, to Demeter and Kore (2nd/1st cent.). The dedicated object is described as νυνφίς, probably a memorial of the engagement or the marriage of the dedicant.

17218) N. Belayche, “Un dieu est né… à Stratonicée de Carie (I.Strationikeia 10)”, in C. Batsch, and M. Vartejanu-Joubert (eds.), Manières de penser dans l’Antiquité méditerranéenne et orientale. Mélanges offerts à Francis Schmidt, Leiden, 2009, p. 193–212: B. analyses the historical context of I.Startonikeia 10, which narrates a miracle of Zeus Panamaros, that saved the sanctuary of Zeus and Hekate at Panamara from an attack of Labienus (39 BCE), i.e. Stratonikeia’s loyalty to Rome (ca. 167–40 BCE), rewarded with the asylia of the sanctuaries of Hekate in Lagina and Zeus Karios in Panamara. While local Karian traditions persisted (e.g. Zeus Chrysaoreus), the narrative of the miracle aimed at glorifying Zeus Panamareus as ‘une puissance supérieure nouvellement venue’.

17319) N. Belayche, “Individualization and Religious Rhetoric in Imperial Anatolia”, in J. Rüpke (ed.), The Individual in the Religions of the Ancient Mediterranean, Oxford, 2013, p. 243–265: After providing examples of how inscriptions may allude to individual expe­riences with the divine (emotional narratives, the expressions ἀπὸ νῦν εὐλογῶ, εὐχαριστῶ, εὐχαριστήριον, the accumulation of praising attributes of gods), B. discusses the religious significance of non-personalized and anonymous divine figures such as ἄγγελοι, τὸ θεῖον, Ὅσιος καὶ Δίκαιος esp. in inscriptions of Lydia and Phrygia. Although there is evidence for angeloi perceived as messengers (e.g. I.Stratonikeia 103: Hermes is Διὸς ἄγγελος; BIWK 38: ἀγγέλου τοῦ θεοῦ Μηνός; BIWK 3: ὁ θεὸς ἐκέλευσε δι᾿ ἀγγέλου), the messenger function is not restricted to subordinate deities. In some dedications, the angelos is given the same quality as the Divine (θεῖος ἄγγελος, θεῖος ἄγγελος οὐράνιος, θεῖος ἀγγελικός; see I.Stratonikeia 1117–1119, 1307), although in these texts too the first rank is given to Zeus or Theos Hypsistos. [To the evidence for angeloi as messengers of a superior god, one may add the theosophical oracle of Oinoanda that presents all deities as angeloi of god: SEG XXVII 933: μεικρὰ δὲ θεοῦ μερὶς ἄνγελοι ἡμεῖς. In the case of SEG XLI 1185, the inscription declares an altar as property of Apollo and his messengers Hosion kai Dikaion (Ἀπόλλωνος κα[ὶ τῶν] ἀνγέλων αὐτοῦ Ὁσίω καὶ Δικέω). Therefore, it should be counted among the testimonia about deities serving as messengers; it does not describe ‘the qualities Apollo displays when in communication with men’ (p. 254)]. The divine entity labeled as θεῖον is given various qualifications that belong to the rhetoric of divine glorification (ἀγαθόν, βασιλικόν, μέγα, ὕψιστον, παντοδυνάστης, πολύμορφον; see I.Stratonikeia 519, 1111, 1115–1116, 1309; SGO III 16/35/01; SEG LII 1106; TAM V.1.434). It can replace a god’s name (CIG 4142.37; TAM V.1.761) and it can be honored together with a god (e.g. TAM V.1.186, 524). In a dedication from Dorylaion the Ὅσιον καὶ Δίκαιον Θεῖον is represented as a man with a radiant head. Similarly, ὅσιον καὶ δίκαιον can, in some dedications, ‘express the divinity in its manifestation within the world as a holy power bringing justice’ (p. 259). B. concludes that in the religious rhetoric of Roman Anatolia, angeloi, theion, hosion kai dikaion “are not subordinate assistants of a too far-away power, but a modality of the intervention of supernatural powers within the world, which is expressed through a personalized form” (p. 259f.). [In this important study, B. rightly stresses the need to understand such rhetorical expressions within their contexts. Her conclusion is more plausible for theion and hosion kai dikaion (one might add also the concept of the Pantheion, for which see EBGR 2013, 114) than for angeloi. For the latter, see now also G.H.R. Horsley and J.M. Luxford, “Pagan Angels in Roman Asia Minor: Revisiting the Epigraphic Evidence”, Anatolian Studies 66 (2016), p. 141–183].

17420) N. Belayche, “Les performances hymniques, un ‘lieu’ de fabrique de la représentation du divin?”, in N. Belayche and V. Pirenne-Delforge (eds.), Fabriquer du divin. Constructions et adjustements de la représentation des dieux dans l’Antiquité, Liège, 2015, p. 167–182: Hymns glorified the gods; but did they also contribute to the elaboration or transformation of the way the divine was represented? B. approaches this question by adducing the aretalogy of Isis from Maroneia (RICIS 114/0202 = IThracAeg E205) [which is not a hymn but a prosaic enkomion, whose rhetorical features have been studied by D. Papanikolaou; see EBGR 2009, 119; on this text see also EBGR 2012, 118], a decree of Stratonikeia concerning the daily singing of hymns (I.Stratonikeia 1101), an oracle of Klaros, with (SEG XLI 981; EBGR 1992, 84), the Delian aretalogy of Sarapis (IG XI.1299 = RICIS 202/101) Aelius Aristides, Eis ton Sarapin. She concludes that hymnic performances stressed the power of a divinity and triggered enthusiasm, without, however, modifying a divinity’s theological features; they were not a ‘un “lieu” privilégié où assister à la fabrication du divin’ (p. 179).

17521) A. Bernabé, “The Ephesia Grammata : Genesis of a Magical Formula”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 71–95: The ‘Getty hexameters’ (cf. infra no 47) contain the earliest version of the Ephesia grammata (cf. Clemens Alex., Stromateis; Hesychios, s.v.). After collecting the evidence for various versions, B. argues that the nonsense text known from the later tradition, consisting of six words (ασκι κατασκι λιξ τετραξ δαμναμενευς αισια), evolved from hexameters with meaningful words. The ‘Getty hexameters’ preserve both a poetic and a prose version. They represent an early stage in the development from a meaningful text to a nonsense prosaic formula. In this transformation, various factors were at play: sound-play, the selection of words with an attractive phonetic sequence, misinterpreta­tions, popular etymology, and the abridgment of many verses. E.g. κατάσκι developed from the phrase κατὰ σκιερῶν; ἔσκε became ἄσκι as a magical pendant for κατάσκι; αἴξ became λίξ; τετραβάμων was shortened to Τετραξ making a homoeteleuton with αἴξ; in τετραγος there is a play with τε τράγος; ἀασία (bearer of ἄτη), an attribute of αἴξ, was re-interpreted as αἴσια. Originally placed after ασκι κατασκι, αισια was moved to the end of the formula, in order to preserve the two pairs of rhythmical words ασκι κατασκι αιξ τετραξ.

17622) J. Blok, “The Priestess of Athena Nike. A New Reading of IG I3 35 and 36”, Kernos 27 (2014), p. 99–126 [SEG LXIV 35]: B. studies the Athenian decrees concerning the priestess of Athena Nike (IG I3 35–36) discussing in detail the duties, perquisites, remuneration, and lifetime tenure of the priestess, and the history of the construction on the Nike bastion. In B.’s reconstruction of the establishment of the cult, a decree, now lost, provided for public funding for new thanksgiving sacrifices to Athena Nike for victories in war. It was immediately followed by the decree that established the cult (priesthood, temple, altar; IG I3 35, ca. 440–425). Finally, in 424/3 a new decree provided for payments to the priestess (IG I3 36).

17723) V. Bottez, “Three New Inscriptions from Istros”, Dacia 58 (2014), p. 285–292: Ed. pr. of an altar inscribed with Latin dedication to Iupiter Optimus Maximus and Iuno found in Histria (291 no 3, 2nd/3rd cent.). Originally, the altar must have been set up in the countryside of Histria, at a settlement of Roman veterans.

17824) T. Boulay and A.-V. Pont, Chalkètôr en Carie, Paris, 2014 [BE 2015, 38]: The A. pres­ent a series of studies concerning the history and the inscriptions of Chalketor, and its relations to Mylasa, Iasos, and other Karian cities. Inter alia, they discuss the evidence for the sanctuary of Apollo and Artemis in the community of the Hydaeis (I.Mylasa 903 and 906, 3rd/2nd cent.; p. 71–78) and the phenomenon of Roman emperors serving as civic eponyms in western Asia Minor (hieromnemon in Byzantion, stephanephoros in several cities, other eponymous offices; p. 81–113). On p. 123–134, they republish the inscriptions of Chalketor. An honorific decree mentions the sanctuary of Apollo as the place of the pub­lication of decrees (6 = I.Mylasa 912, 2nd cent.). A fragmentary cult regulation concerns itself with sacrifices during a festival, the funds for the sacrifice, and the portion of meat given to the priestess, the community, and anonymous magistrates (the hieropoioi ?; I.Mylasa 914, 2nd cent.).

17925) J.N. Bremmer, “The Getty Hexameters: Date, Author, and Place of Composition”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 21–29: In this important study on the ‘Getty hexameters’ (cf. infra no 47). B. collects parallels in early poetry for expressions used in this text (οὐ ἀτέλεστα, ἐπαείδω, κολάπτω γράμματα, εὐρεία χθών, βόσκει ἀγάστονος Ἀμφιτρίτη, ἀθάνατα θνητοῖσιν, ἀκαμαντορόας). Some words or expressions are unparalleled (ἀλέξιμα, ἔπεα ἀθάνατα, θαλερὸν γάλα, θεαῖς φαειναῖς); αὐτοκέλευστος is the earliest attestation of the word. The parallels, especially the use of expressions that are found in Euripides — such as μελαναυγής (Hecuba 152, in combination with the rare νασμός), τετραβάμων, and ἐκκλάζω, and the use of the digamma, lead B. to the conclusion that the text should be dated between Euripides’ Hecuba and the destruction of Selinous in 409 B.C. [but as I have pointed out in EBGR 2012, 83, the archetype of the ‘Getty hexameters’ may have been the source of Euripides and not vice versa; as Bremmer himself observes, the author “was original enough to coin new combinations of words”]. B. also observes that the parallel text for the ‘Getty hexameters’ shows a similar geographical distribution to the ‘Orphic-Dionysiac’ tablets, and this suggests a connection of the ‘Getty hexameters’ with mystery cults [but see infra no 43]. Responding to S.I. Johnston’s hypothesis of an Egyptian origin of a historiola in the ‘Getty hexameters’ (see infra no 69), B. points out that, if this is correct, no specific Egyptian detail survived the process of transmission. Since the healing power of milk was known to Greek medical authors, no Egyptian origin needs to be postulated. B. argues that several features of the text can be explained if one assumes a Selinountian provenance (e.g. Hekate is found in connection with Demeter and Persephone only in Selinous; only in Selinous bones of sheep and goats have been found near the altars of Demeter) [but see infra no 47. What is of Selinountian provenance: the archetype, the tablet that preserves a modified version, or both?].

18026) H. Bru and E. Laflı, “Inscriptions gréco-romaines d’Anatolie III”, DHA 40.2 (2014), p. 268–282 [SEG LXIV 911, 914, 917, 919, 922]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Halikarnassos, including texts of religious interest: 6: [This text, interpreted by the eds. as the epitaph of Phosphoros, is in fact a dedication to a goddess with the epithet Phosphoros (P. Hamon, BE 2015, 641). J.-M. Carbon, in SEG LXIV 917, restores [Ἀρτέμι]δ̣ι Φωσφόρωι]. 8: A fragmentary honorific inscription (2nd cent. CE?) for a high priest of the emperors (line 1). The epithet (or personal name) Καρποφόρος is mentioned in l. 3 [J.-M. Carbon, in SEG LXIV 914, suggests restoring Σεβα[στῆς (θεᾶς) Δήμητρος Κ]αρποφόρου (cf. IG XII.4.643 and 1182), i.e. Agrippina]. 11: [This text is an epitaph for a heroized child: τέκνῳ νηπίῳ ἥρῳ; see SEG LXIV 922]. 12: An altar dedicated to a deity, whose name appears as ΔΕΙΟΝΗΙ on the stone (3rd cent. CE). The eds. suspect a dedication to Dionysos [but see infra no 31]. 14: A decree concerning the sale of a priesthood [for an improved edition and interpretation see infra no 116].

18127) J.-M. Carbon, “Five Answers Prescribing Rituals in the Oracular Tablets of Dodona”, Grammateion 4 (2015), p. 73–87: Although questions concerning cultic matters abound among the oracular tablets of Dodona (cf. EBGR 2013, 37), the editors have identified very few tablets as responses to inquiries about worship [e.g. ‘worship Apollo’ (1045A: Ἀπόλλωνα, sc. θεράπευε); ‘sacrifice to Apollo’ (1299B: Ἀπόλλωνι); ‘do not sacrifice’ (3210A: … μὴ θύειν)]. C. gives an overview of cases in which the oracle exercised authority on cultic matters (e.g. the selection of a priestess: DVC 70–71) and presents new critical editions of five tablets that contain answers to inquiries concerning ritual matters. 1 (Lhôte, Lamelles no 142 = SEG LVI 662): A list of deities and sacrificial animals and other offerings (liba­tions, a statue) to be offered to them. 2 (SEG XV 391): A list of offerings to be made to gods. 3 (DVC 2393A): Offerings to be made to Zeus Patroios, Dionysos, an anonymous god, and Eileithyia concerning debts. 4 (DVC 2035A): A fragmentary list of offerings, similar to no 1 (including, again, an [ἄ]γαλμα καινὸν χρυσν); one of the divine recipients is called Ὀπαδεύς (‘the attendant’). 5 (DVC 1122B): A fragmentary list of offerings. One recognizes Zeus Patroios and a divinity ‘on the heights’ who receives a sheep. [For more possible answers among the tablets, see EBGR 2013, 37.]

18228) C. Chandezon, “L’hippotrophia et la boutrophia, deux liturgies dans les cités hellénistiques”, in C. Balandier and C. Chandezon (eds.), Institutions, sociétés et cultes de la Méditerranée antique. Mélanges d’histoire ancienne en l’honneur de Claude Vial, Bordeaux, 2014, p. 29–50: C. discusses the liturgies of ἱπποτροφία and βουτροφία in Hellenistic cities. Ἱπποτροφία is mentioned in regulations concerning the sale of priesthoods; individuals who purchased a priesthood (or spent a large amount for it) were exempt from it (I.Priene 174 = I.Priene [2014] 144: priesthood of Dionysos Phleos in Priene; IG XII.4.298: priesthood of Hermes Enagonios in Kos). This liturgy is more likely connected with military purposes than with the supply of horses for contests in festivals. Βουτροφία is attested in connection with the raising of cows as sacrificial animals (Bargylia: SEG XLV 1508; L 1101; cf. I.Délos 1520 l. 68–78).

18329) A.M. Cirio, Gli epigrammi di Giulia Balbilla (ricordi di una dama di corte) e altri testi al femminile sul colosso di Memnone, Lecce, 2011 [SEG LXI 1537]: New critical edition of the four epigrams composed by Iulia Blabilla and engraved on the ‘Colossus of Memnon’ in Thebai, during Hadrian’s visit to Egypt (130 CE; I.Col.Memnon 28–31). C. provides a detailed commentary of the poems, including a discussion of the Memnoneion and the sonic phenomenon associated with it, as well as religious aspects of Hadrian’s journey.

18430) K. Clinton, “Eleusinian Iconography: The Case of the Phantom Pi”, ZPE 193 (2015), p. 133–140: A torchbearer in an Eleusinian scene on a red-figure hydria in Boston (ARF 1315.2) has often been interpreted as Eumolpos, because the fragmentary label identifying this figure was read as [- -]πος. C. points out that this reading is uncertain — in fact, no trace of this letter survives on the vase. As M.P. Nilsson had pointed out, Eumolpos’ symbol is the scepter not the torch. Eumolpos’ identification as a torchbearer is based on a phantom letter.

18531) T. Corsten, “Prosopographische und onomastische Notizen IV”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 136–141: C. interprets a figure on a votive altar from Halikarnassos [supra no 26] as Zeus and suggests reading Δεῒ ΟΝΗΙ̣|[. .] εὐχήν.

18632) E. Culasso Gastaldi, “Un’inedita iscrizione votiva dagli Dei di Samotraci”, ZPE 193 (2015), p. 179–188: Ed. pr. of a dedication to the Gods of Samothrace, now in the Museum of Torino, probably from Alexandria (mid-2nd cent.). Leonides, a Macedonian naukleros, made the dedication in fulfillment of a vow, after he had been saved from many dangers in the Red Sea (σωθεὶς ἐκ τῆς Ἐρυθ[ρᾶς] θαλάσσης ἐκ πο[λλῶν] κινδύνων Θεοῖς [τοῖς] ἐν Σαμοθράικηι εὐ[χήν]). Leonides was active in the maritime trade in the Red Sea, either privately or on behalf of the king. He may be identified with a man who later reached the rank of ‘one of the first friends’ in court hierarchy (SEG II 864).

18733) J. Curbera, “Seven Curse Tablets from the Collection of Richard Wünsch”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 143–156: C. presents improved editions of seven curse tablets from Athens, now in the Berlin Antikensammlung (IG III App. 110, 90, 89, 120, and 127; DA 81 and 82). 1: The first text applies the similia similibus formula: ‘just as these letters are jumbled up (ὥσπερ ταῦτα ἀναντία), so too of Proton, the market woman be jumbled up all things’, etc.; the letters in l. 5–6 do not make sense). 2: Someone curses Theodote: “And before Hermes katochos, the good one, do be a katochos (καὶ πρὸς τὸν κάτοχον Ἑρ{Ι}μῆν, τὸν ἀγαθόν· σὺ δὲ κάτοχος γενοῦ). I curse Theodote, her, and her tongue, and her hands, and whatever she makes before Hermes dolios let it become pitiful and shameful (καὶ πρὸς τὸν δόλιον Ἑρμῆν ἄθλια ἀεικῆ τε γενήσθαι). And by/from the chthonian goddess I let her be bound (καὶ παρὰ τῆς χθονίας καταδεδέσθαι), and when she gets out of bed let all for her be uncertain and also when she sleeps, and everywhere she goes and whoever is with her.” The request σὺ δὲ κάτοχος γενοῦ is addressed to Hermes. The chthonian goddess is Hekate or Persephone. 3: This curse addresses Hermes (δέσποτα Ἑρμῆ κάτοχε κάτεχε) and lists the body parts of three opponents. 4: This tablet is written against the intrigues and the soul of Timostratos (βουλεύματα καὶ τῆν ψυχήν); the defigens wishes that Timostratos, his friends, and their affairs ‘become cold’ (ψυχρὰ γένοιτο, ψυχροὺς γενέσθαι) [one notes the alliteration ψυχή/ψυχρός (cf. κάτοχε κάτεχε); one is reminded of ψυχαὶ ψύχονται in the ‘Dionysiac-Orphic’ tablets]. 5–6: Two tablets that consist of personal names written in twisted form. 7: The defigens invokes Hermes Chthonios ([τ]ὸν Ἑρμῆν κικλήσκω χθόνιον … [ἐξ]ετέω θηὸ[ν τὸ]ν κ̣τ̣οχ[ο]ν) and Persephone (καὶ Περσεφόνηαν) to bind Dionysia’s tongue, lips, and feet.

