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Epigraphic Bulletin

Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2016 (EBGR 2016)

Angelos Chaniotis
p. 297-339

Texte intégral

1The 29th issue of the EBGR presents epigraphic corpora and new epigraphic finds published in 2016 and a few contributions to the reading and interpretation of old finds. I have also summarized numerous publications of earlier years that had not been included in earlier issues of the EBGR.

2In this issue, I summarize the content of new corpora and large epigraphic collections from Athens (98), Corinth (118), Thessaly (134), Kos (22), north Epirus and south Illyria (27), Smyrna (15), and Asia Minor (85). Among the new finds, I single out the rock-cut inscription with a cult regulation in Panoteus, previously known from a quotation in the cult regulation of the Labyadai in Delphi (107); this text, along with another rock-cut inscription from the same site, still remains puzzling. I also note a new Dionysiac/Orphic tablet from Crete (127), a new cult regulation from Larisa (133), a public document from Atrax that excludes a certain individual from the cults of a family group (134), a novel attestation of a ‘new hero’ (28; cf. 70), an honorific decree from Dionysopolis that praises the honorand for the orderly distribution of sacrificial meat (117), a building account from Didyma (55), a cult foundation in Nakoleia (9), an epitaph that assimilates the honors paid to the deceased woman with those paid to the immortal gods (86), and a rhetorically elaborate funerary imprecation from Neapolis in Karia (84). An inscription of Kos provides the first attestation for the participation of a Homerist in ‘sacred contests’ (22). In an epitaph from Atrax, a man speaks from his grave and regrets the fact that he no longer can attend sacrifices (134). There is an abundance of interesting or new epithets (δεξαμένα for Athena: 105; δημίη for Aphrodite: 108; ζημιέα for Demeter: 87; πανταρέτα for Ge: 134; προγονική for Hera: 86; πορογονικός for Zeus: 117; σαώτωρ for Apollo: 80) and rare or unattested terms, such as ἑορτάρχης (‘a man responsible for the festival’; 97) and ὀρνεοσκοπέω (117). A dedication to Zeus Spaloxios and Zeus Patroios by their priest in Aphrodisias shows that the two epithets distinguished between two different gods, who shared the properties of Zeus (33). As regards religious mentality, some of the graffiti in Smyrna reveal a belief in divine healing (15). Among the new defixiones, I single out a curse tablet that is formulated like a letter to chthonic powers (23); it may be among the earliest examples of prayers for justice (mid-4th cent.).

3The principles explained in Kernos 4 (1991), p. 287–288, and Kernos 7 (1994), p. 287, also apply to this issue. Abbreviations that are not included in the list are those of L’Année Philologique and J.H.M. Strubbe (ed.), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Index for Volumes XXXVI–XLV (1986–1995), Amsterdam, 1999, as well as of later volumes of the SEG. If not otherwise specified, dates are BCE. Dr. Matthew Peebles (Columbia University) has improved the English text.


Aphrodisias Papers V:

R.R. Smith et alii (eds.), Aphrodisias Papers V. Excavations and Research at Aphrodisias, 2006–2016 (Journal of Roman Archaeology, Suppl. 103), Portsmouth, 2016.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

4Attica: 119; Athens: 14. 16. 23. 28. 38. 39. 47. 71. 75. 87. 125. 142. 143; Acharnai: 6. Korinthia: Corinth: 118. 144; Isthmia: 46. Argolid: Argos: 119. Kleonaia: Nemea: 24. Epidauria: Epidauros: 77. 103. 116. Kynouria: 52. Aigina: 119. Lakonia: 20. 82; Sparta: 48. 129. 130. Arkadia: 119; Stymphalos: 115. Elis: 119; Olympia: 60. 61. Boiotia: 16; Oropos: 73; Tanagra: 119; Thebes: 119; Thespiai: 5. 119. Delphi: 107. Phokis: 50. 74. 119; Panopeus: 107. Thessaly: 119; Atrax: 134; Larisa: 131–133; Pharsalos: 139. Epirus: 27; Ambrakia: 105; Dodona: 89. 136. Illyria: 27. Macedonia: Dion: 128; Pella: 128; Thessalonike: 63. 128. Thrace: 41; Apollonia Pontike: 117; Aquae Calidae: 117; Augusta Traiana: 117. Moesia: 40. 41; Dionysopolis: 117; Kallatis: 12; Novae: 80; Tomis: 10. Dacia: 11. North Shore of the Black Sea: Gorgippia: 93; Chersonesos in Tauris: 112; Kalos Limen: 111; Olbia: 18. 23. 108; Pantikapaion: 19. 23; Phanagoreia: 138. Delos: 14. Rhodes: 13. 121. Patmos: 99. Kos: 22. 122. Thasos: 57. 126. Samothrake: 42. Euboia: Eretria: 114; Karystos: 34. Crete: Phaistos: 51; Sfakaki: 127. Sicily: Aitna: 106; Lilybaion: 26; Selinous: 69; Syracuse: 106. Italy: Oplontis: 102; Ostia: 141; Rome: 21. Pannonia: Savaria: 17. Kyrene: 35. 68. Karia: Alabanda: 8; Aphrodisias: 32. 33; Gerga Kome: 79; Halikarnassos: 66. 67. 79. 100; Iasos: 29. 85. 91. 92; Mylasa: 62. 79. 119. 135; Neapolus: 84; Nysa: 72; Pidasa: 76. Ionia: Erythrai: 83; Lampsakos: 119; Metropolis: 43. 44; Miletos: 55. 56. 123; Smyrna: 15. 79. Lydia: 1. 59; Tripolis: 45. Aiolis: Kyme: 81. Troas: Alexandria Troas: 94; Lampsakos: 119. Mysia: Kyzikos: 95. Bithynia: Bithynion: 86; Iouliopolis: 86; Kreteia: 86; Nikaia: 86. 96. 97; Prousias: 86. Pontos: Zela: 86. Paphlagonia: Gangra: 86. Galatia: 54. Phrygia: 1. 3. 11. 140; Apollonia: 58; Hierapolis: 53. Nakoleia: 9. Pisidia: 140; Tymbriada: 123. Pamphylia: Perge: 25. Lykia: Kibyra: 36. 37. 88; Korydalla: 64; Limyra: 2. 145. 146; Oinoanda: 90; Phaselis: 7; Rhodiapolis: 65; Tlos: 104. Lykaonia: 120. Kilikia: Diokaisareia: 109; Korykos: 110; Tarsos: 78. 113. 137. Phoenicia: Berytos: 4; Byblos: 147. Jordan: Gerasa: 49.