18834) J. Curbera and A.K. Makres, Inscriptiones Graecae. Voluminis II et III editio tertia. Pars IV. Fasciculus I. Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores Atticae. Editio tertia. Pars IV. Dedicationes et tituli sacri. Fasciculus 1. Dedicationes publicae. Edidit Jaime Curbera. Choregicas edidit Andronike K. Makres, Berlin, 2015: The new fascicule of the Attic corpus contains 664 public dedi­cations (inedita are marked with an asterisk): dedications of the people and the council (1–19); of magistrates (20–220); of demes and tribes (221–242); of soldiers and officers (243–328); from the city: 243–276; from Eleusis: 277–283; from Rhamnous: 248–318; from Piraeus: 319–321; from other sites: 322–328; of ephebes (329–425); of gymnasiarchoi, choregoi, and agonothetai (426–577); of athletes (578–630); and of orgeones, thiasoi, and other associations (631–664). The dedications are addressed to: Amphiaraos (344, 346), Aphrodite (223), Aphrodite Euploia (320), Aphrodite Hegemone (298), Aphrodite Hegemone and the Charites (8), Apollo (1, 18, 233, 397–399, 402, 412, 598, 604), Apollo Hagyieus (40), Apollo ὑπὸ Μακραῖς/ὑπ᾿ Ἄκραις/Ὑποακραῖος (128–205), Apollo Pythios (580), Ares and Augustus (242), Artemis (237), Athena (385, 561, 597), Athena Archegetis (12), Athena Organe/Ergane (641), Asklepios (644, 653), Asklepios Mounichios (663), Asklepios and Hygieia (13, 652), Asklepios, Hygieia, and Augustus (556), Bendis (591), Demeter and Kore (5–6, 57, 212–213, 217–218, 258, 281, 307, 340, 349), Dionysos (116, 211, 222, 224, 232, 497, 502, 507, 636, 656), Dionysos Lenaios (292), Dionysos Paideios (536), Herakles (122?, 634; cf. 420: a statue of Herakles), Hermes (327–328, 351, 357–364, 366, 371, 378 380–381, 384, 386, 388–391, 394–395, 403, 407*), Hermes Enagonios (431; cf. 537), Hermes Hegemonios (321), Hermes Propylaios (16), Hermes and Herakles (423), Hermes, Herakles, and Apollo (372), the Muses (370, 373–374, 387), Nike (537, 620), the Nymphs (635), Pan and the Nymphs (376), Pankrates (649), Themis (513), Theseus (74), Zeus Boulaios and Hestia Boulaia (117–118), Zeus Olympios (648), Zeus Philios (640), Zeus Soter (417), Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira (308, 311–313, 315–316, 318), Zeus Soter, Athena Soteira, Themis, and Nemesis (314, 317), the Twelve Gods (2), Heros (329, 655), the eponymous hero Leos (207), Heros Archegetes (291), Heros Mounichos (335), Heros Strategos (269, 271; cf. 267?), and Dea Roma and Augustus (10–11).

189Most dedications were made after successful service in the council or an office, upon completion of the ephebic training, and to commemorate victories in contests. The following agonistic festivals are mentioned: Athenian festivals: Anakeia: 272; Antoneia: 624; Diogeneia in honor of Diogenes, the garrison commander in 229 BCE: 308; Dionysia: 433–517, 557, 559; Eleusinia: 420, 579, 595, 599, 602, 609, 622; Epitaphia: 385, 395–397; Hadrianeia: 614; Hekatomboia: 594; Heroia: 366; Hermaia: 368; Lenaia: 594; Olympieia/Olympia: 528, 612, 613, 627; Megala Panathenaia: 427, 430–431, 433, 528, 545, 561, 584, 587–588, 594, 596–597, 599, 610–611, 627, 629; Panhellenia: 613, 614, 628–630; Serapia: 606; Sylleia: 375; Thargelia: 463–496, 545; Theseia: 377, 388, 396–397, 598. A dedication was made by an agonothetes of the Hadrianeia, Severeia, Antoneia, Antinoeia, Kommodeia (425). Festivals outside of Athens: Aktia: 615, 629–630; Aktia in Tyros: 629; Amphiareia: 593; Asklepieia in Epidauros: 594, 615–616; Aspis in Argos: 607, 610, 613–615, 629; agon for Athena Promachos in Rome: 629; Attaleia Kapitolia in Aphrodisias: 629; Augusteia in Pergamon: 614, 629–630; Barbilleia in Ephesos: 613, 629; Basileia: 594; Basileia in Macedonia: 594; Basileia in Alexandria: 594; Charitesia in Orchomenos: 603; Chilietes (agon) in Rome: 629; Chrysanthina in Sardeis: 629; Delia: 599; Didymeia in Miletos: 615, 617, 629–630; Eleutheria in Plataia: 599, 607, 613, 630; Epheseia: 590; Eusebeia in Puteoli: 629; Hadriana Olympia in Smyrna: 613, 629; Hadrianeia in Ephesos: 629; Helieia/Halieia: 594, 615, 630; Heraia in Argos: 599; Herakleia in Thebes: 599, 613, 629; Ilieia: 590; Isthmia: 581–583, 585, 587, 593–594, 610, 614–615, 629; Kapitolia: 612, 614, 629; Kendreisia in Philippopolis: 629; Klaria: 590; Korneleia: 627; Lykaia: 599; Naa in Dodona: 599, 603; Nemea: 581–582, 587, 599, 607, 610, 613–614, 622, 627, 629; Nymphaia in Apollonia: 599; Olympia: 586, 599, 614, 616, 619, 629; Olympia in Epidauros: 629; Olympia in Smyrna: 613, 629; Olympia in Beroia: 629; Olympia in Ephesos: 613, 629; Olympia in Kyzikos: 629; Periporphyros in Sidon: 629; Pythaeia in Megara: 603; Pythia: 581, 587, 594, 599, 607, 611, 618, 629–630; Pythia in Hierapolis: 629; Pythia in Philippopolis: 629; Pythia in Tralleis: 629; Rhomaia in Chalkis: 599, 603; Sebasmeia in Damaskos: 629; Sebasta in Byzantion 629; Sebasta in Neapolis: 614, 629–630; Severeia in Nikomedeia: 629; Severeia in Nikaia: 629; Soteria in Delphi: 599; Trophonia in Lebadeia: 599, 603, 607, 629–630; Koina of Asia in Ephesos: 614; Koina of Asia in Smyrna: 614, 627, 629; Koina of Asia in Sardeis: 629; Koinos of Bithynia: 629. Some of the dedications concern periodonikai, pleistonikai, and other athletes with numerous victories (599, 612, 614, 629). Among the disciplines, we note ἀνθιππασία (252, 265, 528), ταυροκαθάπτης (606), ἀκάμπιον (598), and ἐγβάτης (598). There are also dedications in connection with the Pythais (18; cf. Pythaists 632, 638), and a few dedications after victorious wars (1, 266) and military expeditions (245, 260). Among the dedicatory formulas we note the formula ἐπ᾿ εὐτυχίαις (630).

190Since most of these texts were already included in IG II2, I limit myself to a few inter­esting texts. 13 (IG II2 4475a) and 79: These are two unusual dedications. In the first case, the council dedicated the statue of Sosikles upon command of Asklepios and Hygieia, after he had been healed (1st cent. CE). The unusual features are the dedicated object (the statue of the healed person) and the dedicator (a public body). In the second case, the prytaneis of Aiantis collected money to dedicate the statue of a child upon fulfillment of a vow to Eileithyia (339/8) [possibly in these cases Sosikles and the father of the child were members of the council. If this is correct, the dedications reveal an interesting form of solidarity and empathy among the members of the council]. 116: A fragmentary dedicatory epigram seems to refer to reciprocity. Dionysos should feel joy and give honor (to the dedicant?): ἀλλὰ χαρεὶς ὦ Βάκχε [-–-] κυδαίνοις ἐρατοῦ μ[- -] (ca. 100 BCE). 431 (IG II2 3023): Similarly, a hermaic stele representing Hermes Enagonios promises happiness to those who crown it: [ὁ δὲ] κοσμῶν με εὐ[τ]υ[χ]ήσε[ι]. 215 (IG II2 2956) and 216 (IG II2 2597): The Panhellenes made a dedication ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Δημητρίου καρποῦ ἀπαρχ[ῆς] (2nd cent. CE). 308 A: The festival Diogeneia, which honored the Macedonian garrison commander who liberated Athens in 229 BCE, was celebrated with a torch-race still in 175/4, more than fifty years after their establishment. 376: A dedication to Pan and the Nymphs includes a cult regulation listing the items that were not to be brought into a cave (cf. EBGR 2007, 71). 663 (IG II2 2963): The Paianistai of Asklepios Mounichios approached the corrector rei publicae in Athens upon a command given by Asklepios to the priest of the association (καθὼς αὐτὸς ὁ θεὸς ἐχρημάτισε διὰ … τ[οῦ ἱερέως]; 211/2 CE).

19135) J.-C. Decourt and A. Tziaphalias, “Un règlement religieux de la région de Larissa : cultes et grecs et ‘orientaux’ ”, Kernos 28 (2015), p. 13–51: Ed. pr. of a very important cult regulation from Marmarini, near Larisa (2nd cent.). The text is written on the two sides of a stele; preserved are 35 lines on side A and 82 on side B. The inscription contains the ritual norms of the mystery cult of an unnamed goddess [for my summary, I take into consideration also the contributions to the interpretation of this text by J.‑M. Carbon, “The Festival of the Aloulaia, and the Association of the Alouliastai. Notes Concerning the New Inscription from Larisa/Marmarini”, Kernos 29 (2016), p. 185–208, and R. Parker and S. Scullion, “The Mysteries of the Goddess of Marmarini”, Kernos 29 (2016), p. 209–266]. The preserved text on side A begins with a description of the rituals during the festival Eloulaia, from the 12th to the 19th day of a month (A 3–16): preliminary sacrifices (προθύειν) to Moira (12th day), the purification of the sanctuary (καθαρίσθω τὰ ἀκάθαρτα) and a sacrifice to Μογγα (13th day), adornment of the statue of the goddess (κοσμεῖν τὴν θεόν) and a sacrifice (ἀποθύειν) to Helios (14th day), an optional sacrifice to Pan, ‘who is called by the Syrians ΝΕΙ̣ΣΠΛΗΝ (fish and doves are not permitted as offering) and filling a chytra with water during the night (15th day: ὑδρεύεσθαι δὲ καὶ τὴν χύτραν τὸ ὕδωρ τῆι νυκτερινῆι ἀπὸ κρήνης), opening of the chytra (χύτραν ἀνοίγειν) and a sacrifice to Moira (16th day), a procession (17th day) [as Carbon, supra, p. 192, observed, this is the procession of the festival Aloulaia, mention in B 63], a sacrifice to Alaia (18th day), offerings to Lillaias, Artemis Phylake, and Apollo Pylaios (19th day). The next lines describe the requirements for initiation into the mysteries of the goddess (τελετὴ τῆς θεοῦ; A 18–28); the preparation for the initiation includes tending the goddess for three days (θεραπεύειν), shaving (ξυρεῖσθαι), and purification rituals (including the washing of the mouth: διακλαινέστω τὸ στόμα). The last fragmentary lines mention animal sacrifices and other offerings (A 28–55). Side B contains regulations concerning uninitiated individuals, the parts of the sanctuary that they should not enter, and the purifications required from those who violated these regulations (B 1–16); the organization of a collection (ἀγείρειν) that was to take place on the new moon of Itonios (B 17–21); sacrificial and purity regulations, and the perquisites of the priestess from sacrifices (B 22–82). I single out a few details: purification from birth, death and sexual intercourse (B 26–29); the possibility to offer sacrifices in the Greek manner (B 35f.: θύειν … ἑλληνικῶι νόμωι), with the exception of pig sacrifice; the organization of a ‘complete full table’ (B 45: τραπεζοπλησία), all-day rites (B 49f.: πανημερῖσαι); the offering of incense, myrrh, aromatic plants, and rose essence to the statue of the goddess (‘to the ear of the goddess and her hair’; B 52f.); and the festivals Nisanaia and Aloulaia, which included a procession; ‘at the Nisanaia, the procession should be on the next day, if the goddess comes from the river; at the Aloulaia, on the 17th day, in the morning; there should be a torch procession during the night’ (B 62–64: ἔστω δὲ ἡ πομπὴ Νισαναίοις μὲν ἐὰν ἡ θεὸς ἀπὸ ποταμοῦ ἔλθηι αὔριον· Ἀλουλαίοις δὲ τῆι ἑπτακαιδεκάτηι τὸ πρωΐ· εἰς νύκτα δὲ λαμπαδεύεσθαι). These festivals derive their names from the Semitic months Nisan and Elul. [Carbon, supra, p. 186–197, observes that the Aloulaia took place at the beginning of the Thessalian year, in the fall, in the month Itonios, the Nisanaia in the spring. Adducing an inscription from Kos that attests an association of Ἀλουλιασταί (IG XII.4.2781), he suggests that the cult regulation from Larisa concerns a similar cult association, whose members were of multiethnic origin. The cult brought together Anatolian (Men), Semitic (Alaia, Adara), and Greek gods; the principal goddess (θεά), who was at the heart of Semitic festivals, was most likely Thea Syria or Hagne Theos (p. 198–206). In their commentary, that will be summarized in EBGR 2016, Parker and Scullion (supra) discuss in detail the layout of the sanctuary and the Near Eastern ritual influences (bird sacrifice, holocaust sacrifice, table offering, the tending of images, the Mesopotamian ‘washing of the mouth’ ceremony), the initiation, the sacrificial terms (θύειν, ἀποθύειν, ἐπιθύειν, μεταθύειν, προθύειν), sacrificial and other ritual novelties, and the purification rites. They reject the eds.’ view that the ‘goddess’ is Artemis Phylake, and suspect that she may be Atargatis (cf. a dedication to Παρθένος Βαμβυκία, i.e. Atargatis of Hierapolis/Bambyke, from Kranon).] In their commentary, the eds. discuss the information provided by the text about the sanctuary and its architecture (an enclosure: περίβολος; a monumental gate: πρόπυλον; an altar: βωμός; a vestibule: πρόθυρον; a temple: ναός); the divinities mentioned in text (Artemis Phylake, which they regard as the principle deity of the sanctuary [contra : Parker and Scullion, supra], Men, Moira, Helios, Apollo, Pan, the unattested and obviously Oriental deities Mogga, Alaia, Adara, and Lilla/Lillaias), the cult, the cult personnel (ἱέρεια, νεωκόρος, the uanttested φοιβάτριαι), the purity regula­tions, and the sacrifices.

19236) R. De Vita, “Un lottatore di Amastri sul Ponto in Campania”, Epigraphica 77 (2015), p. 229–239: Ed. pr. of an epitaph from Campania, now in the Nicholson Museum of the University of Sydney. The deceased man was a wrestler from Amastris, who died at the age of 38 (2nd cent. CE). D. associates his presence in Italy with participation in the agonistic festivals of Kapitolia (Rome), Eusebeia (Puteoli), or Sebasta (Neapolis).

19337) A. Dimartino, “L’epistola di Ierone e l’orkion boulas (IG XIV, 7): Un nuovo dossier epigrafico? ”, Epigraphica 77 (2015), p. 39–67: An inscription from Syracuse (IG XIV 7) [cf. EBGR 2005, 103] contains a letter of King Hieron II to Syracuse and an oath that has been interpreted as the oath that sealed an agreement between Syracuse and the king. After detailed study of the text and the relevant bibliography, D. argues that the stone contains a dossier of different documents from the reign of Hieron II. The text of the oath, in which Hestia and Zeus Olympios are invoked, is not necessarily connected with Hieron’s letter.

19438) M.D. Dixon, “A List of Properties from the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Isthmia”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 469–479: New critical edition of a fragmentary list of properties found in the sanctuary of Poseidon at Isthmia (SEG XXIX 338, Hellenistic). It is not clear whether the pieces of land, houses, and gardens listed in the fragment were leased, sold, or confis­cated and whether they belonged to the sanctuary or not.

19539) C. Dobias-Lallou, “Prendre la mer et se confier aux dieux : une nouvelle épigramme grecque du port de Cyrène”, in Mélanges Laronde, p. 225–238 [BE 2014, 541; SEG LXII 1789]: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary poem from Kyrene (ca. 250–200). The text, hymn or ded­icatory epigram, seems to refer to maritime travels to Libya and the hope that a god will offer his protection (A 12: [σ]ύμπλοος ἥξε[ις). A god is invoked (A 7: ὦ δαῖμον; A 10: ὦ ἄνα). He may be Asklepios (A 7–8: ὦ δαῖμον, ὃν ἢ κατὰ γαῖαν̣ [ἢ κατὰ πόντον ἔτικτε | Κο]ρωνὶς ἐπαρκέα θνητοῖς̣?). The verse A 6 κ̣έλσαι π[οθ] θεοὺς ὄσ[σ- -] may be a reference to the arrival of ships at the Rock of Kallikrateia, where the stone was found and where the cult of a variety of deities is attested (Kallikrateia, Eumenides, Apollo, Aphrodite, Artemis, Kybele, and Dionysos).

19640) F. Dönmez Öztürk and H.S. Öztürk, “Neue Inschriften aus Göynük und Mudurnu II”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 123–128: Ed. pr. of an altar dedicated to Zeus Okonenos by the village of the Boleinaioi κατὰ ἐπιταγήν (Göynük, between Nikaia and Klaudiopolis, 2nd cent. CE). The cult of Zeus Okonenos is attested in Thrace, Moesia, Dalmatia, and Bithynia.

19741) N. Duval, “Probability in the Ancient Greek World: New Considerations from ­Astragalomantic Inscriptions in South Anatolia”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 127–141: D. demon­strates that the various throws of multiple astragaloi did not all have the same mathematical likelihood of occurring (e.g. the sequences 3, 3, 3, 4, 4 and 3, 3, 4, 4, 4 were much easier to obtain than 1, 1, 1, 1, 6). A careful study of inscriptions from Asia Minor concerning divination by means of knuckle-bones leads to the conclusion that the authors of these texts were aware of such differences in probability. They formulated the responses accordingly, balancing positive and negative answers and guaranteeing ‘the god a perfectly calibrated means of communication which would allow him to express himself without constraint’.

19842) W. Eck, “Eine Weihung an Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus durch einen Veteranen der legio XVI Flavia Firma”, ZPE 194 (2015), p. 219–222: Ed. pr. of an inscribed bronze statuette of a bull (unknown provenance, early 2nd cent. CE); originally, a statuette of Iuppiter Dolicheus stood on the bull’s back. The statuette was dedicated by a veteran of the legio XVI Flavia Firma for the village Skapraanneos [E. reads κώμῃ Σκαπρααννέου; possible is also the reading κώμης Καπρααννέου, i.e. the origin or place of habitation of the veteran in the genitive (as e.g. in CIL III 14894; IGBulg III.2.1690).] The veteran probably served in Kappadokia before his retirement.

19943) R.G. Edmonds III, “The Ephesia Grammata: Logos Orphaïkos or Apolline Alexima Pharmaka?”, in Getty hexameters, p. 97–106: E. discusses the Ephesia grammata, an early version of which is contained in the ‘Getty hexameters’ (supra no 21 and infra no 47). He rejects the view that the Ephesia Grammata originated in a mystery liturgy, since ancient references to them never associate them with mysteries (a late magical recipe from Egypt is the only exception). The early lead tablets invoke protective gods (Paian, Zeus Alexikakos, Iatros), and not typical mystery gods. It was only at a late period that the Ephesia grammata were connected with prestigious figures, such as Orpheus and the Idaean Dactyls. This formula was used against harmful creatures and magical attacks.

20044) C.A. Faraone, “Spoken and Written Boasts in the Getty Hexameters: From Oral Composition to Inscribed Amulet”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 57–70: F. discusses a peculiar feature of the ‘Getty hexameters’ (cf. infra no 47): the boasts concerning its efficacy. Such boasts are paralleled by early literary texts (esp. the Homeric Hymn of Demeter and Euripides’ Cyclops). F. distinguishes between three media that propagated the text’s efficacy: the authority of the oral performer, the divine source of the text (Paian), and the power of the inscribed text. He concludes that the text foots both in a tradition of orality and in an (early) tradition of writing. With regard to the tension between oral performance and written text, F. points out that it is possible that also some of the ‘Dionysiac-Orphic’ tablets served as amulets.

20145) C.A. Faraone, “Magical Verses on a Lead Tablet: Composite Amulet or Anthology?”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 107–119: The ‘Getty Hexameters’ (infra no 47) contain verses that are repeated several times. They either serve as refrains (cf. Theokritos, Idyll 2) or as rubrics introducing different incantations. If the second hypothesis is correct, the ‘Getty Hexameters’ were a handbook or an anthology of protective incantations to be used as needed, anticipating by many centuries the later magical handbooks.

20246) C.A. Faraone, “Inscribed Greek Thunderstones as House- and Body-Amulets in Roman Imperial Times”, Kernos 27 (2014), p. 257–284: F. studies an interesting group of magical objects: ten prehistoric axe-heads (‘thunderstones’) that were used as amulets in the eastern Mediterranean (Argos, Thessaly, Pergamon, Ephesos, Smyrna?, Herculaneum?, Egypt). They carry Greek inscriptions (magical words) and sometimes Egyptianizing images. These objects were believed to be ‘natural’ stones with protective powers both for the city and for the body. [To the literary sources on thunderstones one should add a passage in Porphyrios, Life of Pythagoras 17. Just before his visit to the Idaean Cave, Pythagoras was purified by the Idaean Dactyls with the use of a thunderstone: Κρήτης δ᾿ ἐπιβὰς τοῖς Μόργου μύσταις προσῄει, ἑνὸς τῶν Ἰδαίων Δακτύλων, ὑφ᾿ ὧν καὶ ἐκαθάρθη τῇ κεραυνίᾳ λίθῳ. This passage associates the thunderstones with protection (Idaean Dactyls), mysteries, and purification.]

20347) C.A. Faraone and D. Obbink, “Introduction”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 1–13: The ‘Getty hexameters’, a 5th-century lead tablet containing incantations, probably from Selinous (SEG LXI 775), is one of the longest and most puzzling examples of ritual poetry that have been published in recent years [see the summary of a preliminary edition in EBGR 2012, 83]. Ten studies on this text, inscribed on a lead tablet, were assembled by F.-O. (see supra nos 21, 25, 43, and 44 and infra nos 67, 69, 110, and 125; see also nos 68 and 70). The eds. of the volume summarize the content of the tablet, explain the significance of the text, and present a ‘conservative text’ (p. 10f.) and a translation: ‘… and I sing incantations that are not ineffective. Whoever hides in a house of stone the notable letters of these sacred verses inscribed on tin, as many things as broad Earth nourishes shall not harm him nor as many thing as much-groaning Amphitrite rears in the sea. Paean, for in every direction you send averting charms and you spoke these immortal verses to mortal men: “As down the shady mountains in a dark-and-glittering land a child leads out on Persephone’s garden by necessity for milking that four-footed holy attendant of Demeter, a she-goat with an untiring stream of rich milk laden; and she follows, trusting in the bright goddesses with their lamps. And she leads Hecate of the Roadside, the foreign divinity, as she cries out in a frightening voice: ‘I by my own command through the night … having sallied forth, I recount divinely [uttered?] … to mortals and of the goddess of the splendid [gifts]’– -. [Paean], for you yourself [send] averting charms, give ear in your mind to sweet h[ymnic song]! I command you to utter for mortals … whenever [doom] among the … good-at-war, and the ships [comes] near bringing death to mortals. … [and] near the flocks-and-herds and the handiworks of mortals … uttering night and by [day] … keeping pure of mouth … is for/to the city, for best are the things from the beginning (?). [Paean, for you] in every direction are cure-bringing and excellent. … kataskia assia asia endasia a she-goat for milking … the she-goat from the garden by force and for the one who has the name of sweet Tetragos. TETROAN lead, then, Tetrag[- -] windy headland of the waters … Blessed is the one for whomever from overhead “Io” is scattered on the carriage-way and whoever himself [down along] the carriage-way [holds] in his heart the speech [of the blessed]”– -’ [cf. Janko’s translation of a reconstructed archetype, infra no 68]. The incantations were designed to protect a house or a city from dangers. F.-O. highlight the areas of research for which the ‘Getty hexameters’ provide information — depending on their interpretation: the oral composition and the oral performance of texts that were eventually inscribed during the Classical and early Hellenistic periods; the early practice of magic in Sicily; the early form of the Ephesia grammata; the ‘Orphic-Dionysiac’ tablets and mystery cults. F.-O. stress that no single approach can solve all the complex problems posed by this text. [The similarities between the ‘Getty hexameters’ and texts connected with mysteries observed by Bremmer (supra no 25), Faraone (supra no 44), and Obbink (infra no 110) only show that they fall into the genre of ritual performative texts; they do not provide any decisive proof that the ‘Getty hexameters’ have some connection with mysteries or the ‘Dionysiac/Orphic’ texts; cf. the objections of Edmonds (supra no 43). As regards the ‘Selinountian features’ observed in this tablet (esp. by Bremmer and Janko, see supra no 25 and infra no 67) one needs to ask the question if Selinous is the place of composition of a lost archetype or of a later version (the one preserved on the tablet), with additions and modifications; all things considered, the most plausible hypothesis is that we are dealing with a text composed in Selinous in the late 5th cent. by a specialist in incantations, who was aware of earlier material; if this is correct, then the speculations about an Egyptian origin (see infra no 69), oral composition, and connections with mysteries need to be reconsidered.]

20448) R. Fabiani, “I.Iasos 52 e il culto di Zeus Idrieus”, SCO 61.2. (2015), p. 163–202 [BE 2016, 446]: F. republishes the honorific inscription for Theodoros from Iasos (I.Iasos 52, ca. 330). The man was honored by receiving the priesthood of Zeus Idrieus and Hera (l. 7f.: δεδόσθαι αὐτῶι ἱερωσύνην] Διὸς Ἰδριέως καὶἭ[ρας]). The epithet of Zeus does not derive from the name of the satrap Idrieus but from the region Idrias.

20549) E. Fassa, “Sarapis, Isis, and the Ptolemies in Private Dedications: the Hyper-style and the Double Dedications”, Kernos 18 (2015), p. 133–153: F. discusses two types of private dedications to Sarapis and Isis from Ptolemaic Egypt: dedications made for the well-being (ὑπέρ) of the Ptolemaic kings, and dedications made to Sarapis, Isis, and the Ptolemaic kings. These dedications, probably encouraged by the rulers, were a public demonstration of loyalty but also an expression of a relationship between gods, kings, and dedicants.

20650) E. Fassa, “Claims to Autochthony and the Divine: The Mother Goddess of Leukopetra in Roman Macedonia”, ZPE 196 (2015), p. 116–122: The epithet αὐτόχθων attributed to Meter Theon in Leukopetra, near Beroia, is very unusual. F. argues that it expresses the wish of the middle and upper class of Beroia, that revived the cult in the mid 2nd-cent. CE, to present themselves of worshippers of a goddess of great antiquity and stressed the unremitted presence of the cult in that specific place.

20751) C. Flament, “Les modalités de cession des carrières d’Héraklès en-Akris à Éleusis (SEG XXVIII, 103)”, ZPE 193 (2015), p. 141–150: The deme of Eleusis issued two decrees concerning the leasing of quarries belonging to the sanctuary of Herakles in Akris (SEG XXVIII 102, 332/1) [cf. EBGR 2009, 6]. In his discussion of these documents and adducing several parallels, F. rejects the theory that the word λιθοτομία has two meanings: the right to quarry stone (singular) and the quarry and the quarrying of stone (plural). He also argues that the phrase ἀποδόσθαι τῶι θεῶι τὴν λιθοτομίαν (lines 4f.) in the first decree refers to the restitution of these quarries to the sanctuary; the second decree concerns the modalities of leasing.

20852) J. Fournier, “Retour sur un décret thasien : la donation testamentaire de Rebilus”, BCH 138 (2014), p. 79–102 [SEG LXIV 756]: F. republishes a decree of Thasos con­cerning the endowment of M. Varinius Rebilus (Recherches – Thasos II 185) for which he establishes a date in 22 CE. This text is an important testimony for the early imperial cult in Thasos, because it mentions the temples of the Augusti, to which a fine for a violation was to be paid (lines 16–18: ὀφεί|λειν τοῖς τῶν Σεβαστῶν ναοῖς στατῆ[ρ]ας ἀτι[μ]ήτ̣ο̣υ̣[ς] |
[δ]ισμυρίους καὶ ἄτιμον εἶναι καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ γέν[ος]) and where the decree was to be inscribed (lines 20–21: [ἀνα]γραφῆναι δὲ τόδε τὸ ψήφισμα εἰς στήλας τ
̣[ρε]ῖς | [καὶ ἀνα]θεῖναι εἰς τοὺς τῶν Σεβαστῶν ναοὺς etc.). The (Θεοὶ) Σεβαστοὶ can be identified with Augustus and Livia. In Thasos, the cults of both Augustus and Livia were introduced during their lifetime (Augustus: Recherches – Thasos 177; IG XII.8.380; Livia: SEG LVI 1020). Two shrines of the Σεβαστοί in close proximity (two adjacent rooms in a building?) existed already in 22 CE.

20953) H.R. Goette, “Zum Demos Phrearrhioi und seinem Thesmophorion”, AA (2014), p. 19–36 [SEG LXIV 110]: Adducing the cult regulation of the Phrearrhioi concerning sacrifices (SEG XXXV 113 = NSGL 3, Athens, ca. 300–250), G. discusses the religious topography of this coastal deme (located on the hill of Thapouria, in Kalyvia). He identifies the Ἐλευσίνιον (lines 9, 18, 23) with the remains of a precinct, a shrine, and an altar. This sanctuary was in use from the Archaic period to the Imperial period (cf. IG II2 5155).

21054) M. Gonzales, “The Honorary Decrees of the Aglaurion (IG II3 1,5 1373, SEG 33.115, and NM 2947)”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 75–81: G. republishes an honorific decree for a priestess of Aglauros (IG II3 1373, early 2nd cent.) and discusses the terms εἰσιτητήρια and εἰσαγώγεια in a similar honorific decree (SEG XXX 115). While for the first term he accepts the communis opinio (a ritual upon assumption of a new office), for εἰσαγώγεια he adduces the terms εἰσαγώγεια/εἰσαγώγιον, i.e. fees paid for initiation or entry in cult associations (SEG XIX 124; IG XII.6.132, lines 10–12; IG XII.4.348, lines 53–57); the εἰσαγώγεια may have been an initiatory ritual. In this context, he associates a fragmentary documentary relief with the sanctuary of Aglauros (SEG XXI 519, ca. 350–325 BCE). It depicts a bearded warrior (Ares?), a goddess (Aglauros?), and a bearded man, either the supervisor of the ephebes or ‘the male to whom the resolutions of the Boule and the Demos were formally addressed’.

21155) J. González Fernández, “Tabella defixionis del siglo i a.C. encontrada en El Portal (provincia de Cádiz)”, Epigraphica 77 (2015), p. 103–116: Ed. pr. of a lead tablet with a defixio (El Portal, Spain). The text consists of a list of Greek and Latin names. The A. suggests a date in the 1st cent., making this the earliest curse tablet found in the Iberian peninsula.

21256) L. Gounaropoulou, P. Paschidis, and M.B. Hatzopoulos, Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας (Μεταξὺ τοῦ Βερμίου Ὄρους καὶ τοῦ Ἀξιοῦ Ποταμοῦ). Τεῦχος Βʹ. Μέρος Αʹ. Ἐπιγραφὲς Ἀλώρου, Αἰγεῶν, Μιέζας, Μαρινίας, Σκύδρας, Νεαπόλεως, Ἔδεσσας. Μέρος Βʹ. Ἐπιγραφές Κύρρου, Γυρβέας, Τυρίσσας, Πέλλας, Ἀλάντης, Ἰχνῶν, Εὐρωποῦ, Βορείας Βοττίας, Ἀλμωπίας, Athens, 2015 (two volumes): The new corpus of Macedonian inscriptions covers a very important part of Lower Macedonia, including some of the most important cities of Macedonia (Aigeai, Edessa, and Pella) [the inscriptions of Beroia and Leukopetra were already published in I.Beroia and I.Leukopetra; see EBGR 1998, 99 and 2000, 155; unfortunately, the inscriptions of Dion, which is part of the same region, have not been included in these two volumes and will be published separately]. The texts provide important information on the history of religion in Macedonia and especially the phenomenon of sacred manumission (see the summary, infra).

213Aigeai (Vergina) and territory: Sanctuaries : The sanctuary of Artemis Dikaia, ‘the one in Blagana’ or Blaganitis (63, 64*, 66, 67*-77*), who is also designated as θεὰ τῶν βατράχων (65), is mainly known through manumission records (infra). The ἐπιμελητής (67*) and the priest (71*) of the sanctuary are mentioned in these manumission records. Dedications to: Apollo Lykios (7, 2nd cent.), Artemis Dikaia (Δειγαίαι; 62, 2nd cent. CE; εὐξάμενοι), Eukleia (8–9, mid-4th cent.), Herakles Patroios (10, 11?, reign of Perseus), and an anonymous god (12). It is notable that many dedications were made by members of the Macedonian royalty (8–12). Priesthoods: reference to a priest for life (13). Mieza: Dedications to: Artemis (87–88, 1st/2nd cent.; 87: κατ᾿ εὐχήν), Herakles Kallinikos (89, 2nd/1st cent.: εὐχήν), Poseidon (90, 2nd/3rd cent.; κατ᾿ εὐχήν; representation of a phallus), and an anonymous god (91). Deeds of sale are dated with reference to the priest of Asklepios (93, late 3rd cent.). Associations: a cult association of mystai set up the epitaph for the priest (99*, Imperial period). Skydra: A dedication to: Artemis Agrotera Gazoreitis Βλουρεῖτις (i.e. Φιλορεῖτις), ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τῶν κυρίων (120, 106 CE).

214Edessa and territory: Dedications to: Zeus Hypsistos (129–132, 2nd/1st cent. BCE – 3rd cent. CE; 129: ὑπὲρ τῶν παιδίων; 131: ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας of a member of a cult association; 132: εὐχήν; 133: κατ᾿ ὄναρ); Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (pro salute imperatoris ; 134, 2nd/3rd cent.); Herakles Kynagidas (135*–136*, 3rd–1st cent.; 135*: [ὑπὲρ τοῦ] πατρός; 136*: [τὰς φιάλ]ας … ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου). A παιδευτής dedicated a hermaic stele with the image of Herakles (137, 3rd cent. CE), certainly in the gymnasion. A votive relief of the rider god was dedicated after a dream (392, 2nd/3rd cent.: κατ᾿ ὄναρ τὸν θε[όν]). A fragmentary statue preserving the letters [- -]ΛΥΩ[- -] ([ἀπο]λύω[ν?]) may be a dedication to a healing deity (142*). Three dedications concern the sanctuary of Ma (138–141). A temple warden (ναο[κόρος Μᾶς] ἀνική[του]) dedicated a stoa (130, 211 CE), which was later restored with funds provided by a woman (140*: τὴν ἐπισκευὴν τῇ θεῷ). A slave of θεὰ ἀνίκητος Μᾶ dedicated vineyards (139, 243 CE). The name of the goddess is given in various forms: θεὰ Μᾶ: 148*, 172; Μᾶ ἀνείκητος: 143, 154*, 159; ἀνείκητος Μᾶ: 167*,168*; θεὰ Μᾶ ἀνείκητος: 150*, 152, 156*, 157, 160*, 162, 165, 170, 171*; Μᾶ ἀνείκητος θεά: 155*, 163; θεὰ ἀνείκητος Μᾶ: 151, 164*,169*; κυρία θεὰ Μᾶ ἀνείκητος: 144, 147, 149; θεὰ Μᾶ ἀνείκητος ἐπήκοος: 145, 161; 158: θεὰ Μᾶ ἐπήκοος; 146: Μήτηρ Θεῶν. The priestess (146, 150*, 158) and the supervisor (ἐπιμελητής) of the sanctuary (150*, 151, 157, 158) are mentioned in the manumission records from this sanctuary, for which see infra. A honorific statue was erected for a priestess of Dionysos (θεὸς πάτριος Διόνυσος). She also served as high priestess of the imperial cult in Edessa (400, 2nd/3rd cent.; see infra). Associations: A cult association (συνήθεις) worshipped Zeus Hypsistos (131); its officials included a priest. A priest and the mystai made a dedication in commemoration of a banquet (397, 3rd cent. CE: ἐκ προπόσις ἀνέθηκαν).

215Kyrrhos: Dedications to: Zeus Hypsistos (414, 417, 2nd/3rd cent.). Sanctuaries : An agree­ment between Kyrrhos and the dependent community of Genderrhos concerns the use of roads and the restoration of public space to its original use (401, 3rd cent.). It was set up in the sanctuary of Athena Kyrrhestis. There are references to oaths to be administered in that sanctuary (A 5, 7–8). The stone was re-used for inscribing texts that commemorate the manumission of slaves (402–405, 3rd-2nd cent., see infra). In Kyrrhos Artemis was wor­shipped both as Agrotera (408) and as Kyrrhaia Politike (411*). These two epithets seem to contrast two different aspects of Artemis, as patron of the countryside (ἀγροτέρα) and the urban space (πολιτική). Rituals : A horse-race is commemorated in an inscription (419, 4th cent.). Depending on whether one interprets ἐπὶ + dative as reference to a dead person (as in Boiotia) or to an eponym, the race either marked the transition from ephebic age to adulthood or honored a deceased person. Gyrbea: A record of manumission through dedication to Thea Syria Parthenos Gyrbiatissa (428, 206 CE).

216Pella and territory: Dedications to: Aphrodite (435), Asklepios and Hygieia (434), Darron epekoos (437; εὐξαμένη), Dionysos (437, 438*), Herakles (441, by a priest after his term in office), Herakles Kynagidas (442), Hephaistion heros (444), Herakles Phylakos (443), Hermes Agoraios (439; χαριστήριον), Meter Theon (446), Meter Theon epekoos (447), the Muses (448), Theoi Megaloi (445), Zeus Hypsistos (563; εὐξάμενος), Zeus Meilichios (440). We note two dedications by Antigonid kings (440, 442). Cults : An altar was set up for the joint cult of Aiolos and Graia (433, 3rd cent.). Priesthoods : A dedication is dated through reference to a priest of Asklepios (434). An early epigram was set up for a priestess (propolos) of Ennodia, Timarete of Corinth (544, ca. 450–400). A dedication was made to an anonymous goddess in fulfillment of the will of her priest (574; ἱερεὺς τῆς θεοῦ κατὰ διαθήκην ἐκέλευσεν). Europos: A dedication to Artemis Elaphebolos on behalf of a woman, possibly the daughter of the dedicator (594: δῶρον). Almopia: Dedications to: Artemis Agrotera, made with funds of her sanctuary (611, ἐκ τῆς θεοῦ), Dionysos (612), Hermes (613, εὐχήν), and anonymous god (614, an altar).

217Inscriptions concerning phenomena that are common in the entire region are summa­rized here: Sacred manumission : The phenomenon of slave manumission through dedication of a slave to a divinity is very well attested among the inscriptions of this region, in the sanctuaries of Artemis Dikaia in Aigeai (63, 64*, 65–66, 67*–77*, 2nd cent. CE), Artemis Gazoria in Skydra (121–123, 3rd cent. CE; no 123 is a deed of sale concerning a two-year-old slave; however, the payment of a fine to Artemis shows that this document concerns manumission), Artemis (406–407, 410), Artemis Agrotera (408), and Artemis Kyrrhaia Politike (411*) in Kyrrhos (3rd cent. CE; cf. the dedications to Athena Kyrrhestis that commemorate manumissions: 402–405, 3rd/2nd cent.), Hermes and Demeter in Kyrrhos (413, 2nd/3rd cent.), (A)drasteios Thea Nemesis in Edessa (173, 3rd cent. CE), Parthenos in Edessa (174, 2nd cent. BCE), Ma Aniketos in Edessa (143–172, including many inedita, 3rd cent. CE), and an anonymous deity in Almopia (615*, 616, 2nd/3rd cent.). The act of manumission is described as a dedication or a donation, exactly as in the material from Leukopetra (I.Leukopetra), with the words ἀνατίθημι (69*, 71*, 174, 408, 411*, 615*), χαρίζομαι (63, 65, 66, 72*, 143–146, 148*, 149, 150*, 151, 152*, 154*, 156*, 158, 160*, 164*, 169*, 171*, 406–407), δωροῦμαι (147, 159, 161, 165, 167*, 168*, 173), δῶρον (155), δωρεά (63, 75*), δωροῦμαι καὶ καταγράφω (157, 170), καταγράφω (162). The manumission record (καταγραφή) was deposited in the temple (εἰς τὸν νεώ, 159). In the sanctuary of Artemis Digaia the manumitted slaves were obliged to serve the goddess (προσμένειν: 63, 69*; συνέρχεσθαι: 68*; προσέρχεσθαι: 73*) on the customary days (ἔθιμοι ἡμέραι: 63, 64*?, 68*, 70*, 73*). In a text from Skydra the manumitted slave is called ἱερόδουλος (122). In one case, the slave and her descendants were to become property of the goddess (Ma) after the manumittor’s death (144: εἶναι αὐτὴν τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τὰ ἔγγονα αὐτῆς). The motivation behind the manumission of slaves, usually children, is stated in a few cases: gratitude for rescue (428: ἐπειδὴ δι᾿ αὐτὴν [sc. Thea Syria Parthenos Gyrbiatissa] ζῶ καὶ τὰς ἀρετὰς αὐτῆς); an oracle (69*: [χρηματι?]σθείς); 147: κατὰ χρηματισμὸν θεᾶς; 154*: [καθ᾿] ἃ ἐχρημάτισεν ἡ [θεά] [in no 69, [κολα]σθείς is also possible], a vow (εὐχήν: 143; εὐξαμένη: 163), or a dream (413: κατ᾿ ὄ[ναρ]).