5afterlife: 22. 85. 118. 134; cf. s.v. death

6agonistic festival: 14. 90. 123. 124; Aktia: 121 (Nikopolis); Amphiareia kai Rhomaia: 73 (Oropos); Anakeia: 119 (Athens); Antiocheia: 104 (Antioch); Artemisia: 44 (Metropolis); Artemisia Kommodeia: 104 (Ephesos) Aspis: 104. 122 (Argos); Augusteia: 104 (Pergamon); Basileia: 98 (Lebadeia); Delia: 14; Dia 45 (Tripolis); Dionysia: 143; Eleusinia: 14; Eleutheria: 14 (Plataiai); Epinikia: 123 (Ephesos); Eusebeia: 104 (Puteoli); Hadrianeia: 104 (Athens, Anazarbos, Antioch); Halieia: 104. 119 (Rhodes); Heraia: 14. 119. 122 (Argos); Herakleia: 14 (Thebes). 104 (Tyros); Isthmia: 104. 144; Kaisarea: 144 (Corinth); Kapetolia: 121; Koina Asias: 104 (Smyrna); Koinos Agon: 104 (Syria); Kommodeia: 104 (Miletos); Kroneia: 104 (Tlos); Lykaia: 14; Maleateia: 82; Naa: 14; Nemea: 14. 104; Nemesia: 47; Nymphaia: 14 (Apollonia); Olympia: 14. 104; Olympia: 104 (Athens, Daphne); Olympia Balbilleia: 104 (Ephesos); Panathenaia: 14. 104. 125; Periporphyros: 104 (Sidon); Poseidonia: 119 (Sounion); Pythia: 14. 104; Rhomaia: 14 (Chalkis); Sebasta: 104. 121 (Neapolis). 144 (Corinth); Soteria: 14 (Delphi); Traianeia: 104 (Pergamon); Trophonia: 14 (Lebadeia)

7agonistic festival: 27. 121; endowed: 65; foundation of: 43; participation of Homerists: 22

8altar: 55. 72. 85. 86. 91. 94. 96. 97. 117; numbered a.: 116

9amulet: 63. 128

10association: 25. 27. 28; cult a.: 4. 22. 81. 86. 134. 138. 140. 145

11asylia: 62

12banquet: 4. 77. 83

13birthday: 5

14burial: 22; public: 32

15cave, cult: 139

16chorus: 4

17Christianity: 118; use of pagan imagery and vocabulary: 118

18confession inscription: 59

19contest, funerary 119; in honor of war dead: 119; see also s.v. agonistic festival

20crown: 49

21cult, family: 134; exclusion from: 134

22cult personnel: agonothetes 22. 43. 79. 100. 123; archiereia of the imperial cult in Asia 25; in Lykia: 104; in Prousias: 86; archiereus 25. 100. 123; archiprophetes 104; asiarches 25; heortarches 97; hiereia 27. 44. 79. 98. 100. 134. 146; hiereus 25. 28. 33. 49. 53. 65. 66. 97. 98. 117. 131. 134. 138. 146; hiereus pro poleos 104; hieromnemon 77; hieropoios 83. 98; kanephoros 98; leitoreuon 134; neokoros 22; philagathos 138

23cult regulation: 22. 68. 69. 87. 98. 107. 131; fine for violation: 87

24curse: cf. s.v. defixio, imprecation

25dance: 4

26death: 22. 35. 54. 58. 118

27dedication: 71; label on: 118; objects: athletic prize: 119; booty: 27; bowl: 75. 91; club: 27; hydria: 119; jumping weight: 82; lamp: 15; lance: 105; mirror: 60; panoply: 16; phallus: 134; shield: 107

28dedication, by magistrate: 27. 134; by magistrate after his term in office: 27; by priest: 53. 117. 134; by sailors: 27; by soldier: 40. 41. 80. 101. 120; by a son fulfilling the vow of his father: 134; by women upon completion of a rite of passage: 134

29dedication: 71; for good agricultural produce: 96; for the well-being of emperors: 95; for the well-being of family member: 27. 86. 117. 134; for the well-being of the fatherland: 117; for the well-being of king: 117; for the well-being of masters: 86; for the well-being of a village: 86; in expression of gratitude: 41; upon completion of a rite of passage: 134; upon divine command: 53; upon manumission: 64. 132