218Imperial cult : The evidence for the imperial cult is very limited. There are dedications to emperors in Tyrissa (423: Claudius) and Allante (583: Septimius Severus). In Edessa a woman served as high priestess of the imperial cult (400, 2nd/3rd cent.) [the expression πρὸς (‘on the side of ’) πατρὸς Κλαυδίου Μαξίμου ἀρχιερέως shows that the couple of high priests consisted of father and daughter, not husband and wife; for similar cases see SEG XL 1197 and XLVI 1627 (mother and son). Priesthoods : A fragment mentions a priest and Herakles (127, Hellenistic/Imperial period). Funerary cult and afterlife : In many epitaphs the deceased men and women are designated ἥρως/ἡρώισα (4, 53, 80, 86*, 96, 100, 105*, 112, 185*, 186–188, 208, 221, 415, 457, 472, 487, 504, 528, 535, 566, 605, 607, 608, 618, 622, 625, 626, 3rd cent. BCE – 3rd cent. CE); the earliest attestation dates to the 3rd cent. (457). An epigram reports that a god placed the soul of a virtuous man in the plain of the Blessed (258, Edessa, 3rd cent. CE: ε[ἰς μακ]άρων δὲ ψυχὴν θεσπεσίην θῆκε θεὸς πεδίον, οὕνεκεν ἦν πανάριστος). Funerary imprecations are very rare (267: ὁ σκύλας τέκνων σπορὰ[- -], Edessa, 3rd/4th cent.; cf. the formula λόγον δίδωμι τῷ θεῷ in a Christian epitaph; 305). The grave epigram for a pig from Edessa (264) was discussed in EBGR 2012, 206. Varia : In an epigram from Aigeai a woman’s beauty is metaphorically assimilated with a crown given to her by Aphrodite (60*, 2nd/3rd cent.: ᾗ τὸν ἐπ᾿ ἀγλαΐῃ δῶκε Κύπρις στέφανον). An epigram from Pella mentions that the deceased boy was born on the same day as Apollo and died on his 14th birthday, while the city was celebrating Apollo’s festival (τηνίκα Φοίβωι ἀστοὶ πανδήμους ἐξετέλουν θυσίας); the fact that the boy’s name was Νουμήνιος (‘born on the first day of the month’) suggests that in Pella (and Macedonia) Apollo’s birthday was not on the seventh but on the first day of a month, possibly Apellaios in the fall (543, 3rd cent.).

21957) F. Graf, “Individual and Common Cult: Epigraphic Reflections”, in J. Rüpke (ed.), The Individual in the Religions, Oxford, 2013, p. 115–135: G. examines cases of cults founded by individuals, pointing to different motivations. Xenophon founded a sanctuary of Artemis in Skillous (Xenophon, Anabasis V, 3, 9–13; IG IX2.1.1700) because of his personal engagement with Artemis of Ephesos; the sanctuary was on his own land (cf. Pliny’s restoration of the shrine of Cere: Pliny, Ep. IX, 39). Archedamos of Thera contributed to the beautification of an already existing cave-sanctuary of the Nymphs in Vari (IG I3 977, 980–981), after a religious experience described as nympholepsy; he ‘moved inside a well-established religious tradition’. Artemidoros of Perge founded a sanctuary in Thera (IG XII.3.1333–1348). Although the selection of deities reflects his own religious choices, the emphasis was on the protection of the community. Both Archedamos and Artemidoros were foreigners who used their personal religious choices to insert themselves into a central position in a wider community. The personal choices, that received divine legitimi­zation, had to resonate with the wider group. Their inscriptions were public and open to the judgment and criticism of the group.

22058) S. Grosjean-Agnès, “Les Télessai de Cyrène : les Mystérieuses de « l’Athènes d’Afrique » ”, in Mélanges Laronde, p. 239–247 [BE 2014, 538; SEG LXII 1784, 1788]: Goddesses labeled as Τελέσσαι appear in a calendar of sacrifices from Kyrene (SECir 158 = LSCG Suppl. 116; 2nd cent.). After detailed examination of the various possibilities for identifying these goddesses (Demeter and Kore, the Nymphs, the Eumenides, local goddesses), the A. is tempted to see in them chthonic deities associated with death and fertility. A new edition of this cult regulation is offered by C. Dobias-Lalou (p. 239–241) with French translation by G.-A. We note the main differences from earlier editions: col. I, lines 3–4: three victims were offered to Apollo Apotropaios (goat, pig or boar, he-goat; αἴξ, ὗς | ἄλλα χίμαρος); col. II, lines 10–11: the sacrifice is for Paian and the πάρεδροι (Παιᾶνι καὶ [τοῖς] παρέδροις); col. II, lines 13–14: Nymphs in the valley were excluded from a sacrifice (πλὰν τ[ᾶν ἐν τᾶι] νάπ̣[αι].

22159) C. Habicht, “Die in Messene verwendete Ära”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 515–519: The date of the cult regulation of the mysteries of Andania (IG V.1.1390) depends on whether the 55th year is that of the Achaian (91/90 BCE) or the Actian era (23/24 CE) [cf. EBGR 2012, 70]. H. collects all the references to an era in Messenian inscriptions. Those that are close to the 55th year use the Actian era (IG V.1.1359: 61st year; SEG XXXIII 208: 73rd year). The era of another two (SEG XLIII 146: 57th year; SEG XLI 335: 64th year) cannot be determined. But it is certain that these texts were dated according to the same era, since they are texts of the same type (dedications of agoranomoi). These considerations lead to the conclusion that the Andania inscription uses the Actian era.

22260) P.A. Harland, Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, Translations and Commentary. II. North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor, Berlin, 2014 [BE 2015, 147]: H. presents a selection of 62 inscriptions of very diverse content (honorific inscriptions, public and private documents, contracts, cult regulations, lists of members, dedications, oracles, manumission records, epitaphs, seat reservations, graffiti, etc.) that give a panorama of the organization and activities of voluntary associations in Olbia, the Bosporan Kingdom, and Asia Minor. The texts are presented with app. cr., translations, and detailed commentary. I single out only a few texts: the cult regulation of the association founded by Dionysios in ­Philadelpheia (117 = TAM V.3.1539; LSAM 20, ca. 100 BCE); the decree of Baradates concerning the mysteries of Sabazios in Sardis (120 = SEG XXIX 1205, 365 BCE?); the cult regulation of a sanctuary of Dionysos Bromios in Smyrna (140 = I.Smyrna 728, 2nd cent. CE); a Delphic oracle concerning Dionysiac associations in Magnesia on the Maeander (143 = I.Magnesia 215, 3rd cent.); and the foundation of Symmasis in Tlos or Xanthos (149 = SEG LVIII 1640, ca. 150–100).

22361) D. Harvey, “Notes on a Laconian Graffito: IG.v.1.1521”, ZPE 104 (2015), p. 108–110: H. notes that a graffito on a vase from the sanctuary of Apollo Tyritas in Kynouria (IG V.1.1521, ca. 525) was written by two different hands: [- -]ειτονίδας (B, written in a gap left at the beginning of the text) and ἀνέθεκε τι Ἀπόλονι παρ Δοριέος δρον (A). [- -]eitonidas, minimally literate, could only write his name. The fact that a member of the Spartan royal family (Dorieus) dedicated a humble undecorated cup to Apollo shows that pottery was not considered to be of little value.

22462) J. Heinrichs, “Military Integration in Late Archaic Arcadia: New Evidence from a Bronze Pinax (ca. 500 B.C.) from the Lykaion”, in W. Heckel, S. Müller, and G. ­Wrightson (eds.), The Many Faces of War in the Ancient World, Newcastle, 2015, p. 1–89: Ed. pr. of a bronze tablet in the London antiquities market, originally from Arkadia, probably from the area of Mt. Lykaion (ca. 500). The text contains a cult regulation. [I do not summarize H.’s edition which is based on erroneous readings and restorations. For a critical edition of the text (a cult calendar), based on autopsy, see J.-M. Carbon and J.P.T. Clackson, “Arms and the Boy: On the New Festival Calendar from Arkadia”, Kernos 29 (2016), p. 119–158.]

22563) B. Holtzmann, “IG I3 4 : l’Acropole en chantier”, BCH 138 (2014), p. 1–13 [SEG LXIV 28]: The Hekatompedon inscription (IG I3 4, Athens, 485/4 BCE), truly a work of art, was inscribed with such great care in order to immediately attract the attention of the visitors of the Acropolis. The decrees contained in the Hekatompedon inscription seem to envisage the problems caused by the construction work on the Acropolis, with the pres­ence of workers (mostly of servile status), while at the same time religious services had to be performed.

22664) B. Iplikçioglu, G. Celgin, and V.A. Celgin, Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium I, Vienna, 2007: Edition and republication of inscriptions from Termessos and its territory. I only summarize the content of the inedita, providing a reference to SEG LVII. Agonistic festivals : Honorific inscriptions mention the victors in contests (θέμιδες) sponsored (ἐκ φιλοτιμίας) by various benefactors (Simonides, Perikles, Aurelia Ge, Ti. Aelius Agrippinos) in the early 3rd cent. CE (22 = SEG LVII 1461; 23 = 1462; 24 = 1463; 25 = 1464; 26 = 1465; 28 = 1467; cf. 27 = 1466; 34 = 1488). The themis founded by Simonides took place at least 9 times (22 = 1461). His son served as agonothetes during the fourth celebration (28 = 1467). Dedications: The priest Diotimos dedicated statues of the Dioskouroi, praying to them and to Helena to be benevolent to him (εἵλεως, ὦ Κοῦροι ἱερεῖ ναῶ [sc. ναοῦ] Διοτείμῳ ἠδ᾿ Ἑλένη, σεμνὴ κούρη Διός, εἵλεος ἔσσο; 3 = 1472). A priest of Herakles for life dedicated a statue of the god (4 = 1473, 2nd cent). The members of a cult association of mysts of Herakles dedicated a clubhouse to their god (5 = 1474, 3rd cent. CE; Μύσται Ἡρακλέους Ἡ̣ρ̣[ακλεῖ] ἐπιφανεστάτῳ θεῷ εὐξάμ̣[ε]νοι καθιέρωσαν τὸ κυνεῖον). The members include neokoroi of various gods (Zeus Solymeus, Hermes, Leto). An astynomos dedicated an altar to Hypsistos on behalf of the people (ὑπὲρ δήμου; 6 = 1475, 2nd cent. CE). A dedication lists the names of the ambassadors sent to the moon-goddess twelve times (149 = 1482, early 3rd cent.; δωδεκάκ̣[ις σὺν τοῖσδε πρεσ]βευταῖς Θεᾷ Σελήνῃ συνεπρέσβευσεν) [δωδεκάκις, i.e. on a every new moon or full moon during a single year]. Other dedications are addressed to Astros Kakasbos (157 = 1483; εὐχήν), Athena (155 = 1478), an anonymous god (141 = 1480; εὐχήν), and Helios (152 = 1481, an altar). Imperial cult : Honorary inscriptions mention high priestesses and high priests of the civic imperial cult (9 = 1435; 11 = 1437; 14–15 = 1440; 16 = 1441; 18 = 1443). One of the archiereis also served as priest of Apollo for life (18 = 1443). Funerary cult : Epitaphs mentions fines for violations of the graves to be paid to the sanctuary of Zeus Solymeus (e.g. 35 = 1489). In one case, the violator is additionally threatened with curses (34 = 1488; ἀρα[ῖς] ταῖς εἰς τοὺς ἀπ̣ο̣[θανόντας]? [or ἀπ̣ο̣[ιχομένους]; cf. SEG LVII 1581: ταῖς εἰς τοὺς κατο̣ιχομένους ἀραῖς].

22765) B. İplikçioğlu, “Ein neues Ehrendekret der Rhodiapoliten aus dem Jahr 194 v. Chr.”, AAWW 147 (2012), p. 39–57: Ed. pr. of an honorific decree for a benefactor from Rhodia­polis (194 BCE). The man was to be crowned during the festival of the Antiocheia; this festival, already attested, was probably founded after the conquest of Lykia by Antiochos III in 197 BCE. The text is dated through reference to the regnal years of Antiochos III, the high priest of the dynastic cult Nikanor, and the priest of Athena. It was inscribed in the sanctuary of Athena Polias.

22866) S. Isager and P. Pedersen, “Dining Rooms in the Sanctuary: Old and New Epigraphic Evidence from Halikarnassos”, in L. Karlsson, S. Carlsson, and J. B. Kullberg (eds.), Labrys. Studies Pesented to Pontus Hellström, Uppsala, 2014 (Boreas 35), p. 457–466: I.-P. republish two dedicatory inscriptions from Halikarnassos that commemorate the dedication of dining rooms. The earlier text mentions the dedication of a dining hall (ἀνδρών) to Zeus Akraios (SEG LIX 1199; 4th cent. BCE) by a man; at the same time andrones were also dedicated in Labraunda (I.Labraunda 14–15) and later in Iasos (SEG LVIII 1211). This is the earliest attestation of the cult of Zeus Akraios. The later text, from Cap Zephyrion (T.C. Newton, A History of Discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus and Branchidae, London, 1862–1863, 698 no 6a), refers according to a new reading to the dedication of διπνιστήρια to Emperor Claudius and Σεβαστὴ Ἄρτεμις Δηλία. The latter deity is either Artemis, who is granted the title Augusta in an imperial context, or [more likely] Agrippina Minor identified with Artemis.

22967) R. Janko, “The Hexametric Incantations against Witchcraft in the Getty Museum: from Archetype to Exemplar”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 31–56: J. argues that the ‘Getty hexameters’ (supra no 47) is an incantation or paean intended for public recitation and aiming at protecting its users from witchcraft, poison, and disease. The main text is a series of prayers to Paian, Herakles and Asklepios. Such prayers would have been performed by priests on behalf of the city. J. argues that the text was copied from a version in the Selinountian alphabet, without eta and omega and with a down-turned epsilon; the original text lacked a sign for the aspirate h, using ͱ instead. He dates the tablets to the last quarter of the 5th cent. or shortly thereafter. However, the various sections may be earlier and of heterogeneous origins. Attempting to reconstruct the archetype from which the ‘Getty hexameters’ derive, he argues that this archetype was in a post-Homeric form of the epic dialect with occasional Dorisms, written in East Ionic script. The text was disseminated through both memorization and writing. The embedded spell (Ephesia grammata), written in Doric dialect, may go back to an older original than the main spell (for his reconstruction of the archetype see also infra no 68).

23068) R. Janko, “The Hexametric Paean in the Getty Museum: Reconstituting the Arche­type”, ZPE 193 (2015), p. 1–10: J. attempts to reconstitute the archetype of the ‘Getty hexameters’ (cf. supra no 67). His text ‘is not a diplomatic transcript, but a version of the Getty hexameters that is made intelligible with the help of other sources for the text’ (p. 2); it differs in many details from the one printed by Faraone and Obbink (supra no 47). J. assumes that the archetype of the main text was in Homeric Greek, that of the embedded incantation in Doric. Col. I, lines 1–5 are a preamble, line 6–17 a first spell, line 18-col. II, line 2 a second spell, col. II, lines 3–12 a third spell, followed by a spell in Doric (‘the spell of the Idaean Dactyls’) in col. II, lines 13–22. Col. III contains a concluding spell. J.’s edition is accompanied by a very detailed app. cr. in which he incorporated oral contributions by numerous scholars who attended seminars in which the text was presented, based on his notes. We print his translation of the better preserved parts of the table: ‘… and the spells that I sign are not unfulfilled. If a man graves on tin the meaning-filled letters, of these sacred verses and hides them in a stone house, no creature that the broad earth rears shall cause him harm and no creature that roaring Amphitrite feeds at sea. First Spell. Paeon — to every place you send protective drugs — you uttered for mortals these verses immortal: “Ossa the child, from the shadowy mountains in the black-lit place, leads from Persephone’s garden by force to its milking the four-footed attendant of holy Demeter, the goat that weighs heavy with rich milk’s tireless flow. She follows, obeying goddesses with torches ablaze. Hecate of the crossroads, screaming obscurely in hair-raising voice, a goddess, leads the god: ‘Self-commanded go I through the depth of the night coming from the halls. To immortals and mortals tell I the divinely shown paths of the bright harvest spirit’ ”. … Third Spell. Paeon — you send protective drugs yourself — kindly hear in your mind the incantation’s sweet song. I bid you intone it for all of the people, as in folk good at war and in ships, when some doom comes suddenly nigh bringing men to their deaths, as too both for flocks and for mortal mens’ crafts, utter what follows by night and by day, keeping holy your oracle in the doors of your mouth: ‘better so for the city: for order is best’. Paeon — to every place you bring cures and are good.’ The Ephesia grammata follow this last verse.

23169) S.I. Johnston, “Myth and the Getty Hexameters”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 121–156: Narrative elements can be recognized in the ‘Getty Hexameters’ (supra no 47), in allusions, invocations, and references to divinities and places. J. discusses the motif of a goat being led down from a mountain to be milked. In her view, the background of the ‘Getty hexameters’ is a historiola, whose narrative elements can be traced back to Egypt and came to Greece via the Near East, after a process of transformation [cf. supra no 25 and infra no 70].

23270) S.I. Johnston, “Goddesses with Torches in the Getty Hexameters and Alcman fr. 94”, ZPE 191 (2014), p. 32–35: J. discusses col. I, lines 12–13 of the ‘Getty Hexameters’ [cf. supra no 47], where goddesses with torches are mentioned. Adducing Alcman fr. 94 (Ναΐδες τε Λαμπάδες τε Θυιάδες τε), where the Λαμπάδες are identified as Nymphs, she argues that the ‘Getty Hexameters’ refer to torch-bearing nymphs. The ancient scholia on Alcman associate the Λαμπάδες with Hekate, who appears in the very next words of the ‘Getty Hexameters’ (line 13). The god in col. I, line 14 may be identified with Paian. J. argues that col. I, lines 8–20 are to be seen as a continuous narrative, concerning a child, a goat, a garden, torch-bearing goddesses, and the arrival of Hekate. J. proposes that Hekate was added to an existing historiola that was adopted from Egyptian models [cf. supra no 69].

23371) C. P. Jones, “The Earthquake of 26 BCE in Decrees of Mytilene and Chios”, Chiron 45 (2015), p. 101–122: J. argues that a fragmentary decree of Mytilene (IG XII.2.58) concern­ing the cult of Augustus was issued in the aftermath of an earthquake in 26 BCE, better known for its destructive impact in Tralleis (cf. SEG LXI 880); other possible references to this earthquake include a text on the monument in honor of Potamon in Mytilene (IG XII.2.44) and two epigrams of Krinagoras (AP 9.560 and 10.24). The same earthquake can be associated with a decree of an anonymous city found in Olympia (IvOlympia 53), of which J. (with the assistance of S. Prignitz) gives a new critical edition. J. identifies the city with Chios. Augustus is praised for having surpassed even the Olympian gods in benefac­tions to all mankind (line 4) and thanked for his efforts to restore the city after a destructive earthquake (possibly together with another benefactor of non-imperial status). The city that issued this decree in honor of Augustus had been identified with Kos, because of the assumed reference to Merops (lines 22–23: [τ]οσοῦτον ἢ Μέροπ[α | ὑπερέβαλε]) [for this see EBGR 2010, 162]. J. more plausibly restores [τ]οσοῦτον ἠμερότ̣η[τος ἐπιδειξάμενος] and identifies the city with Chios. The ‘man of much learning who proclaimed the deeds of demi-gods and gods’ (lines 11–13: τῷ πολυίστορι καὶ τὰς τῶν ἰσοθέων καὶ θεῶν κηρύσσον[τι τιμάς?]) must be Homer, of whom Chios claimed to be the birthplace.

23472) P. Juhel and P.M. Nigdelis, Un Danois en Macédoine à la fin du xixe siècle. Karl Frederik Kinch et ses notes épigraphiques, Thessaloniki, 2015 [BE 2015, 426, 436, 451]: The A. sum­marize the research of K.F. Kinch in Macedonia in the late 19th cent. and publish 123 inscriptions that he copied during his journeys (p. 43–166). They include numerous inedita, some of which are of religious interest: 36: A dedication to Hekate Phosphoros by a priest after the end of his term in office (Peristeria, ancient Kissos?, 3rd cent.). 52: A fragment that mentions a hero (line 1: ἥρωι, Vromisirta/Agios Panteleimon, 3rd cent.) [to judge from πάραγε (line 2), apparently an address to the passer-by, an epitaph rather than a dedication to a hero]. 54: The epitaph of an augustalis, member of an association of freedmen dedicated to the imperial cult (Kassandreia, 2nd cent. CE). 85: A dedication to Eileithyia (Kassandreia, 2nd cent.?). 97: A dedication to Zeus Hypsistos in fulfillment of a vow (κατ᾿ εὐχήν, Beroia, 2nd cent. CE). 111: A dedication to an anonymous deity (Thessalonike, 81 CE or 197 CE) was made by M. Herennius Volanus on behalf of his wife and his daughter; the function of his wife is indicated with a participle that Kinch read as ΑΡΙΤΝΕΥΣΑΣΗΣ or ΑΡΤΙΠΝΕΥΣΑΣΗΣ. The text is dated through reference to a priest and a priestess (ἱερητευόντων Παπίου τοῦ Παπίου καὶ Κερρινίας Πρόκλας) [republished in no 109, p. 259–261 no 3 and IG X.2.1s.1056. I wonder whether one should read ἀρχινευσάσης as in SEG XLIV 535 (Δήμητρι ἀρχινεύσασι). Ἀρ—νευσάσης was read with certainty, only 2–3 letters after the rho were apparently unclear. On the interpretation of this title, for which this text would be the only post-Hellenistic attestation, see M. Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites de passage en Macédoine, Athens, 1994, p. 44–53 and EBGR 2010, 71. As regards the priest and priestess, priestly couples usually consist of husband and wife].

23573) Y. Kalliontzis and A. Papathanasiou, “Δύο ἐπιγραφές ἄλλων τόπων ἀπὸ τὴ Νικόπολη”, Grammateion 4 (2015), p. 59–62: Ed. pr. of a pierre errante from Nikopolis. The text, the dedication of the statue of an agoranomos to the gods (late 2nd cent.), is originally from Leukas. K.-P. suggest that also SEG LVII 542, which commemorates the dedication of a gymnasion to the gods and the city (ca. 200–150), is a pierre errante, from Ambrakia.

23674) T.S.F. Kim, “Can Soteira be Named? The Problem of the Bare Trans-Divine Epithet”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 63–74: K. discusses the epithet Soteira as a ‘trans-divine’ epithet, i.e. an epithet that can apply to more than one god (cf. S. Paul, “À propos d’épiclèses ‘trans-divines’: le cas des Zeus et d’Athéna à Cos”, ARG 12 [2010], p. 65–81). It is attested for Artemis, Athena, Hekate, Hera, Hygieia, Isis, Kore, Meter Theon, and Tyche. But in many cases this epithet is used without an accompanying name (e.g. Aristophanes, Frogs 378–381; Aristotle, Rhetoric 3.18, 1419a; SEG LIX 1406 [EBGR 2009, 98]; IG IV2.1.570; I.Rhod.Per. 7, etc.). In some cases, the context revealed the identity; but also the concept of soteria could receive cult and worship. K. concludes that the epithet Soteira ultimately represents a divine function; it was the efficacy of the gods, not their names that mattered most.

23775) D. Knoepfler et alii, “Amarynthos 2014”, AK 58 (2015), p. 143–150 [BE 2015, 336]: An inscribed bronze votive wheel, dedicated by Theogeithon, was found in the sanctuary of Artemis Amarynthia (Amarynthos, territory of Eretria, ca. 600 BCE).

23876) S. Kravaritou, “Isiac Cults, Civic Priesthood, and Social Elite in Hellenistic Demetrias (Thessaly)”, Tekmeria 12 (2014), p. 205–233 [SEG LXIV 489]: K. discusses the introduction and development of Egyptian cults in Demetrias and their importance for the local elite. Introduced in the 3rd cent., probably by individuals of Egyptian origin (cf. RICIS 111/0701 = SEG LVIII 521), the cult of Sarapis was originally practiced within the framework of a cult association of multiethnic composition. In the late 2nd cent., the cult of Sarapis was an official polis cult, since the city appointed the priest. K. discusses in detail the honorary decree of the ὑπόστολοι (probably priests who wore a long white loincloth) [see infra no 94] for the civic priest and benefactor Kriton (IG IX.2.1107b = RICIS 112/0703), known also as an important political figure in the late 2nd cent. In the Sarapieion, whose location is not known, Sarapis was worshipped together with other gods, certainly Isis and Anoubis (cf. SEG LIII = RICIS 112/0706; RICIS 112/0705; 216–218). K. discusses how involvement in and donations to the civic Sarapieion contributed to the construction of social prestige.

23977) C.B. Kritzas, “Ἀττικὰ ψηφίσματα πρὸς τιμὴν τῶν σιτοφυλάκων (239/8–238/7)”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 125–174: Ed. pr. of a stele that contains two decrees in honor of the Athenian board of the sitophylakes that were in office during the archonship of Athenodoros in 239/8 BCE (republished in IG II2 1.4.1023). In the first decree (239/8), the sitophylakes, who oversaw the trade of grain, are praised for performing the customary sacrifices for the well-being of the council, the people, the new Macedonian King Demetrios II, and Queen Phila, the widow of Antigonos Gonatas; they also assisted the treasurer and the agonothetes of the Panathenaia of 239/8 BCE. One year later, the second decree (238/7), refers to the sacrifices, but this time for the new wife of Demetrios, Phthia. The decree also praises the board for assuring enough grain for the upcoming festival (πανήγυρις) of the Great Panathenaia of 238/7. This is the first attestation of the ταμίας τῶν Παναθηναίων.

24078) E. Laflı and H. Bru, “Inscriptions gréco-romaines d’Anatolie II”, DHA 39.2 (2013), p. 287–303 [SEG LXIII 1244]: Ed. pr. of honorific inscriptions for priestesses of Meter Antaia and Aphrodite (1, Notion, 2nd cent. CE). Ed. pr. of a dedication to Zeus Megistos from Toriaion (13, 2nd cent. CE) [the name of the dedicant is Γάϊος, not Τάγος; see infra no 139].

24179) E. Laflı, E. Christof, and M. Metcalfe, Hadrianopolis I: Inschriften aus Paphlagonia, Oxford, 2012 [SEG LXII 1058, 1065]: This volume assembles recent epigraphic finds from Hadrianopolis in Paphlagonia; some of the texts have also been published by E. Christof and E. Lafli, “Neue Transkriptions- und Übersetzungsvorschläge zu 43 Inschriften aus Hadrianopolis und seiner Chora in Paphlagonien”, in H. Bru and G. Labarre (eds.), L’Anatolie des peuples, des cités et des cultures (IIe millénaire av. J.‑C. – ve siècle ap. J.‑C.). Colloque international de Besançon, 26–27 novembre 2010, Besançon, 2013, p. 127–170. [The mistakes in accents, transcriptions, and interpretations abound. The reader should consult the re-edition of these texts in SEG.] We mention the texts that concern religious matters: 22 (SEG LXI 1082; EBGR 2011, 76): A dedication to Zeus Bronton. 23 (SEG LXII 1060): A dedication to Zeus Brontaios [the eds. regard this as a dedication to Artemis; but see infra no 139]. 24 (SEG LXII 1068): The epitaph [not dedication as interpreted by the eds.] of an agonothetes of the Syrgastios agon, i.e. an agonistic festival in honor of Zeus Syrgastes (136 CE). [On this cult see now A. Avram, “Two Phrygian Gods Between Phrygia and Dacia”, Colloquium Anatolicum 15 (2016), p. 72–82.] 29 (SEG LXII 1065): Epitaph of a priest (?) of Zeus (ὁ ποτὲ ζῳὸς ἐὼν Ζ̣ηνὸς λ̣α[- ca. 12 -]| πάτρης τειμὴν ἱερῆϊον, 3rd cent. CE). The text refers to his death as follows: ἀλλὰ ἑ Μοῖρα | ἄπαξας ἐκόμισσεν ὑπὸ χθόνα τοὔνεκα πᾶσιν | ἐσθλοῖσιν Νέμεσις τις ἐφίπταται ἐξ Αἰδάο [this cannot be correct. Μοῖρα ἁρπάξασ᾿ ἐκόμισσεν; ‘but fate snatched him and brought him under the earth.’]. 27 (SEG LXII 1060): The funerary epigram for Agathon (3rd cent. CE) refers to his religious services: θρησκεύσας κατὰ θεσμοὺς | πάντεσσι θεοῖσι κ(αὶ) θυσίας τελέσας κ(αὶ) ἀναθήματα πολλὰ ποιήσας [‘having performed religious services in accordance to the laws for all the gods, having performed sacrifices, and having made many dedications; for θρησκεία, θρησκεύω, and θρησκευτής see EBGR 2011, 91; 2014, 25, 71, 116]. 34 (SEG LXII 1071): The deceased man is called ἥρως ἱερός in an epitaph for Olympos (3rd/4th cent.) [correct reading by H. Pleket in SEG].

24280) G.V. Lalonde, “Early Athenian Astronomy: A New Interpretation of the Siebenses­selplatz”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 323–350: After reviewing the interpretations that have been proposed for seven rock-cut thrones on the northwestern slope of the Hill of the Muses (inter alia, a sanctuary of Meter Theon; cf. SEG XLI 121, 232; IG I3 1403), L. suggests that it was an observatory where seven officials made astronomical calculations, including estimation of the summer solstice from sunset over Mt. Aigaleos.

24381) S.D. Lambert, “Notes on Inscriptions of the Marathonian Tetrapolis”, Athenian Inscriptions Online Papers no. 1, February 2014 (online publication: [SEG LXIV 43, 109, 121]: In the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis (IG I3 255, ca. 430 BCE), L. rejects the restorations of lines 10/11 as [Διὶ] Τροπαίοι ἐν Κυνο[σούραι] (IG) or [Ποσειδνι προσ]τροπαίοι (N. Robertson, see SEG LV 57), an unattested epithet, and defends his restoration [Ἀπόλλονι Ἀπο]τροπαίοι. He also confirms the reading in B 4 [δει]πνιστερίο φορ[- -] (cf. LSCG 11; [- -]νιστερ[.]οφορ[- -], IG). L. makes a series of observations on the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis (IG II2 1358, ca. 375–350). A 2, 5–6: The offering of a 12-drachma wether (οἶς) indicates a male recipient (a hero?) and not Demeter. This offering took place ‘some time before the Mysteries’ (πρὸ Μυστ[η]ρί[ων]) and not ‘on the eve of the Mysteries’; therefore, the recipient of the sacrifice is not connected with the Mysteries. A 1, 13–19: The modalities of these sacrifices were detailed in inscriptions set by (παρά) the Eleusinion, in Kynosoura, and by the Herakleion. Finally, L. argues that the finding spot of a dedication to Dionysos (IG II2 2933) is not necessarily the location of Dionysos’ sanctuary in the Marathonian Tetrapolis.

24482) J.L. Lamont, “A New Commercial Curse Tablet from Classical Athens”, ZPE 196 (2015), p. 159–174: L. publishes and discusses with ample commentary a curse tablet found in a cemetery outside the Long Walls of Athens (late 5th/4th cent.) [L. did not notice that this tablet is published in SEG LVI and discussed in BE 2010, 223 and EBGR 2010, 148; this tablet was exhibited in New York and the Acropolis Museum in 2017; see I. Dimaki, in A. Chaniotis, N. Kaltsas, and J. Mylonopoulos (eds.), A World of Emotions, New York, 2017, p. 35 no 10]. The defigens invokes Hekate Chthonia, Artemis Chthonia, and Hermes Chthonios against Phanagoras and Demetrios, their tavern, and their possessions. The interesting features of the text are the use of the emotional verb ἐπιφθόνησον (to hate, to hold a grudge), and the formula δήσω τὸγ γ᾿ ἐμὸν ἐχθρὸν … ἐν αἵματι καὶ κονίαισιν σὺμ πᾶσιμ φθιμένοις· οδέ σε λύσε(ι) πρώτη πεν[τ]ετηρίς· τοιοτωι σ᾿ ἐγὼ δήσω δεσμῶι,
[Δ]ημήτριε, ὥσπερ κρατερώτατόν [ἐστ]ι
̣ν (‘I will bind my enemy … in blood and ashes, with all the dead. Nor will the next four-year cycle release you. I will bind you in such a bind, Demetrios, as strong as possible’). The last words, γλώττηι δὲ κυνωτὸν ἐπεγκρόσω (‘I will smite down a kynotos on your tongue’) remain puzzling [see the discussion in EBGR 2010, 148].

24583) N. Lanérès, “Retour sur deux inscriptions laconiennes. IG V 1, 1317 et IG V 1, 1316”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 107–114: 1: L. re-examines a dedication to Pasiphae from Thalamai (IG V.1.1317, ca. 350), written on a throne. In E. Kourinou’s interpretation, the text reports that Nikosthenidas, a member of the Spartan gerousia, and his grandfather Nikosthenidas, made a dedication to Pasiphae (Παhιφᾶι). The dedication was made by Nikosthenidas and his deceased grandfather to thank the goddess for an oracle that she had given to the ephoros Andrias, asking him to dedicate a statue of Nikosthenidas (the grandfather) [EBGR 2013, 62]. L. adduces further dedications of thrones in Lakonia [without knowl­edge of the study by E. Zavvou summarized in EBGR 2014, 238] and presents a very similar scenario. In the late 5th/early 4th cent., Andrias consulted the oracle of Pasiphae in his capacity as an ephoros. The goddess requested that Andrias erect a statue of his fellow ephoros Nikosthenidas in the gerousia. Nikosthenidas did not have the chance to thank the goddess; this was done by his grandson, two generations later (mid 3rd-cent.), when the younger Nikosthenidas became a member of the gerousia himself. 2: L. studies a sacrificial regulation for Zeus Kabatas (Καβάτας for Καταβάτας) from Thalamai (IG V.1.1316) [EBGR 2013, 40], proposing a date in the mid- or late 5th cent. and discussing the linguistic features of the text.

24684) I. Lazarenko, E. Mincheva, R. Encheva, N. Stoyanova, and N. Sharankov, The Temple of the Pontic Mother of Gods in Dionysopolis, Varna, 2013, p. 47–64 [SEG LXIII 520–526]: The A. give an overview of the architecture and finds of the temple of Meter Theon Pontia in Dionysopolis (cf. EBGR 2012, 106). N. Sharankov (p. 47–64) summarizes the content of the epigraphic finds and discusses the cult of Μήτηρ Θεῶν Ποντία or Μήτηρ Ποντία or Μήτηρ Θεὰ Ποντία. The cult originated in Asia Minor and predates the con­struction of the temple in the late 4th cent. The goddess was regarded as a patron of sailors (ποντία; cf. a dedication to Ποσειδῶν Ἀσφαλεύς from this sanctuary: SEG LX 771). On p. 48–49, S. collects evidence for the cult of the Μήτηρ Θεῶν and Ἀφροδίτη Ποντία in the Pontic area and Kyzikos. The finds include the following inscriptions of religious interest: 1: A list of 20 members of a cult association, probably of Meter Theon (Hellenistic). 2: A list of the members of an association of Noumeniastai who worshipped the goddess (Νεομηνι̣ασταὶ Μητρὸς Θεῶν Πον[τία]ς, 3rd cent. CE). 3: The record of a donation (1st cent. CE) consisting of two aediculae, a throne, a wreath, figurines (τυπία) and other ornaments (σὺν τοῖς ἄλλο[ις] κο̣σμίοις), a στοά, a Thracian female slave, and her future offspring. The buildings were probably constructed in the sanctuary of the Pontic Mother of the Gods. 4: Numerous graffiti on plaster fragments use the commemorative formulas ἐμνήσθη and ἐμνήσθη ἐπ᾿ ἀγ[αθῶι].

24785) K.D. Lazaridou, “Ἐφηβαρχικὸς νόμος ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀμφίπολη”, AE 154 (2015), p. 1–48: Ed. pr. of the law of Amphipolis concerning the duties of the supervisor of the ephebes, who served for two years (24/23 BCE). The inscription was found in 1984, and although its content was widely known and mentioned in publications, the text is now completely presented for the first time, with limited commentary and a French translation prepared by M.B. Hatzopoulos (p. 46–48). The text mainly describes the obligations of the ephebes, their education, their training, and the organization of monthly contests in learning (μάθησις), orderly behavior (εὐκοσμία), diligence (φιλοπονία), good bodily condition (εὐεξία), and race (δρόμος; lines 73–110). The judges had to take an oath (lines 77–79, 90–94). The winners were crowned by the ἐπώνυμος ἱερεύς (line 99). The ephebes were to participate in all processions, wearing wreaths and the ephebic garment (lines 132–134: οἱ ἔφηβοι πομπευέτωσαν τὰς παρ᾿ ἑκάστοις ἠθισμένας πομπὰς ἐστεφανωμένοι θαλλοῦ στεφάνωι καὶ ἐν στολῇ τῇ ἐφηβικῇ). [There is a controversy among scholars on whether the text is a copy of a regulation for all Macedonian cities dating back to the reign of Philip V or a text composed after the Roman conquest; see M.B. Hatzopoulos, “Comprendre la loi éphébarchique d’Amphipolis”, Tekmeria 13 (2015/16), p. 145–171, with further bibliography. The text was certainly not written for one single city. The reference to ὁ ἐπώνυμος ἱερεύς (line 99) leaves no doubt that the author of the text expected that the law was to be used in cities that had different eponymous priests; otherwise, he would have mentioned the eponymous priest of Amphipolis, i.e. the priest of Asklepios (e.g. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions II nos 87 and 89). Also the phrase τὰς παρ᾿ ἑκάστοις ἠθισμένας πομπὰς (‘the processions that take place in the various cities according to custom’) shows that this is a document of general validity, and this can only have been issued by an Antigonid king. It is also clear that the text on the stele cannot possibly be the complete ephebarchical law; e.g. the text does not contain any information whatsoever about how the ephebarchos was appointed and the requirements for this office. It must be a selection of excerpts from the general law, possibly with modifications that became necessary after the Roman conquest; this would explain why the ephebes are only trained in the use of ranged weapons (bow and lance) and in horsemanship.]

24886) S. Lebreton, “Zeus Polieus à Athènes : les Bouphonies et au-delà”, Kernos 28 (2015), p. 85–11: L. collects the literary and epigraphic evidence for the cult of Zeus Polieus in Athens and the festivals Dipolia and Bouphonia, from the Archaic to the early Hellenistic period. The god, closely associated with the acropolis (cf. SEG LVII 70, a boundary stone: [Δι]ὸς Πολιέως ἄβατον), was regarded as a patron of agriculture and political unity (cf. the sacrificial calendars from Erchia and Thorikos: LSCG 18; NGSL 1).

24987) A. Lepke, “Neue agonistische Inschriften aus Patara”, ZPE 194 (2015), p. 135–157: Ed. pr. of 13 inscriptions from Patara concerning agonistic festivals held in that city (ca. 150-early 3rd cent.). Three inscriptions commemorate victories in the 6th, 9th, and 11th pentaeteric themis, a hitherto unattested contest, founded between 153 and 166 CE. The competitions included enkomion (1: θέμις τῶν ἐνκωμιογράφων; 2: ἀγὼν τοῦ λόγου … ἀγὼν τοῦ ἐγκωμίου; 3: ἐγκώμιον) and wrestling in the categories of boys and men (2–3). In one case, the same person won both in wrestling as a child and in enkomion five years later (2). During the 9th celebration, the provincial governor served as judge in enkomion (2), two celebrations later the jury consisted of ἐπαρχικοὶ ἄνδρες (viri praefectorii, possibly appointed by the governor). Two texts concern the Megala Kaseia, a contest of the Lykian Koinon (4–5; cf. TAM II 428). It was probably founded under the governor Claudius Cassius Apronianus (179/80 CE); wrestling is the only discipline attested. The remaining inscriptions (7–13) cannot be assigned to a contest, except for no. 7 that refers to a contest organized by Emperor Caracalla through his procurator.