30defixio: 17–19. 21. 23. 24. 38. 39. 118. 141; anatomical curse: 24

31deities: Agathos Daimon: 22. Aglauros: 98. Amphiaraos: 73. 98. Amphitrite: 27. Aphrodite: 22. 27. 87. 134; Basileia 55?. 92; Demie 108; Pandemos 27; Paphie 118. Apollo: 1. 6. 22. 27. 28. 34. 48. 56. 66. 67. 80. 139; Agreus 134; Didymeus 55. 91; Erethimios 13; Hetdomaios (Hebdomaios) 134; Lykeios 103. 107. 134; Smintheus 94; Tyritas 20. 52. Ares: 88. Artemis: 44. 119. 134; Iberia 27; Patmia: 99; Pergaia 25; Progonike 86; Soteira 134; Stratia 134; Throsia 134. Asklepios: 22. 27. 65. 86. 98. 139; Epekoos 111. Athena: 22. 27. 51. 78. 115. 129; Agoraia 134; Dexamena 105?. Lindia 13; Nikephoros 64; Oreia 110; Pallas 137; Polias 7; Pronaia 107; Soteira 98. Basile: 98. Chiron: 139. Daimon Athanatos: 134. Demeter: 117. 118. 119. 134; Zemiea 87. Dike: 88. Dionysos 4, 41?. 52. 100. 103. 107. 134; Kathegemon 81. Dioskouroi 27. 119. Eileithyia: 50. 60. 61. 115. Ennodia: 131. Ge: 19; Pantareta 134. Hekate: 19. 86; Epitymbia 39; Soteira 1. Helios: 13. 134. Hera: 4. 9. 29. 41. 86. 100. 133; Basileia 92; Teleia 27. Hera Neotera: 4. Herakles: 2. 27. 50. 119. 134. 139. Hermes: 22. 27. 118. 139; Chthonios 134; Eriounios 39. 134; Kyllanios 22. Heros: 40. Hestia: Boulaia 32. Hosion kai Dikaion: 86. Hygieia: 27. 65. 86. 98. 139. Idaioi Daktyloi: 114. Kephisos: 142. Kore: 33. 53. 118. 134. Kronos: 104. Leukathea: 134. Mes Askainos: 140. Meter Oreia: 114. Meter Phrygia: 92. Meter Theon: 134. Basileia 92. Muses: 118. Nemesis: 47. 53. Nymphs: 41. 74. 85. 102. 134. 139; Naiades 134. Ophthalmotheoi: 37. Pan: 74. 139. Pantheion: 25. Parthenos: 27. 112. Persephone: 22. 127. Plouton: 33. 53. 118. 127. Poseidon: 27. 46. 134; Hippios 13; Isthmios 66; Patrageneus 134. Selene: Epekoos 109. Thea Rhome: 10. 73. Themis: 118; Agoraia 134. Theoi/Theai: Hapantes 134; Pantes 25; Pasai 134; Patroioi 134. Theos Hypsistos: 86. 93. Tyche: 22. Zenoposeidon: 119. Zeus: 3. 8. 9. 36. 41. 49. 60. 119. 131; Bouleus 27; Hellanios 119; Homoloios 134; Idrieus 29; Kataibatas 134; Labraundos 135; Megistos 27. 120; Morragetas 134; Osogo 135; Pantheios 22?; Patroios 33. 126; Progonikos 117; Soter 22. 44. 98. 120; Spaloxios 33; Tharaios 134; Thaulios 134; Tritodios 134; Tropaios 27; Xanthios 22?

32deities, Anatolian: Gergas: 79; Thea Lotiane: 85; Toubassis: 76; Zeus Auoreanos: 86; Zeus Bennios: 97; Zeus Bronton: 85; Zeus Okkenenos: 85; Zeus Sarnendenos: 11; Zeus Syrgastes: 11; Zeus Trossou: 3; Egyptian: Isis: 15. 17. 22. 26. 27. 134; Sarapis: 134; Iranian: 140: 140; Phoenician: Balmarkod: 4; Sima: 4; Oriental: Astarte: 22; Zeus Kodopas: 110; Zeus Sabazios: 53; Roman: Diana: 118; Juno Regina: 4. 41; Juppiter Optimus Maximus: 4. 41. 120; Mars: 118; Mercurius: 118; Silvanus: 41. 101; Venus: 118; Thracian: 41; Thracian Rider God: 40. 41; Zeus Dalbenos: 101

33deities, communication with mortals: 1; named after cult founder: 3. 9; personal connection with humans: 1; see also s.v. epithets

34divination: 1. 89. 117. 136

35dream: 1. 53. 99

36ear, of god in relief: 53

37endowment: 3. 65

38ephebe: 47

39epithets, distinguishing between gods with the same name: 33

40fate: 22. 54. 58

41festival, funding of: 135; gymnasiarchos serving during f.: 146

42festival: Dionysia: 42 (Samothrake); Panathenaia 98; see also s.v. agonistic festival

43foundation legend: 66

44founder, cult: 3. 9

45funeral: 58

46funerary cult: 1. 4. 9. 22. 70. 86. 89; freedman and funerary cult: 5; sacrifice: 70; cf. s.v. imprecation

47gem: 106

48gladiatorial combat: 86

49grave, protection of: 22

50grove: 22. 139

51healing: 15

52hero: 24 (Opheltes). 107 (Panoteus); 108 (Angelos). 117 (Bolbenos, Kerdypyros). 119 (Protesilaos). 134 (Poliphylax, Protesilaos)

53heroization: 28. 70

54heroon: 24

55hymn: 114

56imperial cult: 12. 25. 27. 28. 44. 49. 64. 86. 90. 113. 133. 134. 146; member of the imperial family assimilated with divinity: 133 (Livia-Hera)

57imprecation, funerary: 9. 22. 84. 118

58incubation: 53

59incense-burner: 64. 72

60inventory: 98

61Jews: 93

62justice, divine: 37. 59. 88. 118

63lamp, dedication of: 15

64land, sacred: 57

65lease of sacred land: 57

66lex sacra: see s.v. cult regulation

67libation: 41

68manumission, dedication upon m.: 64; through dedication: 27

69magic: 63. 68. 106. 108; cf. s.v. amulet, defixio

70mystery cult: 42. 81

71myth: 66. 107. 114. 118

72oath: 59. 62

73oracle: 89. 107

74Orpheus: 41

75‘Orphic’/Dionysiac text: 127

76paganism, late: 118

77perjury: 59

78piety: 139

79prayer for justice: 23

80priest: 3. 9; list of p.: 13. 66; see also s.v. cult personnel

81priesthood, for life: 66; hereditary: 25. 29

82priestood, priest funding a temple: 33. 65

83procession: 25. 98. 117. 131

84purity: 15. 68. 69

85religious conflict: 118

86ruler cult: 57 (Philip II). 85 (Alexander and Olympias). 145 (Ptolemies)

87sacrifice: 3. 5. 70. 98. 107. 116. 131; burning of the victim: 5; distribution of meat: 117; food offering: 87; interrupted because of war: 145; shared experience: 134

88sacrilege: 70

89sanctuary, boundary marker: 6. 87. 130. 134; building account: 77; cleaning of: 98; founded by woman: 142; land of: 57. 135; property of s., mortgaged: 76; revenues of: 135. 147; royal supervision of: 147; cf. s.vv. asylia, grove, inventory

90spring: 15

91statue: 4; cult s.: 33. 65

92temple, building process: 55; funded by priest: 33. 65

93theoria: 42

94torch-race: 47

95vow: 15

96war, interruption of rituals: 145

97water: 15

98woman, founder of sanctuary: 142; rite of passage: 134

Greek Words (a Selection)

99afterlife: δόμος εὐσεβέων 22; εὐσεβεῖς 22; νᾶσος εὐσεβέων 134; χῶρος εὐσεβέων 22

100association: βασιλισταί 145; βενάρχης 97; βέννος 86. 97; θιασίτης 22; θίασος περὶ ἱερέα 138; κοινόν 134; τεκμόρειοι 140; φιλάγαθος 138

101cult object: θυμιατήριον 72; λιβανωτρίς 64

102cult official: ἀρητήρ 9; ἑορτάρχης 97; ἱερεὺς πρὸ πόλεως 104

103dedication: ἄγαλμα 71; ἀνατίθημι 71; ἀντιδίδωμι 71; ἀπαρχή 71; ἀποδίδωμι 15. 26. 27; ἀριστεῖον 16; ἀφιερόω 1. 2; βασίλειον δῶρον 27; δεκάτη 7. 56. 71; δίδωμι 71; δῶρον 27. 71. 108; ἐμνήσθη 27; εὐξάμενος 7. 9. 15. 134; εὐξάμενος καὶ ἐπιτυχών 117; εὐχαριστήριον 41. 117; εὐχαριστῶ 15; εὐχαριστῶν 118; εὐχή 40. 71; εὐχήν 9. 26. 27. 41. 53. 86. 101. 106. 111. 134; εὐχῆς χάριν 97; εὔχομαι 71; εὐχωλή 71; ἱδρύω 71; καθιερόω 1. 79; κατὰ συνταγήν 53; κατ᾿ ἐπιταγάν/ήν 27. 85; συνκαθιερόω 1; ὑπὲρ δεσποτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ αἰωνίου διαμονῆς 86; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ ὑγείας καὶ ὅλης τῆς πατρίδος καὶ στρατηγίας 117; ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς 53; ὑπὲρ καρπῶν 96; ὑπὲρ υἱοῦ 27; ὑπὲρ υἱοῦ σωτηρίας 86; ὑπὲρ τῶν φίλων 94

104defixiones: ἀνώνυμος 23; ἀποστρέφω 24; δεσμεύω 21; δέχομαι 21; δίδωμι 19; ἐπιστέλλω 23; καταγράφω 18; καταδεσμεύω 21; καταδέω 21. 39; καταδίδημι 24; κατορύσσω 21; μετέρχομαι 23; τιμωρέω 23

105divination: ὀρνεοσκοπέω 117

106festival: ἐθνικὴ πανήγυρις 146

107epithets: ἀγαθαί 102; ἅγιος 4 (Balmarkos); ἀγοραία 134 (Athena, Themis); ἀγρεύς 134 (Apollo); ἀθάνατος 134 (Daimon); ἄναξ 80 (Apollo); βασίλεια 55 (Aphrodite). 92 (Aphrodite, Hera, Meter, Meter Theon); βασιλεύς 134 (Helios); βέννιος 86. 97 (Zeus); βουλαία 32 (Hestia); βουλεύς 27 (Zeus); βροντῶν 85 (Zeus); δεξαμένα 105 (Athena); δημίη 108 (Aphrodite); δόλιος 39 (Hermes); ἐπήκοος 36 (Zeus). 85 (Zeus Okkenenos). 86 (Zeus Bennios). 109 (Selene). 111 (Asklepios); ἐπιτυμβία 39 (Hekate); ἐπιφανέστατος 53 (Plouton, Kore, Zeus Sabazios); ἑτδομαῖος 134 (Apollo); εὐήκοος 79; εὐλογητός 93 (Theos Hypsistos); ζημιέα 87 (Demeter); θαύλιος 134 (Zeus); θροσία 134 (Artemis); ἵππιος 13 (Poseidon); καθηγεμών 81 (Dionysos); καταιβάτας 134 (Zeus); καταχθόνιοι 22 (Theoi); κυρία 9 (Hera); κυρία 86 (Hekate); κύριος 4 (Balmarkos). 117 (Asklepios, Heros); μεγάλη 86 (Hera); μέγας 79. 104 (Kronos). 117 (Heros); μεγίστη 26 (Isis); μέγιστος 27. 120 (Zeus). 134 (Augustus); μορραγέτας 134 (Zeus); μυριώνυμος 26 (Isis); νικηφόρος 64 (Athena); ὁμολώϊος 134 (Zeus); ὀρεία 110 (Athena); παλλάς 137 (Athena); πάνδημος 27 (Aphrodite); πανθεῖος 22 (Zeus?); πανταρέτα 134 (Ge); παντοκράτωρ 93 (Hypsistos); πατραγενεύς 134 (Poseidon); πατρῷος 4 (Balmarkos), 33. 126 (Zeus). 134 (Theoi); πολιάς 7 (Athena); πολιφύλαξ 134 (heros); πρὸ πόλεως 81 (Dionysos); προγονική 86 (Hera); προγονικός 117 (Zeus); πρῶτος βασιλεύς 134 (Helios); σαώτωρ 80 (Apollo); σεμναί 98 (Theai); στρατία 134 (Artemis); σώτειρα 1 (Hekate). 98 (Athena). 134 (Artemis); σωτήρ 22. 44. 98. 120 (Zeus). 57 (Philip II). 65 (Asklepios, Hygieia). 134 (Augustus); τελεία 27 (Hera); τριτόδιος 134 (Zeus); τροπαῖος 27 (Zeus); ὕψιστος 86 (Theos); χθόνιοι 19. 21; χθόνιος 134 (Hermes)

108rituals: ἐπαοιδή 9; εὐωχία 4

109sacrifice: ἀθάρη 87; ἀγαία μόσχος 107; βουθυσία 3; δυοδεκαΐς 107; ἔμπυρα 5; ἐνπορίδια 5; ἔτνος 87; ζακορεῖα 87; hεμιρίνια 107; καλλιερέω 102; χίμαιρα 107