25088) A. Lepke, C. Schuler, and K. Zimmermann, “Neue Inschriften aus Patara III: Eliten­repräsentation und Politik im Hellenismus und Kaiserzeit”, Chiron 45 (2015), p. 291–384: Ed. pr. of new inscriptions from Patara. 1: A list of donors of vases of various types, used in symposia (φιάλιον, ψυγίδιον, σκάφιον, λύχνος, ἠθμός); their value ranges from 8 to 36 drachmai; the sanctuary from which this inventory comes cannot be identified (ca. 3rd cent. BCE). 2: An honorific inscription for a Lykiarches, who also served as priest of Dea Roma (2nd/1st cent.). 3: A long honorific inscription for Licinius, high priest of the imperial cult in Lykia (ca. 83–96), praises his generosity and lists his services: he funded spectacles in theaters, celebrated the pentaeteric contest of the Lykian Koinon in the sanctuary of Leto in Xanthos, organized banquets, and made money distributions on the occasion of this festival, but also on the birthdays (γενέσιος) of the emperors Claudius (in Tlos), Vespasian (in Xanthos and Myra), and Domitian (in Patara) [it is also possible that the distribution of money in Myra took place on the birthday of Domitian, i.e., together with the distribution in Patara, not Xanthos]. The most interesting feature of the new text is a formulation used to describe how Licinius conferred the high priesthood upon his son Licinius Euelthon upon request of the Koinon: παραδοῦναι τὰ τῶν Σεβαστῶν στέμματα. He gave his son the ‘crown of the Augusti’, i.e. the insignia of his office (a crown decorated with portraits of the emperors) [for this expression cf. I.Side 226: the high priest Zosimos had his wife Romana carried ‘as a high priestess in the brilliant thymelic competitions, in purple dress, and placed on her head a crown of gold’]. Euelthon accepted the religious service (θρησκεία) and the expenses connected with the imperial cult. The eds. offer de­tailed commentary on the services of the Lykian high priest, his donations on the occasion of the celebration of the birthdays of emperors, and the importance of this office for the social prestige of elite families. 6–7: Two honorific inscriptions for Q. Vilius Titianus (early 2nd cent. CE), who served as high priest of the imperial cult in Lykia (6), agonothetes for life of the Apolloneia Traianeia, and chief prophet for life of Apollo (ἀρχιπροφη[τεύοντα διὰ βίου τ]οῦ τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν θε[οῦ Ἀπόλλωνος]). The latter office was one of the most important in Patara. It is not clear when a hierarchical structure was introduced to the office of the προφήτης, with the introduction of an ἀρχιπροφήτης and an ὑποπροφήτης (for the ὑποπροφητεία see no 10). 9: Two honorific inscriptions for Tib. Claudius Eudemos and his wife Claudia Anassa (ca. 150–200 CE), great benefactors of Patara. Eudemos created an endowment whose revenues were used inter alia for repairs of two shrines for the imperial cult (Καισάρεια) and the προφητικὸς οἶκος (the house of the prophet) in the sanctuary of Apollo. 10: A posthumous honorific inscription for Aristonoe (late 2nd/early 3rd cent.), a neokoros of an anonymous goddess (Artemis?), lists the services of her father Serapion: he served as ὑποπροφήτης and ἀγωνοθέτης τοῦ πατρῴου θεοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος.

25189) V. Liapis, “On the Oracular Lamella 2430–2432 from Dodona”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 85–90: L. presents a new edition of the oracular tablet DVC 2432B, which he interprets as a ritual instruction: ‘Set apart/remove the wild olive-tree; and to the hero offer clear pounded flour by way of seasonal fruit-offerings’ (ἐξελεῖν τὰν ἀγριέλαιον, τῶ[ι] | δὲ ἥρωι λινὰς καθαρὰς ὡραῖα ῥέ[ξαι]). The enquirer had harmed a wild-olive tree sacred to a hero and receives instructions in order to expiate his offence. L. points out that the text written on the other side of the tablet (DVC 2430A: ἦ ἀλλότριον καὶ οὐ τήνδε;) is not nec­essarily connected with the other text; both the palaeography and the dialect are different. If the two texts are connected, 2430A either contains an additional question (‘should I set aside another tree?’) or an additional response (‘or another tree and not this one’). [As the examples collected, infra no 115 suggest, τήνδε may refer to the tablet in the procedure of cleromancy: ‘or, if its unfit, then do not pick-up this one’.]

25290) M. Litsa, “Ζεὺς Μειλίχιος ἐν Ἄγραις”, Grammateion 4 (2015), p. 49–52: L. discusses the possible location of the sanctuary of Zeus Meilichios in Athens, where the festival Diasia was celebrated (SEG XXI 541 37–40: Ἀνθεστηριῶνος, Διασίοις ἐν ἄστει ἐν Ἄγραις, Διὶ Μιλιχίωι). A dedication to Zeus Meilichios was found in 2014 at the west foot of the hill of Ardettos; this must be the location of Zeus’ sanctuary; his temple was located near a temple of Artemis Agrotera.

25391) G. Maddoli, “Iasos: Vendita del sacerdozio della Madre degli dei”, SCO 61.2 (2015), p. 101–118 [BE 2016, 448; SEG LXIII 879]: Ed. pr. of a regulation (diagraphe) concerning the sale of the priesthood of Meter Theon in Iasos (late 3rd cent.). The regulation refers to a pre-existing law concerning this cult (lines 6f.: ἡ δὲ πριαμένη ἱερήσεται κατὰ τὸν νό̣μον καὶ τὴν διαγραφήν; line 8f.: ἱερήσεται ἕως ἂν ζῆι κατὰ τὸν ὑπάρχοντα νόμον). The auction was organized by the neopoiai. The woman who purchased the priesthood served for life as priestess both of Meter Theon and of Meter Phrygia [for these cults cf. EBGR 2102, 211]. She was to offer a sacrifice on 30 Alethion and organize a procession from the pry­taneion (to the altar of the goddess). The text describes her perquisites from sacrifices and offerings placed on the cult table. If the offerings placed on the table were gold or silver objects or garments, the priestess was to prepare an inventory and submit it to the neopoiai; the inventory was kept in the temple (καὶ εἴσω παρεχέτω [τοῦ ναοῦ]; ‘tenga [sc. l’elenco] a disposizione all’ interno [del tempio]’), until the city decided how to use the offerings (ἕως ἡ πό]λ̣ις περὶ αὐτῶν βουλεύσηται) [what was kept in the temple was not the inventory, but the offerings (αὐτῶν)]. The last fragmentary lines deal with funds provided by the neopoiai for the sacrifice.

25492) A. Makres, “IG I3 82 Revisited”, in Studies Mattingly, p.185–202 [BE 2015, 182; SEG LXIV 28]: M. republishes the Athenian decree IG I3 82 (421/0), traditionally interpreted as concerning the festival of the Hephaisteia, because of the reference to Hephaistos in lines 15/16 (τ hε[φα]ίστο καὶ τς Ἀθεναίας̣). In her view, this is a reference to a protected fund of Athena and Hephaistos (cf. IG I3 1453 B; SEG LI 55; an unpublished law on silver coinage), which could be used also to finance other cults. In view of references to Poseidon and Apollo (line 34: [τι Π]οσει[δνι– 9 letters–]ντον hοι hιεροποιοὶ καὶ τι Ἀπόλ̣[λονι]) she suggests identifying the festival in question with the Theseia. Theseus may have been worshipped together with Hephaistos in the Theseion. She infers the location of this sanc­tuary on the north slope of the acropolis from the finding place of inscriptions concerning Hephaistos (IG I3 82, 223, 472) and 472 (accounts for statues in the Hephaisteion).

25593) A.K. Makres, “Θραῦσμα καταλόγου ἱερῶν ἀντικειμένων ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀκρόπολη”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 221–231: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary inventory of objects belonging to Athena and the other gods (Acropolis of Athens ca. 330; cf. IG II2 1464; EBGR 2012, 112). The inventory records metal objects (drinking vessels, mirrors, spear butts), objects made of or decorated with ivory (weaving instruments, weapons, stools, combs), jewellery, and garments, probably stored in the Hekatompedos.

25694) M. Malaise, “Les hypostoles. Un titre isiaque, sa signification et sa traduction icono­graphique”, CE 82 (2007), p. 302–322 [SEG LVII 2160]: M. collects the evidence for the cult personnel of the Egyptian cults that are designated as ὑπόστολοι (IG XII Suppl. 571 = RICIS 104/0103; IG IX.2.1107 = RICIS 112/0703; SEG XXXVI 583 = RICIS 113/0908). Adducing Hesychios’ definition of an ὑψίστολος (Hesychius s.v.: ‘ceux qui sont habillés d’un chitôn qui monte haut’) and iconographical sources, M. argues that the ὑπόστολοι were high ranking Isiac priests, who wore long white robes covering the body up to the arm-pits. They were involved in ceremonies and carried offerings and divine images in processions.

25795) F. Marchand, “The Associations of Tanagra: Epigraphic Practice and Regional Context”, Chiron 45 (2015), p. 239–266: M. collects ten epitaphs from Tanagra set up by associations for their members (4th cent. BCE – 1st cent. CE; IG VII 685–689; SEG XXV 502; XXXII 486–488; B. Haussoullier, Quomodo sepulchra Tanagraei decoraverint, Paris, 1884, 30 no 1). The associations, designated as σύνοδος (IG VII 688), συνθύται (IG VII 676, 687, 689; SEG XXV 502; XXXII 486), and τάξις (SEG XXXII 487) were both cultic and professional. The cult associations worshipped Dionysos (IG VII 686; SEG XXXXII 488), Athena (IG VII 685,688), and Aphrodite (SEG XXV 502). The professional asso­ciations included vine-dressers (SEG XXXII 488), archers (SEG XXV 502; XXXII 487), and butchers (μάγειροι, possibly involved in sacrifices; IG VII 687). The identity of the Ἀριστιασταί, an association connected with the Aphrodisistai and an association of archers, remains a puzzle: were they worshippers of Ariste (Demeter or Artemis), an association founded by an Aristion or Ariston, an association of ‘messmates’ (from ἄριστον), or soldiers honoring ἀριστεία (cf. the connection between Ares and Aphrodite)?

25896) S.M. Marengo, “Le nouveau sanctuaire de Déméter et la ‘ceinture sacrée’ à Cyrène à l’époque royale”, CRAI (2011), p. 247–258 [BE 2013, 481; SEG XLI 1553–1554]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from the sanctuary of Demeter in Kyrene. 1: The inscribed base of the cult statue of Demeter (p. 247–249: Θεᾶ̣ι; 2nd/1st cent.). 2: An altar dedicated to Apollo, Zeus and Athena Apotropaioi (p. 249–252; late 2nd cent.

25997) A.P. Matthaiou, “Ναξιακὰ ἐπιγραφικὰ σημειώματα”, Grammateion 2 (2013), p. 71–80: M. republishes two inscriptions from Naxos. He restores the text of IG XII Suppl. 197 (6th cent.), written on the base of a statue, as a dedication to Apollo ([-–Ἀπόλλ]ονι τῆς [δεκάτης]). M. also republishes a dedication to Demeter, Kore, Zeus Eubouleus, and Babo, restoring the name of the dedicant (SEG XVI 478, ca. 350–300).

26098) A.P. Matthaiou, “ Ἐπιγραφικὰ σημειώματα”, Grammateion 2 (2013), p. 81–84 [BE 2014, 369; SEG LXIV 714, 765 bis]: 1: An Archaic inscription on a perirhanterion from Ialysos, only partly read (N.Suppl.Epigr.Rh. no 13) is a dedication to Athena; the perirhanterion was dedicated as a tithe (δεκ̣άτ̣[α]ν, 6th cent.). 2: M. presents an improved text of SEG LIX 932 [EBGR 2009, 125], a cult regulation from Andros (early 4th cent.) which mentions the celebration of a festival on the 14th of Heresion: ἡ ἑορτή (instead of hεορτή).

26199) A.P. Matthaiou, “Τρία ἐνεπίγραφα ὄστρακα Πάρου”, Grammateion 4 (2015), p. 99–104: M. discusses three fragments of inscribed vases from the sanctuary of Apollo on the island Despotiko, near Paros, known from preliminary reports. The letters [- -]ΣΙΣΘΜΟ[- -] (1, 8th/7th cent.) probably contain the name of the site (Ἰσθμ[ι]). Another fragment possi­bly names Apollo (2: Σήρανβος Ἀ[πόλλωνι?], 7th/6th cent.). The third fragment contains a personal name.

262100) K. McDonald, L. Tagliapietra, and N. Zair, “New Readings of the Multilingual Petelia Curse Tablet”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 157–165: The A. discuss the text of a defixio from Petelia (SEG LIV 962, 4th/3rd cent.) that contains Oscan names and an invocation of Hermes Chthonios.

263100) S.G. Miller, “Excavations at Nemea, 1997–2001”, Hesperia 84 (2015), p. 277–353: M. mentions the discovery of an inscribed jumping weight in Nemea (ca. 550). It was dedicated to Zeus Nemaios by a victor from Sikyon [see infra no 102].

264102) S.G. Miller, “Nemea, Sikyon, and Delphi”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 481–493: Ed. pr. of a jumping weight dedicated to Zeus in Nemea by a victorious athlete from Sikyon (Nemea, ca. 575–550) [see supra no 101] and a bronze plaque, originally attached to the statue of a horse, dedicated by Sikyonians (late 6th cent.). These finds imply significant Sikyonian presence in Archaic Nemea. Adducing a graffito from Delphi that designates a block as ‘Sikyonian’, M. suggests that the Sikyonian presence may have included the provision of materials for the early temple of Zeus.

265103) N.P. Milner, “A New Statue-Base for Constantius II and the Fourth-Century Imperial Cult at Oinoanda”, AS 65 (2015), p. 181–203: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for emperor Constantius II from Oinoanda (337–361 CE). The interesting feature of the text is that Oinoanda is called ἡ λαμπροτάτη καὶ διασημοτάτη νεωκόρων Οἰνοανδέων πόλις, i.e. with an explicit reference to the city as host of a temple of the imperial cult. This is the only attestation of a neokoreia held by Oinoanda, probably acquired late in the Imperial period (after 250 CE?). It is one of the latest references to cities as neokoroi, together with two milestones from Sagalassos, also from the reign of Constantius II. M. discusses the evidence for festivals of the imperial cult in Oinoanda and for the continuation of the imperial cult after Constantine the Great.

266104) E. Miranda, “Les Sebasta de Naples à l’époque de Domitien. Témoignages épigra­phiques”, CRAI (2014), p. 1165–1188: M. gives an overview of the inscriptions written on the wall of a porticus in Neapolis, erected in the late 1st cent. CE as part of a monumental structure that also included a temple and a processional road. 855 fragments belonging to at least 11 plaques contain lists of the victors at the agon Italika Rhomaia Sebasta Isolympia that was held in honor of Augustus from 2 CE to the 4th cent. During the Flavian period members of the imperial family (Titus and Domitian) served as agonothetai (70–90 CE). M. presents a few fragments and comments on the agonothetai and the disciplines of this renowned contest. The athletic disciplines included races (stadion in various age-classes including girls and daughters of members of the council; diaulos in the categories of boys, girls, and men; long race in the category of men; torch-race in honor of Augustus; race in armor), apobates, pentathlon, wrestling in various age-classes, boxing, various equestrian events. The musical and dramatic competitions included the following disciplines: various categories of flutists, kitharists, and kitharodes, comic and tragic actors (including the puzzling κωμῳδοὶ ἐν πλάσματι), epic and lyric poets, authors of enkomia for members of the imperial family, and pantomimes. The victors represent ca. 50 cities, mostly of Greece and Asia Minor. On the progress in the study of the Sebasta of Neapolis and the victorious athletes and artists see Ead., “Neapolis e gli imperatori. Nuovi dati dai cataloghi dei Sebastà”, in Oebalus. Studi sulla Campania nell’antichità 2 (2007), p. 203–215; “Consoli e altri elementi di datazione nei cataloghi agonistici die Neapolis”, in M. Silvestrini (ed.), Le tribù romane, Bari, 2010, p. 417–422; “Ritratti di campioni dai Sebastà di Neapoli”, Mediterraneao Antico 16.2 (2013), p. 519–536; “I Sebasta dell’82 d.C.: restauro delle lastre e aggiornamenti”, Historiká 7 (2017), p. 253–269; “Atleti e artisti occidentali ai Sebastà di Napoli”, in L. Cicala and B. Ferrara (eds.), Kithon Lydios. Studi di storia e archeologia con Giovanna Greco, Napoli, 2017, p. 93–99.

267105) E. Miranda de Martino, “Architrave con dedica a Diocleziano dal territorio di Hioerapolis”, in F. Guizzi (ed.), Fra il Meandro e il Lico: Archaeologia e storia in un paesaggio anatolico, Rome, 2014 (Scienze dell’Antiquità 20.2), p. 71–81 [SEG LXIV]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Diocletian and Maximian found in the sanctuary of the Motaleis, 21.5 km northeast of Hierapolis (313 CE; for a preliminary publication see SEG LXII 1319). The dedicatory inscription was written on the architrave of a building upon command of the governor and under the care of a priest ([κελεύσαντος πρόνοιαν τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς γενέσθ[αι καὶ τῶν γεγραμμέν]ων θείων ὀνομάτων καὶ σπουδὴν εἰσενεγκαμένου καὶ ἐπιμελησαμένου τοῦ ἱερέως Αἰβ(ουτίου) Φλάκκου Ἀπφια[νοῦ] ἀρχιερέων Ἀσίας προεγγόνου). This inscription attests to a building project in the sanctuary, probably connected with the anti-Christian policy of Maximinus Daia, in the year of the edict of Milan.

268106) C. Mühlenbock, H. Bru, and E. Lafli, “Dédicace de Phrygie à Zeus Alsènos au Medelhavsmuseet de Stockholm”, RA (2015), p. 23–34: Ed. pr. of three dedications to Zeus Alsenos donated by a collector to the Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm; their provenance is unknown, possibly the area of Dokimeion (2nd/3rd cent.). The dedications were made in fulfillment of vows (εὐχήν: 1–2; ὑπὲρ τῶν ἰδίων εὐχήν: 3). One of the dedicated objects is a marble representation of a pick, dedicated possibly by a quarryman (1). Another votive relief (2) is decorated with the image of a pick. The epithet Ἀλσηνός is often explained as deriving from ἄλσος (cf. the presence of farmers among his worshippers). However, the new dedications show that he was also worshipped by artisans. The epithet may derive from a place name (Allassa; p. 25) [the ending -ηνός, which is typically found in epithets deriving from place names, supports this hypothesis].

269107) M. Nafissi, “Una dedica a Basileia da Iasos e il duplice culto della Madre degli Dei e della Madre Frigia”, SCO 61.2. (2015), p. 119–136 [BE 2016, 449]: Ed. pr. of a dedication made by a woman to Basileia in Iasos (3rd/2nd cent.). An unpublished inscription from a sanctuary at Çancik Tepe that mentions Basileia Didymaia shows that Basileia was the Meter Theon. In a detailed commentary, N. adduces parallels for goddesses labeled as ‘queens’ and stresses the fact that Meter Theon and Meter Phrygia were worshipped as two separate goddesses (cf. supra no 91).

270108) E. Nieto Izquierdo, “La loi sacrée SEG 11, 314 : une nouvelle lecture”, ZPE 194 (2015), p. 101–107: N. discusses an Archaic law from Argos (SEG XI 314 = LSS 27 = Nomima I 88, ca. 575–550), which prohibits the use of sacred property outside of the precinct of Athena Polias. For the last lines, he proposes the following reading: αἰ δὲ σίναιτο, ἀφ[α]κεσάσθο. hοῖζ δέ δαμιορ[γία λι], ἀ[να]νκασσάτο. hο δὲ ἀμφίπολος μελεταινέτο τούτον (‘et si l’on cause des dommages, que l’on en fasse des réparations; et que l’on oblige [à réparer] selon ce que le collège de damiorgoi voudra. Que l’amphipolos veille à ces choses’) [see also infra no 123].