110varia: τιμηθεὶς ὑπό + name of a god 1

1111) M. Adak, “Phrygische und lydische Denkmäler im Museum von Çeşme”, Philia 2 (2016), p. 123–130 [BE 2017, 538]: A. publishes an inscribed funerary relief of unknown provenance in the Museum of Çeşme (2nd/3rd cent.). The text reports that Tatis and her sons ‘consecrated’ (συνκατιέρωσαν) Damas, who had been honored by Hekate Soteira (τειμηθέντα ὑπὸ Σωτείρης Ἑκάτη[ς]). The puzzling expression καθιερόω/συνκαθιερόω/ἀπειερόω NN τειμηθέντα ὑπὸ + name of one or more gods appears in eight inscriptions from the Upper Tembris Valley. In five cases, the divinity is Σωτείρη Ἑκάτη, in one case Apollo, in another Zeus, and in the case of the priest and prophet Epitynchanos (SGO III 16/31/10) three gods (Hekate, Manes Daos, Zeus’ Heliodromos, and Phoibos). In one case the ‘consecration’ occurred while the honored person was still alive (Pfuhl-Möbius 2091: ἔτι ζῶσαν) [this shows that καθιερόω means to set up the funerary monument, in this case, in a person’s lifetime]. A. suggests that this expression refers to extraordinary gifts given by the gods, perhaps in a dream or vision — in the case of Epitynchanos this was the gift of divination. [As J. Moralee, “The Usefulness of Danger in Hellenistic and Roman Epigraphy”, Mnemosyne 72 (2018), p. 84–113, has shown, rescue by a god elevated an individual’s status (cf. Achilleus Tatius VI, 13, 2; VIII, 3, 1; Heliodoros, Ethiopica X, 17, 1–2)].

1122) Y. Akin, “Eine Heraklesweihung aus dem Hinterland von Limyra”, Philia 2 (2016), p. 137–142: A rock-cut inscription on the eastern slopes of Mt. Alacadağ (territory of Limyra) mentions the demarcation of a precinct of public land (παν̣[δ]ή̣μ̣ο̣υ̣ ὁρίο̣υ̣ ἀ̣φ̣ω̣ρισμ̣[έ]ν̣ο̣υ) [the reading is uncertain and cannot be confirmed on the ph.]. Three men dedicated a relief of Herakles there (θεὸν̣ [Ἡρα]κ̣λέα … ἀπειέρωσαν; 2nd cent. CE).

1133) E. Akinci Öztürk, H.H. Baysal, and M. Ricl, “A New Attestation of the Cult of Zeus Trossou in a Public Inscription from the Maeander River Valley (Çal Ovasi)”, Gephyra 12 (2015), p. 191–198 [BE 2016, 478; SEG LXV 1248]: Ed. pr. of a decree from Atyochorion in Phrygia (2nd cent. CE) concerning the establishment of an endowment. The stele, set up in the sanctuary of Zeus Trossou, records an endowment made by Eukopos; the capital should remain intact and only the interest should be used ([τ]αῦτα δὲ διευλυτηθήσεται ἐκ τῶν [τόκ]ων, μενεῖ δὲ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἀθῷ̣ο[ν) for the performance of sacrifices to Zeus ([ἔδ]ωκεν καὶ εἰς τὰς βουθυσίας τοῦ Δ̣[ιός]) as well as for the payment of the poll tax of the priests (εἰς τὸ εὐλυτεῖσθαι τῶν ἱερ̣[έων? τὰ] ἐ̣πικ̣εφάλια) [for the latter, a very unusual use of the money of an endowment, see the comments of P. Hamon, BE 2016, 478].

1144) J. Aliquot, “La fête au village : un nouveau regard sur le culte de Balmarcod à Deir el-Qalaa (Liban)”, in A.-M. Maïla-Afeiche (ed.), Cult and Ritual on the Levantine Coast and its Impact on the Eastern Mediterranean Realm. Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut 2012, Beirut, 2015, p. 539–557 [BE 2015, 700; SEG LXV 1632–1635]: A. offers an overview of the inscriptions of a sanctuary of the Phoinician cult of Balmarkos (Balmarkodes) at Deir el-Qalaa, near Berytos. A. presents the ed. pr. of a bilingual dedication to this ancestral god (θεῷ πατρῴῳ; Genio populi, in the Latin text), the leader of the choruses (τῷ χορῶν ἀρχηγέτῃ; cf. κοίρανος κώμων in I.Syrie 1855) made by the cult association of the Maximitai (probably named after its founder; Imperial period); the association dedicated a statue of Dionysos (χάλκεον τὸν Νύσιον). It seems that the association organized dances and banquets (cf. ἐξ ὧν ἀφῆκεν ἀγέλας εἰς εὐωχίαν). Another bilingual inscription (I.Syrie 1855, 2nd/3rd cent.) is addressed to Juppiter Optimus Maximus Balmarcod. The dedication was a fountain-mouth in the shape of Ammon, from whose mouth the water flew (Ἄμμωνος κεραοῦ χάλκεον ἀντίτυπον προχέοντα βροτοῖς ἱερόδρομον ὕδωρ). Balmarkod, κύριος ἅγιος, was worshipped in this sanctuary together with Hera (Iuno Regina), the goddess Sim[a], and Hera Neotera.

1155) A. Alonso Déniz, “Offrandes funéraires à Thespies : les ἐνπορίδια, ‘sacrifices par le feu’, dans IThesp. 215”, REG 129 (2016), p. 63–83 [BE 2017, 263]: An inscription from Thespiai (I.Thespiai 215, Hellenistic) records the manumission of a slave by Aristodama, following the wish of her deceased son, under the condition that the freedman conducts the funerary cult for his former masters. His obligations included ἐνπορίδια ποῖμεν παρ᾿ ἕτερον ἐνιαυτόν. A. argues that ἐνπορίδια is a dialect form for ἐμπυρίδια (cf. the word ἔμπυρα in Attic tragedies) and designates a sacrifice in which the victim is consumed by fire. These sacrifices were offered every second year (παρ᾿ ἕτερον ἐνιαυτόν), on the anniversary of the funerals of the two masters (‘ “un jour anniversaire sur deux” des funérailles des ses anciens maîtres’) [doubtful; also, the sacrifices were more likely offered on the birthdays of the masters, not on the anniversary of their funerals; for commemorative days on birthdays, see e.g. EBGR 2006, 51; 2010, 131, 143; IG XII.4.1184].

1166) I. Anagnostopoulou, “Παραδόσεις”, AD 67 B1 (2012) [2016], p. 68–70 [BE 2017, 207; SEG LXV 131]: A. reports the delivery of a column from the area of Acharnai (Athens), inscribed on one side with a boundary marker of a private property, indicating its distance from the city wall and from a sanctuary of Apollo (ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀπολλωνίου; 4th cent.); the column was later used as the tombstone of a Christian priest.

1177) M. Arslan and N. Tüner Önen, “2013 Yılı Phaselis Antik Kenti ve Teritoryumu Yüzey Araştırması”, AST 32.2 (2014), p. 289–300 [SEG LXIV 1408]: The A. mention a dedication found on the acropolis of Phaselis, the oldest known inscription of the city (p. 290; ca. 6th/5th cent.) [T. Corsten, SEG LXIV 1408, reads the text from the photo: Ἀθαναίαι Πολιάδι | Εὐφάνη̣ς̣ [- 4–5 -]ΙΑ | ἀνέθηκε ..ημάτων | δεκάταν εὐ̣ξάμενος; probably [χρ]ημάτων rather than [κτ]ημάτων].

1188) S. Ateşlier, “On the Excavations of the Zeus Temple of Alabanda”, Anatolia Antiqua 22 (2014), p. 247–254 [BE 2015, 41; SEG XLIV 895]: The temple at Alabanda, long believed to be a temple of Artemis, must in fact be attributed to Zeus, as may be inferred from the double axes engraved on blocks and altars and from the letters ΔΙ (Δι(ός) or Δι(ί) repeated three times on the north stylobate.

1199) A. Avram, “Ein Altar aus Nakoleia und seine griechisch-phrygischen Inschriften”, Gephyra 12 (2015), p. 199–229 [BE 2016, 484; SEG LXV 1264]: Ed. pr. of an altar with reliefs and inscriptions in Greek and Phrygian on all sides (Nakoleia, 3rd cent. CE). On side A, a standing bearded man (the dedicant) holds two rods, indicating his priestly status. The Greek text reports that Brogimaros (a Celtic name), son of Epikrates, dedicated the altar to Zeus of Brogimaros and Kyria (Hera?) in fulfilment of a vow and as his memorial (Βρογιμαρος Ἐπικράτου | Διὶ Βρογιμαρου καὶ Κυρί̣|ᾳ εὐχήν, καὶ αὐτὸς ἑαυ|τῷ μνημόσυνον). This is another example of a cult named after its founder. From the Phrygian text, added by Brogimaros’ son, one may infer that the altar was set up in the burial grounds of Brogimaros and his family. A Phrygian funerary imprecation threatens violators of the grave with divine punishment. On side B, a relief represents the bust of a woman (Brogimaros’ wife?); a metrical inscription refers to the dedication of the monument. Only the first few words are somewhat clear: εὐξάμενος πρὸς ἔπ|ος ἱεραῖς ἐπαοιδαῖς ἐν|γελάον (?) (‘Indem ich zu diesem Zweck meinen Wunsch durch heilige Beschwörungen ausgesprochen habe…’). The relief on side C represents a young man holding a papyrus scroll (Brogimaros’ son?); the inscription is only partly preserved. Finally, on side D a relief portrays the bust of a young woman (daughter of Brogimaros?). An epigram refers to the dedicant, designating him as priest of Zeus and informing the reader that Brigimaros stayed in that place, among the blessed fruits: Β̣ρ̣ογιμα|ρ̣ος ἐγὼ̣ μεγάλου Διὸς̣ | ἀρητ̣ὴ̣ρ̣ ἔ̣[ν]θα μένω | ἱ̣εροῖς ἐ̣νὶ καρποῖς (‘in gesegneten Bodenfrüchten’) [A. associates the ἱεροὶ καρποί with prayers for fertility; but it is possible that ἱεροὶ καρποί should be taken literally, as referring to land dedicated to Zeus, whose cult Brogimaros had founded].

12010) A. Avram, “Neue Inschriften aus Tomis”, ZPE 197 (2016), p. 140–148: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for a priest of Thea Rhome (Tomis, ca. 180 CE). This is the first attestation of the cult of Dea Roma in Tomis.

12111) A. Avram, “Two Phrygian Gods Between Phrygia and Dacia”, Colloquium Anatolicum 15 (2016), p. 72–82 [BE 2017, 526]: A. discusses the epigraphic evidence for the diffusion of the Phrygian cults of Zeus Syrgastes or Syrgasteios (attested in Gordion, Tios, and Hadrianopolis) and Zeus Sarnendenos (attested in Phrygia, Galatia and Dacia).

12212) A. Avram and M. Ionescu, “Nouvelles inscriptions de Callatis”, in A. Robu and I. Birzescu (eds.), Mégarika. Nouvelles recherches sur Mégare et les cités de la Propontide et du Pont-Euxin, Paris, 2015, p. 451–466 [BE 2017, 128 and 369; SEG LXIII 531]: The A. republish an inscription from Kallatis (1; originally published by S. Yu. Saprykin and I. Pyslaru, Problemy istorii, filologii, kul’tury 40 [2013.2], p. 168–182). The text commemorates the dedication to Augustus of a gymnasion and either a portico ([τὰν στοά?]ν) or, less likely, a basilica ([τὰν βασιλικά]ν). A.-I. briefly discuss the imperial cult in Kallatis.

12313) N. Badoud, Le temps de Rhodes. Une chronologie des inscriptions de la cité fondée sur l’étude de ses institutions, Munich, 2015 [BE 2016, 66; SEG LXV 640]: We briefly note this comprehensive study of Rhodian chronology, based on the epigraphic material, since it is highly relevant for the priestly offices and the cults and festivals of Rhodes. In an appendix (p. 305–453), B. presents critical editions of 72 texts on which his study is based. B. discusses inter alia the Rhodian calendar (p. 11–35), and the lists of the priests of Helios in Rhodes (SEG XII 360), Apollo Erethimios in Ialysos (IG XII.1.730), Athena Lindia (I.Lindos 2), and Poseidon Hippios (IG XII.1.926+929).