271109) P.M. Nigdelis et alii, Ἐπιγραφικὰ Θεσσαλονίκεια ΙΙ. Συμβολὴ στὴν πολιτικὴ καὶ κοινωνικὴ ἱστορία τῆς ἀρχαίας Θεσσαλονίκης, Thessaloniki, 2015: Ed. pr.of 129 inscriptions from Thessalonike [now republished in IG X.2.1s]; they are published by P.M. Nigdelis in collaboration with L. Acheilara, E. Labrothanasi, F. Lyrou, D. Markopoulou, A. Tzitzibasi, and M. Valkanou-Plastira. Only a few texts concern religious phenomena. Priesthoods : An epitaph was set up for a priestess of Meter Theon (p. 8–13 no 5 = IG X.2.1s.1401, 2nd cent. CE). A dedication to an anonymous deity mentions a priest and a priestess (p. 259–261 no 3 = IG X.2.1s.1056, late 2nd cent. CE?) [see supra no 72 no 111]. Associations : An epitaph for an ἀρχισυνάγωγος and a member of his association (συνήθης) (p. 108–110 no 28 = IG X.2.1s.1301). Death, burial, and afterlife : A very interesting grave epigram, set up by a father for his deceased son, refers to the heroization of the young man and his life after death: ‘The father set up Caius, a hero-rider (ἱππευτὴν ἥρωα), the departed (ἀπόδημον), engraving a stone image. He now lives together with the Nymphs in the valleys of Kissos (ὃς μετὰ τῶν Νυμφῶν οἰκεῖ κατὰ τέμπεα Κισσοῦ), enjoying himself with horses, dogs, and spears (p. 40–45 no 4 = IG X.2.1s.1231, 2nd cent. CE). The inscription is decorated with a relief representing a ‘Rider Hero’ hunting a boar. The word ἀπόδημον does not refer to Caius’ life and death abroad, but, metaphorically, to his departure after death. His new dwelling is Mt. Kissos (probably modern Mt. Chortiatis). The most significant contribution of the new text is the association of Mt. Kissos with the Nymphs and its perception as the dwelling of heroized dead. An epitaph which expresses the conviction that there is no resurrection may originate in anti-Christian polemic (π[ᾶ]σι θανεῖν ἀπόκιται κοὐδ᾿ ἐπανάστασίς ἐστι [β]ροτοῖς τοῖς εἰς [χθό]να βῶσιν; p. 265–279 no 1 = IG X.2.1s.1382, ca. 250 CE). The epitaph for Mallia Prima (p. 80–84 no 4 = IG X.2.1s.1362, 1st/2nd cent.) is decorated with two raised hands, the usual symbol of a prayer for revenge or for the protection of the grave. The deceased woman invokes the Sun, his daughters, Hosion, and Dikaion (μαρτύρεται τὸν Ἥλιον καὶ Ἡλίου κόρας καὶ τὸ Ὅσιον καὶ τὸ Δίκαιον). The identity of the daughters of the Sun is not clear; N. suggests Selene and Eos [more probably Lampetie and Phaethousa, the guardians of Helios’ cattle, well-known from the Odyssey and possibly labeled by Parmenides (fr. 1.9, quoted by N.) as Ἡλιάδες κοῦραι]. Hosion and Dikaion [here, clearly two entities] are also mentioned in another epitaph from Thessaloniki (SEG LVI 807 Α). In another stele, also decorated with hands raised in prayer, the parents of Leon invoke divine punishment for whoever was responsible for the death (poisoning) of their son: ‘if someone gave something bad to Leon, he may not escape the just eye’ (εἴ τίς τι κακὸν ἔδωκε Λέοντι, μὴ λάθοιτο τὸν δίκαιον ὀφθαλμόν; p. 168–172 no 19 = IG X.2.1s.1345, 2nd/3rd cent.). We also note a funerary imprecation (ἐπάρατος ἔστω; 173–178 no 21 II = IG X.2.1s.1474, 3rd/4th cent.).

272110) D. Obbink, “Poetry and the Mysteries”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 171–184: After survey­ing the evidence for mystery rites as a context for the early composition of cult poetry, O. stresses the close association between poetry and mystery rites. He observes that telestic songs share seven features: 1) invocation; 2) myth (and historiolae); 3) catchwords, synthemata, and magical utterances; 4) aetiologies and rationalizations of rites and formulae; 5) requests or spells for aid or epiphany; 6) instructions for the performance of rites; 7) meter. Recognizing the presence of these features in the ‘Getty hexameters’ (cf. supra no 47), he concludes that these verses ‘exemplify pretty well the features we would expect to see from cult poetry of the mysteries of the fifth century’. O. makes numerous observations on individual passages, of which we present a selection. The garden of Hekate is sugges­tive of the idyllic meadow in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter; Herakles (col. III, line 4) may be mentioned as someone who overcame death in visiting the underworld. Lamps and night (col. I, lines 13 and 15) might suggest the underworld setting of the historiola or ‘the darkness of mystery exclusion of the initiate before the blinding image of brightness and light of revelation?’. Hekate was connected with Demeter in Eleusis and Demeter Malophoros in Selinous. Ἀλέξιμα (col. I, line 6, col. II, line 4, col. III, line 7) ‘is (apparently) not a Greek word’, since it is hitherto unattested, and it should not be accented at all, as though it were a Zauberwort or a foreign word. ‘Perhaps the best solution would be to think of ‘alexi(ma)pharmaka as a kind of Zauberwort’ [ἀλέξιμος has plausible Greek etymology (from ἀλέξω) and composition (cf. φεύγω > φύξιμος); it is not a Zauberwort but an addendum lexicis].

273111) T. Özhan, “Five Fragmentary Inscriptions from Assos”, Gephyra 12 (2015), p. 179–189: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Assos. 2: The dative Κιλλαίωι in a small fragment may be the epithet of Apollo Killaios (worshipped at Killa) or a personal name (2nd cent.). 4: A dedication to Isis (Imperial period). The abbreviation Σεραπια. on a seat of the theater may refer to an association of Serapiastai. 5: An honorific inscription for a victor in pankration at the Smintheia Pauleia isopythia in Alexandreia Troas (3rd cent. CE; cf. I.Alexandreia Troas 52–54).

274112) H.S. Öztürk and H.E. Süel, “Toslu Ptolemaios’un Mezar Yazıtı”, Adalya 14 (2011) 259–265 [SEG LXI 1257]: Ed. pr. of an interesting epitaph written on a funerary altar (Telmessos or Tlos, 1st/2nd cent.). Neoptolemos dedicated the altar to his heroized father (ἥρωι). According to a cult regulation, Neoptolemos or the tenant of a field would offer an annual sacrifice of a castrated goat with a value of 15 denarii in the cemetery, burn ‘the meat piece’ or the shoulder, and offer a sacrificial cake (θ̣ύσει δὲ κατ᾿ ἔτος ἐν ταῖς ληνοῖς Νεοπτόλεμος ἢ ὁ ἐκφοριωνῶν τὸν ἀγρὸν τομίαν αἶγ᾿ ἔτηον 𐆖 ιεʹ καὶ πλακοῦντα κ̣αρποῦντες τὰ ἀπάργματα̣). If the ἐκφοριώνης would not offer the sacrifice, he would be guilty of sacrilege to the gods of the underworld (ἐὰν δὲ μὴ θ̣ύσῃ ὁ ἐκφοριώνης, ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔσται θεοῖς καταχθονίοις). [The correct interpretation is provided by C.P. Jones, “An Altar for a New Hero”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 83–86: ‘Every year among the tombs Neoptolemos or the rent-collector for the estate will sacrifice a yearling wether-goat worth fifteen drachmas and a cake, burning the first offerings”. The ἀπάργματα are not the portion of the victim given to the recipient of the sacrifice, but the first-fruits of agricultural produce, presumably from land previously owned by the deceased. This is another attestation for the cult of heroized dead.]

275113) G.K. Papadopoulos, “Παράδοσις τῶν ταμιῶν τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 205–219: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary catalogue of silver phialai dedicated to gods on the Athenian Acropolis between 373 and 359 and recorded by the treasurers of the Other Gods (Athens, after 359 BCE). P. also proposes restorations to similar inventories (IG II2 1450–1451).

276114) Z. Papakonstantinou, “Some Observations on Litigants and their Supporters in Athenian Judiciary defixiones”, in Á. Martínez Fernández, (ed.), Agalma: ofrenda desde la Filología clásica a la Manuel García Teijeiro, Valadolid, 2014, p. 1027–1035: An analysis of several curse tablets from Athens (DT 24, 39, 65, 68, 102, 107; SEG XLVIII 355–356, XLIX 315) and the individuals mentioned in them shows that members of the Athenian elite used magic. This evidence also invites us to reconsider the role of women in court cases.

277115) R. Parker, “The Lot Oracle at Dodona”, ZPE 194 (2015), p. 111–114: Taking into consideration ancient divinatory practices, P. shows that a form of cleromancy was practiced at Dodona. In many cases the visitors prepared two versions of their question, usually on two separate tablets, one in an affirmative, the other in a negative manner (e.g., ‘will I have a daughter?’ and ‘will I not have a daughter?’), folded the tablets, and then someone drew one of the folded tablets to determine the god’s response. The verb ἀναιρέω (‘to pick up one’) suggests that the answer was determined by picking up one out of two or more tokens. The use of cleromancy at Dodona was hitherto attested by a fragment of Kallisthenes (FgrH 124 F 22). A small number of tablets [references are to DVC] explicitly invite the god(s) to chose the tablet that contained the correct answer: τοῦτον ἀνελέτω and τούταν ἄνελε (‘pick up this one!’; 1170 and 2229); ἄνελε (1410: ‘pick up’!); τουτονί (2222A: ‘this one’); τοῦτον μοι τὸν κλᾶρον ἐξενθν (3128: ‘may this lot come out for me’; cf. 2401 and 3032); αἰ δὲ μή, οὗτος (2475: ‘if not, this one’) [two more cases: 1654A: [–ὑγιε]ίας· οὗτος (‘–concerning health; this one’); 2361B: οὕτ{α}ν νῦ[ν] (‘this one, now’). [To the texts ingen­iously identified by Parker as references to the drawing of lots we may add several other texts. 3132A: τοῦ ἀνδραπόδου οὐ τὰν δίκαν δικαξοῦμαι Σιδάρκας ΩΚΑ· τού[τ]αν, ‘shall I not pursue the lawsuit concerning the slave? – (Pick up) this (token)’; 1148A:  τύχοιμί κα τὰν hοδόν· τούταν, ‘if I have success in my journey, this one’; 1368A: ἐπερωτῶντι τοὶ διαιτοὶ τὸν Δίαν τὸν Νάϊον καὶ τὰ[ν Διώναν πότερον τὰ χρήμα]τα ἰς τὸ πρυτανῆον τὰ πὰρ τᾶς πόλιος ἔλαβε ΔΙΚΑΙ[- -] διαιτοὺς ἀναλῶσαι ἰς τὸ πρυτανῆον δικαίως· τούτα[ν], ‘the diaitoi ask Zeus Naios and Diona whether the diaitoi can justly spend for the prytaneion the money that Dikai[- -] received from the polis for the prytaneion; this one’; 2482A: Θεός· τύχα ἀγαθά. Ἀποδέδοκε Ἀλκί[δ]αμος καὶ Μαστάκα τὰν ὑστάταν φοράν, μνᾶν, ΑΙΚΑΝΔΡΟΣ οὗτος ΙΚΕΤΩ, i.e. οὗτος ἱκέτω, ‘let this tablet come’; 53: [ἀπα]λλαγεῖσα ἀπὸ Θηρομάχου· ττον (my reading; ἀπὸ θηρομάχου τόξον, DVC), ‘if she is released by Theromachos/if she leaves Theromachos; this one’); 4: Ἀνάγυλλα Σίβυλλα : ἐπερωτντι τὸν θεὸν· αἰ τὰ δίκαια μαστεύοντι ταύταν νικῆν· περὶ θἠματίο, ‘Anagylla and Sibylla ask the god; if their request is just, let this token prevail; concerning the garment’).]

278116) R. Parker and P. Thonemann, “A Hellenistic Sale of Priesthood from Halikarnassos”, ZPE 194 (2015), p. 132–134: P.-T. present an improved edition of the decree of Halikarnassos concerning the sale of a priesthood (ca. 275–250 BCE; cf. infra no 26). They recognize that the priesthood is that of Nike and restore the provisions of the decree. The purchaser should be a citizen for at least three generations; he should serve for life; he should offer public sacrifices together with the prytaneis on the altar of Nike; for these sacrifices he was to receive an undetermined amount from the city. This is the second attestation of a priesthood sold for life in Halikarnassos (cf. LSAM 73, priesthood of Artemis Pergaia); in both cases the priesthoods concern recently introduced cults.

279117) L. Pedroni, “Una gemma magica con ‘cavalieri Danubiani’ ”, in AAntHung 47 (2007), p. 217–225 [SEG LVII 2053]: Ed. pr. of a gem of unknown provenance (2nd/3rd cent.). The obverse shows motifs belonging to the iconography of the Danubian Riders: a god­dess between two riders (top), a banquet (middle), and two female worshippers flanking a tripod. On the reverse, carved later than the obverse, Ibis, with the snake Chnoubis around its neck, is standing on a crocodile. There are magical words on both sides, including Ιαω.

280118) E. Peterson and C. Markschies, Heis Theos. Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur antiken “Ein Gott”-Akklamation, Würzburg, 2012: C. Markschies and his collaborators prepared a reprint of the classical work of E. Peterson on the acclamation εἷς θεός and its variations (p. 1–346) with valuable additions: further testimonia collected by Peterson (p. 349–364); a list of addenda and corrigenda by C. Markschies and H. Hildebrandt (p. 367–580); four unpublished studies from Peterson’s Nachlass (“Wissenschaftliche Erkenntnis und Gotteserkenntnis”; “Monotheismus in der heidnischen Antike?”; “Der eine Gott und die vielen Völker”; “Vota, Akklamationen, Gebete”; p. 583–605); and an envoi by B. Nichtweiss, “Akklamation. Zur Entstehung und Bedeutung von ‘Heis Theos’ ” (p. 609–642).

281119) I. Piso, “Ein Gebet für die Nymphen aus Germisara”, Acta Musei Napocensis 52 (2015), p. 47–68: Ed. pr. of a very interesting dedicatory inscription to the Nymph and the Nymphs of the thermal waters of Germisara (Dacia, ca. 183–185 CE). The text, consisting of 32 imperfect hexameters (lines 1–16 in Latin, lines 17–30 in Greek) contains a praise of the Nymphs and was dedicated by a centurio of legio V Macedonica in the baths. As far as the text can be reconstructed, it can be translated as follows: ‘The Getic sources were created by the divine Nymph; her land is adjacent to Germisara. A Britannic soldier performs for them the annual rites, in fulfillment of his vow. While he fulfills the earlier vows of time past, he makes yet another one. He bows his helmet, decorated with tuft, there, where the water flow is the strongest. … You (i.e. the image of the Nymph) are crowned with grape­vine. … I beg you, Odrysta, to hold my present fixed in the ground.’ The text continues in Greek: ‘The Nymphs of Gemisara bring sleep from their nature (Νύμφαι Γεμισαρῶν ὑπνώδεις γὰρ ἀπέφυνα[ν]). Such a thread (of fate) is a present of Asklepios through the providence of the god (νῆμα τόσον προνοίᾳ θεοῦ Ἀσκληπίειε δῶρα). This is what the mortals say, after they have used the cure, coming walking with a stoop and leaving walking straight. They return, having made a vow, bringing presents from the healing goddess (εὐξάμενοι πάλιν ἦλθον πανακέῃ δῶρα φέροντες), enjoying the good baths they gave thanks­giving gifts (χαριστήρια), bringing drinking water through the gate of the garden. But to Artemis, the huntress, they brought fruit (Ἄρτεμι δέ πη κυναγέτει καρπήσια δῶρα). After they prayed for a long time ([μα]κρὸ[ν] εὐξάμενοι) [ed. pr.: [μι]κρό[ν], per errorem], they rendered the celebrations as is due and the sacrifices in the cave (ἀπέδωκαν τάς τε ἑορτάς, σήρανγ[ι] θυσίας) and returned to their journey’. The last lines mention the votive object (a statue of Hypnos) and express the dedicants hope that the Nymph will listen to his prayer (εἰ οὖς τείνεις). The Odrysta mentioned in the text must be the Dacian name of the local Nymph, the first explicit attestation of a Dacian deity. Her name is probably connected with the ethnic Odrysai and a word for wood or tree (cf. δρῦς, δρυμός). Although the poetic quality of the text is very low, it provides information on the practice of incubation in this sanctuary and shows the close connection between the sanctuary and the Roman unit that was stationed in its vicinity. It is unlikely that the bilingual poem was composed there; it probably consists of a combination and modification of verses from already existing poems. There are another 18 dedicatory inscriptions from this site, including 7 inscribed gold plates (collected by P. in an appendix). They name the Nymphae (2–13), a single Nympha (1), Aesculapius (14), Aesculapius and Hygia (15–16), Hygia (17), and Diana (18).

282120) C. Piteros, “ Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Μουσεῖο Ἄργους. Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Μουσεῖο Ἐπιδαύρου”, AD 65 B1 (2010) [2016], p. 374–379 [SEG LXIV 172–174, 176–177, 198, 200–201]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Argos. 1 (p. 374f.): A dedication to Plouteus (4th cent.). 2 (p. 375): The boundary marker of a sanctuary of Zeus (5th cent.). 3 (p. 376): A dedication to Demeter (2nd cent.). Charikleia dedicated statues of her children to Demeter (Χαρίκλει[α] Δ[άμ]α̣τ̣[ρι] παρατέθετο τὰ παιδία) [the verb παρατίθημι is used to describe the placement of offerings on a table for the god (e.g. IG XII.4.326, line 65; I.Erythrai 205, line 15), the delivery of opponents to punishing gods in curses (e.g. SEG LIV 524; I.Kourion 127, 129, 131, 132, 135–140, 142), the submission of documents (e.g. I.Magnesia 105 aa line 55), but also the putting of a child to the breast of a mother (Soranos 1.105); here it probably means that Charikleia entrusted her children to Demeter and her protection].

283121) C. Piteros, “Δʹ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἐντοπισμοὶ ἀρχαιοτήτων–ἐπισημάνσεις–παρατηρήσεις”, AD 65 B1 (2010) [2016], p. 398–427: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Argos and Epidauros. Argos: 1 (p. 424f.): A votive relief with the representation of a snake (dedication to a hero?; 4th cent.). 2 (p. 399f.): A perirhanterion dedicated by the Δελφιδιῶται (cf. SEG LIX 357), possibly an association of worshippers of Apollo Delphinios [unlikely; the ending -ῶται (not -ισταί) suggests a geographical name (the people of Delphidion)]. Epidauros: 3 (p. 426/427): An altar of Athena. 4 (p. 418f.): An altar of Dionysos (5th/4th cent.). 5 (p. 426): A dedication to Zeus Kretagenes (1st cent.) [more likely to be an altar. Was the cult introduced by Cretan mercenaries?].

284122) D. Quadrino, “Il santuario di Apollo ad Anaphe: trasformazioni dello spazio sacro e dinamiche cultuali”, in A. Inglese (ed.), Epigrammata 2. Definire, descrivere, proteggere lo spazio, Rome, 2013, p.329–372 [SEG LXIII 655]: A dossier of documents, consisting of an oracle, a decree, and an oracular inquiry, concerns the construction of a temple of Aphrodite in the sanctuary of Apollo in Anaphe (2nd cent.; IG XII.3.248; LSCG 129). Q. reprints the text of the inscription with Italian translation, and provides an exhaustive commentary of its content. She discusses inter alia the permission given to the founder of the cult to re-use building material from the sanctuary (cf. IG XII.5.1097; LSCG 72; MAMA VIII 498, lines 10–23), the topography of the sanctuary (a terrace, οἶκοι named after donors, prob­ably buildings for the placement of dedications), and the anticipated construction work (demolition and reconstruction of a wall, construction of a πάροδος, relocation of an altar and a ξοάνιον, preservation of as many stelai as possible and of an ἀπόρανθρον, a lustral basin). The origin of the epithet of Apollo Ἀσγελάτας (cf. IG XII.3. 249, 256) or Αἰγλάτας/Αἰγλήτης (IG XII.3.259/260) remains obscure (cf. the personal name Αἰγλάτας in Sparta: IG V.1.222; cf. Apollo Αἰγλάτας in Thera: IG XII.3.412).

285123) P. Robert and E. Dickey, “The ‘ϝhεδιέστας’ Inscription from Archaic Argos (SEG 11:314): Reconsideration”, JHS 135 (2015), p. 110–131: P.-D. present an improved edition and detailed linguistic discussion of an Archaic inscription from Argos reporting on works completed in the sanctuary of Athena during the term of six damiourgoi in office and regu­lating the use of objects belonging to Athena: ‘the treasures that are utensils of the goddess (τοῖσι χρὲμασι τοῖσι χρεστερίοισι τοῖσι τᾶς θι) a private citizen shall not use outside the precinct of Athena Polias. But the state may use them before (on behalf of?) the city (πρὸ [πόλιος]). But if one damages them, he shall make amends. As for the things with which a damiorgos is to compel (him to make amends), the amphipolos is to give thoughts to these things’ (αἰ δὲ σίναιτο, ἀφακεσάσθο. hοῖζ δέ δαμιοργ̣ὸ[ς] ἐ̣π̣αν̣[α]ν̣κασσάτο. hο δὲ ἀμφίπολος μελεταινέτο τούτον) [for a slightly different reading and interpretation of the last lines see supra no 108].

286124) D. Rousset, “La stèle des Géléontes au sanctuaire de Claros. La souscription et les acquisitions immobilières d’une subdivision civique de Colophon”, JS (2014), p. 3–98 [BE 2015, 610; SEG LXIII 1081]: Ed. pr. of a dossier of documents from the sanctuary of Apollo in Klaros, recording the purchase of land by the civic subdivision of the Geleontes (late 3rd and early 2nd cent.). Zeus held the eponymous office in the year in which the earliest text was inscribed.

287125) I. Rutherford, “The Immortal Words of Paean”, in Getty Hexameters, p. 157–169: R. notes the central role played by Παιάν in the incantations contained in the ‘Getty Hexameters’ (cf. supra no 47) and points out that paeans had been originally composed as purificatory songs. If the ‘Getty Hexameters’ are a proto-paean, they provide important information on the origin and development of this genre of lyric poetry.