12414) N. Badoud, M. Fincker, and J.-C. Moretti, “Les monuments érigés à Délos et à Athènes en l’honneur de Ménodôros, pancratiaste et lutteur”, BCH 139/140 (2015/2016), p. 345–416 [BE 2017, 261, 402]: The A. propose a reconstruction of the honorific monuments for the pankratiast and boxer Menodoros in Athens (IG II2 599) and Delos (I.Délos 1957). The monuments consisted of bases, on which the victories of Menodoros were inscribed within crowns, and statues showing him in combats (ca. 120–110). The A. discuss the career of Menodoros in the context of the history of athletic contests in the late 2nd cent. The honorific monuments recorded 35 (or 32) victories in contests in Greece, Delos, and Euboia: Eleusinia, Panathenaia, Heraia in Argos, Lykaia, Olympia, Nemea, Eleutheria, Herakleia in Thebes, Trophonia in Lebadeai, Pythia and Soteria in Delphi, Naa in Dodone, Nymphaia in Apollonia, Delia, and Rhomaia in Chalkis.

12515) R.S. Bagnall et al., Graffiti from the Basilica in the Agora of Smyrna, New York, 2016 [BE 2017, 145]: Ed. pr. of the graffiti and dipinti found on the walls of the cryptoporticus of a basilica in Smyrna (late 2nd/early 3rd cent. CE). Eight graffiti refer to eyes and the healing of eye diseases (T12.2, 14.1, 14.3, 15.4, 16.1, 27.1, 27.2; TP 103.2; p. 42f.). In several cases the healing is explicitly mentioned, as is gratitude to a spring named Baite (T141.1: εὐχαριστῶ; Τ16.1: ὀ̣φ̣θ̣αλμοὺς [ὑ]πὸ θεῶ̣[ν] εὐχαριστῶ τῇ Βαίτῃ; Τ27.2: τ̣ὸν̣ ὀφθαλμ[ὸν] ἐν τάχει ἐθαραπεύ̣[θην]; ΤΡ103.2: ὀφθαρμίων ἐθ̣αραπεύθη). In one case, the healed person made a dedication of lamps in fulfillment of his vow: Χαρίας ὁ κα[ὶ] Λ̣ουκος εὐξάμενος περὶ τῶν ὀφθ̣αλμῶν τοὺς λύχνους ἀπέδωκε). The spring Baite was regarded as sacred, as may be inferred from a graffito that refers to it as ‘possessed by gods’ and asks a certain Onesimos not to pollute it (T8.1: Ὀνήσιμε, μὴ κλίδισον καὶ μία̣ι̣νε τὴν ὑπὸ θεῶν ἐκτημένην Βαιτην; κλίδισον from κλείω/κλειδίον, ‘lock’, or κλυδωνίζω, ‘splash’). A riddle (T28.1) seems to refer to Isis: ζήτημα· Εἴσιδι ΑΔΙ | ΑΔΙ διασω|θεὶς ΑΔΙ Α|Δ[Ι] <Ἰσ>ίδωρος | [- -].

12616) P. Baker and G. Thériault, “Note sur le décret béotien SEG 26, 130, l. 10”, ZPE 195 (2015), p. 82–84 [BE 2016, 228; SEG LXV 99]: A fragmentary decree from Boiotia found in Athens (SEG XXVI 130, 3rd/2nd cent.) does not refer to a paian (line 10: [- -].ο παιὰν τὸ ἀριστειο[- -]), but to the dedication of a panoply to a god; the panoply was a prize for valour ([π]ανοπλίαν τὸ ἀριστεῖο[ν]; cf. IG II2 456, 1458; I.Priene 5).

12717) A. Barta, “Milites magistratusque: A New Curse Tablet from Savaria”, ACD 48 (2012), p. 167–173: Ed. pr. of a curse tablet from the Isis sanctuary of Savaria (reign of Vespasian). The tablet was found folded seven times. The text is very fragmentary, but on the obverse, one recognizes names and the words vibus and vita, and on the reverse the words milites magistratusq[ue]. No other curse tablet is known to be addressed against soldiers and magistrates.

12818) A. Belousov, M. Dana, and N. Nikolaev, “Deux nouvelles defixionum tabellae du territoire d’Olbia du Pont”, ZPE 197 (2016), p. 167–177 [BE 2017, 384]: Ed. pr. of two curse tablets from Olbia. The first lead tablet was folded four times. The defigens curses ca. 33 enemies, mostly men, whose names are written in the nominative, and binds their tongues ([ὅσ]τις πρὸς ἡμᾶ̣ς ἐχθρός, πάντων τὴν γλῶσαν κα[τα]γράφω· ὅστις ἐχθρὸς τῶν πρὸς ἡμᾶ̣ς, πάντων τὴ[ν γλῶ]σαν καταγρ<άφω>); it probably is a judiciary curse tablet. The second tablet, folded twice, only contains 7 names (ca. 350–300).

12919) A.V. Belousov and N.F. Fedoseev, “A New Defixio from Ancient Panticapaeum’s Necropolis”, ACSS 22 (2016), p. 18–25 [BE 2017, 387]: Ed. pr. of a curse tablet, folded four times and pierced by a nail, found in the cemetery of Pantikapaion (4th cent.). The defigens curses the wife of Lenaios, his and her brothers, Glaukias, his sons, and any other foolish person (καὶ ἔτ(ι)ς κἄλλος ἔτ(ι) δὲ ἄνο{νο}υς). The hands and feet of the victims of the curse are bound to Hekate (lines 6f.: καὶ χε͂ρας καὶ πόδας αὐτῶν παρ᾿ [Ἑ]κ̣ά̣[ταν]; cf. line 1: παρ᾿ Ἑκάταν); they are also delivered to Ge and all the chthonic gods (καὶ
δ{ε}ίδωμι [Γ]ῆι κα[ὶ τοῖς χθονίοις πᾶσιν?]).