288126) M. Sakurai, “The Date of IG I³ 136 and the Cults of Bendis in Fifth-Century Athens”, in Studies Mattingly, p.203–213 [BE 2015, 191; SEG LXIV 39]: IG I3 369, line 68 (426/5 BCE) and 383, line 143 (429/8 BCE) provide evidence for an Athenian cult of Bendis, probably associated with the goddess Adrasteia, already in the 430s. The Athenian decree concerning the Bendideia (IG I3 136; cf. the opening scene of Plato’s Republic), for which S. confirms the date in in 413/2, reflects an Athenian effort to improve relations with the Thracians, in order to secure shipbuilding timber from Thrace after the Athenian defeat in Sicily.

289127) E. Santin and A. Tziafalias, “Épigrammes signées de Thessalie”, Topoi 18 (2013) [2014], p. 251–282 [BE 2015, 395; SEG LXIV 485, 504–505, 514]: The A. present four Thessalian epigrams signed by their poets. They include an unpublished epigram from Larisa (4, late 1st cent.), that commemorates the victories of Alexandros. The text is written on a base that supported a group of statues dedicated by Alexandros near statues or a shrine of the Muses and the gymnasion ([ἐνθάδε? τῶν Μ]ουσάων καὶ γυμνάδος ἀνχόθι). Another dedicatory epigram from Larisa or Phalanna (ISE II 100 ca. 250) is addressed to Athena (Τριτογενεῖ Κούρηι). The epigram honors ‘guards’ (πατρίδας οἰκείας πιστοτάτους φύλακας, probably the politophylakes) who were responsible for the defense of the city and its city-walls. According to the poem, these officials were elected by the assembly, after the citizens had taken solemn oaths (ὅρκους ἁγίους ὀμόσας, πᾶς εἵλετο δῆμος).

290128) N. Sharankov, “Posveštenie na Mitra ot Nikopolis ad Istrum”, Arkheologia 54 (2013.2), p. 38–56 [BE 2015, 467]: A dedication to Mithras (IGBulg II 679) from the territory of Nikopolis ad Istrum was inscribed twice. The earlier inscription, unnoticed by scholars, is published by S. It records the dedication of a Mithras relief to Κύριος Μίθρας by a fuller in fulfillment of a vow (late 2nd cent. CE). The later inscription (early 3rd cent. CE), also recording a dedication by a fuller, has been erroneously associated with the relief. In fact, it commemorates the dedication of a painted wooden or marble plaque (τὸ στήλιον σὺν τῇ ζωγραφίᾳ). The painting represented the killing of the bull (as the relief) or another Mithraic scene.

291129) N. Sharankov, “Nadpis za Stroež na Hram ot Nikopolis as Istrum”, Arkheologia 55 (2014.1/2), p. 28–48: Ed. pr. of a building inscription from Nikopolis ad Istrum that commemorates the construction of a temple of Theos Hypsistos for the well-being of Hadrian, Sabina, the senate, the Roman people, the governor of Thrace, and the city. The sponsor was Iason from Prousias in Bithynia. The cult of Theos Hyspistos was hitherto unattested in Nikopolis. This is also the first inscription from Thrace that explicitly associates a man of eastern origin with the cult of Theos Hypsistos and also the first epigraphic attestation of a temple for Theos Hypsistos.

292130) P. Siewert and J. Taita, “Funktionäre Olympias auf einem hocharchaischen Bronze­blech (BrU 6)”, Tyche 29 (2014), p. 183–191 [SEG LXIV 301]: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary text on a bronze tablet, probably a cult regulation, from Olympia (ca. 550–525). One recognizes a reference to a διαιτατήρ (judge), a proxenos, and the theokolos. The text, the oldest cult regulation from Olympia, probably deals with the Olympic contest.

293131) S.L. Sørensen, “A Re-Examination of the Imperial Oath from Vezirköprü”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 14–32: New edition (with some suggestions for different restorations) of the oath of loyalty to Augustus (Phazemon/Neapolis/Neoklaudiopolis in Paphlagonia, 3 BCE, IGR III 137). S. proposes that the context of the oath was the death of Deiotaros Philadelphos and the new arrangements made for the cities on either side of the river Halys [on this oath see also EBGR 2012, 108].

294132) M. Stamatopoulou, “The Pasikrata Sanctuary at Demetrias and the Alleged Funerary Sanctuaries of Thessaly: A Re-Appraisal”, Kernos 27 (2014), p. 207–255: The sanctuary of Pasikrata in Demetrias, located in the city’s southern cemetery (3rd cent. BCE – 2nd/3rd cent. CE), was excavated in 1912–1915; no cult building was identified, but there are numerous small finds (esp. clay figurines), including inscribed dedications both by men and women (SEG III 481–484; I.Thessaly 712: Πρωτᾶς | Πασικρά|τᾳ εὐχήν ; an unpublished dedication to Pasikrata ἐπήκοος [- -]τίμα Ἀντόχου [Πασ]ικράτᾳ ἐπηκόῳ, 1st/2nd cent; M. Heinz, Thessalische Votivstelen [PhD Dissertation], Bochum, 1998, no 340; relief representation of an ear); the cult was served by a priestess. The goddess has been identified with Aphrodite, in view of a few statuettes depicting the goddess, and Artemis Ennodia. Because of the sanctuary’s location, it is generally believed that Pasikrata’s cult was funerary in nature. A careful study of the finds and the inscriptions (dedications made for the well-being of family members) leads S. to the conclusion that Pasikrata was a goddess who was expected to offer protection to young women and children. Pasikrata is attested as a theonym outside of Demetrias in Epeiros (Artemis Pasikrata: SEG XXXVII 528; S. Dragoumis, “ Ἀνάθημα Ἀρτέμιτι Πασικράτᾳ ἐν Ἀμβρακίᾳ”, AE [1910], p. 397f.: Νίκανδρο[ς] | Σόλωνος | ἀμφιπολεύσας | Ἀρτέμιτι | Πασικράται), Herakleia Lynkestis (IG X.22.1.18), and Selinous (G. Zuntz, Persephone, Oxford, 1971, 103; cf. a lamp of unknown provenance: SEG XXVII 1526). S. suggests that in Demetrias she should be identified with Artemis Ennodia. In this context, S. questions, more generally, the existence of ‘funerary sanctuaries’ in Thessaly, arguing that extra-mural sanctuaries for the worship of Ennodia, Zeus Thaulios in Pherai (SEG XL 667; XLVIII 665) were not funerary; Ennodia, worshipped as ϝαστικά and πατρῷα, was a protector of roads and crossroads. Sanctuaries were often located outside and near the city-walls, and sanctuaries of Artemis often were in a liminal location. [For Ennodia as protector of tombs see EBGR 2014, 55.]

295133) J. S. Starkey, “Aristophanes, Apollodorus, and the Dionysian Actor’s Contest”, ZPE 192 (2014), p. 45–58 [SEG LXIV 116–117]: On the basis of a detailed discussion of the Athenian fasti of dramatic performances (IG II2 2318 + 3062), the didaskaliai (IG II2 2319–2323a + SEG XXVI 203 + SEG XXXVIII 162) — probably based on Aristotle’s work —, the victors lists of dramatic competitions (IG II2 2325 + SEG XXVI 207 + SEG XLVIII 183), and the ancient hypotheses of Aristophanes’ Peace, S. argues that competitions of comic actors at the City-Dionysia took place already in the 5th cent., exactly as at the Lenaia, despite the fact that they are not mentioned in the fasti.

296134) G. Steinhauer, “Ἀλκμεωνίδαι, Κήρυκες καὶ ἡ ἀττικὴ λατρεία τῆς Κυβέλης”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 77–104: A fragmentary statue of Kybele, found in a sanctuary of the late 6th/5th cent. BCE in Neon Phaleron (Piraeus; SEG LVII 69; cf. EBGR 2010, 148) was dedicated by Hipparete, whom S. identifies as a 6th-century member of the family of the Alkmeonids (and not the wife of Alkibiades). S. discusses the connection between the families of the Alkmeonids and the Kerykes and the possible role of these families in the introduction of the cult of Kybele in Athens in the late 6th cent.

297135) J.-Y. Strasser, “Inscriptions agonistiques de Rhodes”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 57–76: S. presents an improved edition of an agonistic inscription from Rhodes (SEG LVIII 816) that lists the victories of the boxer, wrestler, and pankratiast Pythion (2nd cent.) and discusses his career and the festivals in which he competed. According to S.’s restorations, Pythion was victorious in the following agonistic festivals: Halieia in Rhodes, Olympia, Pythia, Isthmia, Nemea, Heraia in Argos, Olympia in Dion, Amphiareia and Epidalia in Boiotia (Epidalia was hitherto unattested; cf. Delia), Hamarieia in Aigion, Pythia in Sikyon, Naa in Dodona, Nikephoria in Pergamon, Asklapieia in Kos, and Dorieia in Knidos. S. also republishes with new restorations an agonistic inscription for a runner from Rhodes (SER 66 + 66A + IG XII.1.82; cf. SEG XXXVII 701; late 1st cent. CE). The agonistic festivals that one recognizes on the very fragmentary stone include the Sebasta in Neapolis (?), Koina Asias, and Balbilleia in Ephesos, but the athlete seems to have also been victorious at the Kapitolia in 90 or 94 CE.

298136) H. Taeuber, “Kypriaka”, Tyche 30 (2015), p. 259–260: After autopsy of the stone that contains the oath of allegiance to Emperor Tiberius from Paphos (14 CE), T. points out that the oath does not include only Tiberius’ sons (lines 19–20: ὑο̣ς̣ τε τοῦ | αἵματος αὐτοῦ) but all his descendants (το̣ς̣ τε τοῦ | αἵματος αὐτοῦ).

299137) P.G. Themelis, “Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης”, PAAH 170 (2015), p. 109–123: Ed. pr. of a list of ephebes (Messene, 57 CE) dated with reference to the eponymous priest of Zeus Ithomatas.

300138) N. Themos, “Γίνεσθαι τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Βαδησιείων κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτόν. Ἐπιγραφὴ καθιερώσεως ἀγώνων απὸ τὸ Ἐξωχχώρι Καρδαμύλης”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 543–574: Ed. pr. of a dossier from Kardamyle (Messenia, ca. 1st cent.) consisting of two fragmentary documents. The first text gives the details of a new annual agonistic festival, the Βαδισιεῖα, comprising a procession from the sanctuary of Asklepios to the altar or statue of Hermes at the gymna­sion, a sacrifice (βουθυσία), an athletic contest with modest money prizes (2–4 drachmai), and a banquet (δημοθοινία). The boys attended the procession anointed with fat ([λίπα ἀληλε]ιμμένους), the young men in armor (ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις), the men (over 30 years) in their garments (ἐν τοῖς εἱματί[οις]). The winner in the competition of εὐοπλία [presentation of military equipment in a good state], which was a competition at the Theseia in Athens (IG II2 956–958, 960–91; cf. καλλιοπλία in I.Priene 112), received a small shield which he dedicated [in the gymnasion?]. The second text is a decree of the nomographoi honoring Komas, son of Badesias, as a benefactor; his statue was to be erected in the sanctuary of Asklepios and he was to receive a seat of honor in contests. T. plausibly assumes that Komas was the sponsor of the festival in honor of Badesias, his father or son [to judge from the direct and indirect references to the gymnasion (Hermes, euhoplia), Komas probably founded this festival to honor his son, who died at a young age, actively participating in the life of the gymnasion].

301139) P. Thonemann, “Inscriptions from Hadrianopolis, Tieion, Iulia Gordos and Toriaion”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 82–88 [SEG XLIII 1244]: T. republishes with corrections and comments on recently published inscriptions [cf. supra no 79]. They include a dedication to Zeus Brontaios from Hadrianopolis (2, 2nd/3rd cent.) and a dedication to Zeus Megistos from Toriaion (8; T. corrects the name of the dedicant).

302140) P. Thonemann, “The Calendar of the Roman Province of Asia”, ZPE 196 (2015), p. 123–141: A detailed study of month names used in Asia Minor and synchronizations between the Roman (Julian) calendar and the local calendars shows that the decree of the cities of Asia in 9/8 BCE to adopt a new calendar, with the year starting on Augustus’ birthday (September 23) had a limited impact on the actual practice: the month names recommended by the decree were not universally adopted; a lunisolar calendar was used in north-east Lydia. The main aim of the decree of 9/8 BCE was not to synchronize the various calendars of Asia with the Julian calendar but to express loyalty towards Augustus, by adopting his birthday as the first day of the year, naming Σεβαστή the first day of every month, and renaming Dios to Kaisar.

303141) P. Thonemann, “The Martyrdom of Ariadne of Prymnessos and an Inscription of Perge”, Chiron 45 (2015), p. 151–170: The Martyrdom of Ariadne of Prymnessos, com­posed in the 4th or 5th cent., contains a long praise for Tertullus, allegedly one of the first citizens of Prymnessos in Phrygia Salutaris, who was accused for concealing the Christian Ariadne in his house. This praise is clearly a paraphrase of an honorific inscription. T. shows that the inscription that inspired the martyrdom is an honorific inscription for Tib. Claudius Vibianus Tertullus (later consul in ca. 183/4 CE), a local benefactor of Perge. He was honored by the mastigophoroi who were in service during his term in office as high priest of the imperial cult and agonothetes of the Great Kaisareia (I.Perge 193); during this festival Tertullus offered a gladiatorial show. T. presents a new edition of this text. Tertullus can be identified with a man honored with an epigram in Sagalassos (SGO IV 18/08/01), where he organized a gladiatorial show. Tertullus, citizen of Perge and Selge, must have held citizenship also in Sagalassos.

304142) E. Tsakanika, “Ἀνέκδοτες – καὶ μὴ – ὑπογραφὲς σὲ βάσεις ἀπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολη τῆς Λίνδου”, in Sophia adolos, p. 93–116 [SEG LXIV 722–725]: T. presents three unpublished and two already known bases of dedications from the sanctuary of Athena Lindia; they all bear sculptors’ signatures. One of the inedita, the dedication of Eutychos, is designated as aparche (Ἀθάναι Λινδίαι ἀπαρχ[άν], ca. 200–170); this base has an interesting feature: on the front face there is a cavity for the placement of objects (coins and lamps). Eutychos dedicated also a second statue, made by the same Chian sculptor; the two fragments of the base were found again (I.Lindos 176+178).

305143) A. Tziafalias and R. Bouchon, “Les cités thessaliennes et Néron : à propos d’une inscription inédite de Larissa”, Neronica electronica 3 (2014) [electronic publication; BE 2015, 392]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Nero from the theater of Larisa; the emperor is praised as ‘savior’ of the city. The historical context of this dedication cannot be determined. Neither this text nor I.Atrax 158 prove that Nero visited Larisa for the festival Eleutheria.

306144) S. Vlizos, “ Ἱερὸ τοῦ Ἀμυκλαίου Ἀπόλλωνος στὶς Ἀμύκλες”, AD 65 B1 (2010) [2016], p. 577–579 [SEG LXIV 206]: Ed. pr. of a stamped tile from the sanctuary of Apollo in Amyklai (Lakonia, undated). The tiles are designated as property of Apollo (Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Ἀμυκλαίοι).

307145) M.B. Walbank, “Athens in 143/2 B.C.: Three Decrees and a Diadikasia”, ZPE 193 (2015), p. 118–132: Ed. pr. of an inscription consisting of three non-joining fragments of a stele that contains a list of Athenians who after a procedure of diadikasia were selected to cover the expenses of the civic festivals in 143/2 and three very fragmentary decrees of the same year concerning festivals. The most important feature of the new text, in W.’s readings, is that in that year the Soteria of Delphi and the Eleutheria of Plataia were celebrated also in Athens, in addition to their traditional place of celebration [the readings and restorations of an extremely badly preserved text are uncertain and both this edition and W.’s conclusions should be used with caution]. The text of the diadikasia mentions the following festivals: Anthesteria, Apatouria, Dionysia, Eleusinia, Eleutheria, Lenaia, Panathenaia, Ptolemaia, Soteria, and Theseia.

308146) B. Wesenberg, “Peplos und Parthenoi. Zu einer Gruppe panathenäischer Inschriften”, ZPE 196 (2015), p. 103–115: After detailed discussion of three Athenian decrees of the late 2nd cent. BCE concerning the dedication of a peplos by the Athenians to Athena (IG II2 60+1036, 1036, 1034+1943; cf. SEG XL 122 and LIII 143), W. concludes that these texts only attest the work of girls in the preparation of the wool to be used for the weaving of the peplos (τὰ ἔρια τὰ [εἰς τὸ]ν πέπλον) for the Great Panathenaia and not the weaving of the peplos itself. These decrees cannot be used as evidence for the dedication of a peplos during the annual Panathenaia.

309147) J. Wallensten, “Dedications to Double Deities”, Kernos 27 (2014), p. 159–176: W. examines three dedications to ‘double deities’ (i.e. deities whose name combines two divine names) from Hellenistic Delos: Astarte Palaistine Ourania Aphrodite (I.Délos 1719, by a banker from Askalon), Astarte Palaistine Aphrodite Ourania (I.Délos 2305, by a man from Askalon), Isis Soteira Astarte Aphrodite Euploia Epekoos and Eros Harphokrates Apollo (I.Délos 2132). The peculiar feature of these dedications is that they associate deities of different cultural origins. The divine names denote ‘single integral recipient deities and not several separate gods’. After examining the various possible meanings of such combinations (association of different gods, assimilation of gods, creation of a new god, translations of divine names), she tentatively argues that these gods were not ‘new syncretistic deities’. She places the emphasis not on the syncretistic nature of the gods but on the syncretistic behavior of the dedicants, who are ‘consciously using their knowledge of various cultures in interaction, and they are communicating in terms to be intelligible to as many as possible, gods and humans alike’ [for this mentality cf. the prayer of Lucius to Isis in Appuleius, Metamorphoses XI, 2].

310148) C. Wallner, “Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat — Addenda”, Tyche 30 (2015), p. 173–191: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary honorific inscription for members of an important family at Tavium in Galatia (ca. 160–200 CE, p. 183–186). One of the members of the family served as priest of Zeus (line 3).

311149) G. Zachos, Ἐλάτεια: ἑλληνιστικὴ καὶ ρωμαϊκὴ περίοδος, Volos, 2013 [BE 2014, 248; SEG LXIV 478–479]: Z. presents a panorama of the topography, history, and monuments of Elateia in the Hellenistic and Imperial periods. In this context, he publishes an interesting honorific epigram for a boy-priest of Athena Kranaia (p. 293–296, 2nd/3rd cent. CE): Παλλάδος ἀφθά[ρ]τοιο θεᾶς ἱερῆα φ[έ]ριστον, | παῖδα τὸν Εὐ[- -]. According to Pausanias (X, 34, 8) the priests of Athena were boys, who served for five years, before they reached the age of the ephebe (cf. IG IX.1.139). Athena’s epithet ἄφθαρτος is unusual. Z. Paul, Rhom. 1.23 [cf. the epithet ἄφθιτος attributed to Apollo (IG XII.5.893, line 4), Hermes (IG XII.9.289 line 12), Zeus (Milet VI.3.1395, line 7), Anoubis (I.Kios 21, line 2), an anonymous god (MAMA I 235, line 12), and the gods (Bernand, Inscr. métriques 46, line 9)]. Z. also pub­lishes an honorific inscription from the area of the sanctuary of Athena Kranaia 2nd/3rd cent., p. 296–298). An Aitolarches — chairman of the Aitolian Koinon, who existence in that period is now attested through this text — set up the statue of an agonothetes of the Megala Pythia. [The text was republished by D. Rousset and J.-Y. Strasser, “D’Élatée à Delphes : un étolarque et un xystarque”, REG 130 (2017), p. 1–22, who recognized two prominent men of the early 3rd cent., known from a contemporary inscription in Delphi (CID IV 164): the Aitolarches M. Aurelius Euagathos of Hypata dedicated to Athena (?) a statue of T. Flavius Eurydikos of Delphi, secretary of the Amphiktyones, xystarches of the Pythia, and τῶν ὁσίων πρέσβυς.]

312150) E. Zavvou, “ Ἀναθηματικὴ ἐπιγραφὴ ἀπὸ τὶς Κροκεὲς Λακωνίας”, in Axon – Stroud, p. 507–514: Ed. pr. of a votive relief from Krokees (4th cent.). The relief, dedicated to the healing god Paion, depicts a standing figure with long dress. The god’s hands hang by the figure’s sides, holding two triangular objects (bands?).

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) »Kernos, 31 | 2018, 167-219.

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) »Kernos [En ligne], 31 | 2018, mis en ligne le 01 octobre 2020, consulté le 21 octobre 2021. URL : ; DOI :

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