13020) F. Berlinzani, “Due iscrizioni votive dalla Periecia laconica. Competenze di scrittura in Laconia in età arcaica e classica”, in A. Inglese (ed.), Epigrammata 3. Saper scrivere nel Mediterraneo antico. Esiti di scrittura fra VI e IV sec. a.C. in ricordo di Mario Luni. Atti del convegno di Roma. Roma, 7–8 Novembre 2014, Rome, 2015, p. 25–49: B. discusses the dedication of a vase to Apollo Tyritas in Tyros in Lakonia (IG V.1.1521, ca. 525–510; cf. EBGR 2015, 61). The dedicant was the Spartan prince Dorieus, the scribe possibly a member of the elite of the perioikoi. In the case of the dedication to Apollo Hyperteleatas from Phoinike (SEG II 170, ca. 500–450), B. expresses doubts on the metrical structure of the text and argues that the sculptor’s name was Kyranaios, a perioikos. His name suggests connections between Lakonia and Kyrene.

13121) G. Bevilaqua, “Phileros e gli altri: una nuova defixio greca di Roma”, Arch. Class. 66 (2015), p. 493–510 [BE 2017, 149]: Ed. pr. of a folded tablet from Rome (same location as SEG LXIV 875 = EBGR 2014, 20) with a curse addressed against the teacher (παιδαγωγός) Phileros, his wife, and two other men (1st cent. CE). The defigens buries and binds down the tongue, power, hands, and feet of Phileros in a cold grave and a hot pyre (κατορύσσω καὶ κατορύ[σσω] καὶ καταδεσμεύω καὶ καταδέ̣δεκα Φιλέρωτος παιδαγωγοῦ τὴν γλῶσσαν, τὴν ἰσχύν, τὰς χεῖρας, τοὺς πόδας, εἰς ψυχρ̣[ὸν] τάφον, εἰς θερ[μ]ὴν πυράν; cf. SEG LXIV 875). The gods of the underworld are asked to receive the cursed individuals (Θεοὶ χθόνιοι
[δ]έξασθε etc.). The defigens binds their tongues, professional activities, and power, in order that they will not be able to achieve anything (τούτων δ̣εσμεύω τὰς γλώσσας, τὰς ἐρ̣γ̣ασίας, τὴν ἰσχύ̣ν, τὰ [τούτων? ἅ]παντα, ἵνα μηδὲν δύνωνται πρά̣[ξ]αι).

13221 bis) W. Blümel, “Zu der neuen Inschrift aus Pidasa”, EA 49 (2016), p. 106–108: See infra no. 76.

13322) D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof, Inscriptiones Graecae Insularum Maris Aegaei praeter Delum. Volumen XII. Fasciculus IV. Inscriptiones Coi, Calymnae, Insularum Milesiarum. Pars III. Inscriptiones Coi, Insulae. Tituli sepulcrales urbani, Berlin, 2016 [BE 2017, 416]: The third fascicule of IG XII.4 assembles 1814 epitaphs from the city of Kos. Many texts provide information on religious matters; those that have already been presented in EBGR 2007, 132 and 2008, 19, are not included in the following summary. Sanctuaries: A very fragmentary (funerary?) epigram mentions the grove in the sanctuary of Apollo ([κλειν]οῦ Παιᾶνος ἐν ἄλσει, 2938, 4th cent.) that was later dedicated to Asklepios. Cult regulations: A stele, reused as an epitaph, was originally used for a cult regulation (*1844 I, 3rd cent.), the text of which is very fragmentary. One recognizes references to Aphrodite (line 5), a sanctuary (line 6), and possibly a ritual (line 4: τελε[- -]). Contests: Nikomedes, a maker of tents, had been victorious as a ‘Homerist’ (Ὁμηριστοῦ ἱερονίκου; *2338, 1st cent. CE) [we know that Homerists, mimes who imitated Homeric battle scenes, performed in theaters (Athenaios XIV 620b; C. Roueché, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias, London, 1993, p. 22; M. Hillgruber, “Homer im Dienste des Mimus”, ZPE 132 [2000], p. 63–72), but this is the first reference to the participation of Homerists in sacred contests. This inscription must be later than the 1st cent. CE; pantomimes first competed in contests in ca. 176 CE (see EBGR 1997, 348), and it is unlikely that there were competitions of Homerists in ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες earlier]. Cult personnel, cults: Epitaphs of an agonothetes (2413, 2nd cent. CE) and a neokoros (3047, 3rd cent. CE) [to judge from the name (Paideros) and the absence of a patronymic, a slave, probably serving in the sanctuary of Asklepios]. Associations: Numerous boundary stones marked the burial plots of voluntary associations (ὅροι θηκαίων θιασιτῶν; 2772–2826). In addition to the associations mentioned in EBGR 2007, 132 and 2008, 19, there are associations of Agathodaimonistai (2802, *2804, *2805), Aphrodisiastai (2785–2786), Apolloniastai (*2782), Asklapiastai (*2806, *2807), Athenaiastai (2816, 2820, *2821), Hermaistai (2796), Isiastai (2822), and worshippers of Tyche Aphrodite (2798, *2799), Zeus Soter and Astarte (2810), and Zeus Xanthios (Διὸς | [Ξα]νθίου; *2809) [Ζεὺς Ξάνθιος is unattested; but cf. the epithet Ζευξάνθιος for Poseidon in SEG XLII 515. I wonder whether one should restore [Πα]νθίου (i.e. Πανθείου); Ζεὺς Πανθεῖος is attested in Kyrene (SEG XX 719 = LSS 116 line 12)]. Death and afterlife: Death is attributed to envious Fate (1499), to the Fates (2576, 2624), and to an envious daemon (1963*; βάσκανε δαίμων); an epitaph uses the metaphor of Hades binding the deceased with chains and leading him to the chambers of Persephone ([αἰ]αῖ, πανδαμάτωρ μ᾿ Ἅδης δεσμῶι πεδήσας | [ἤγ]αγεν εἰς νυχίους Φερσεφόνης θαλάμ[ους]; *2950, 1st cent.). A dead girl is called ‘the bride of Hades’ (νύμφ᾿ ὀλο[ο͂ Ἀΐδαο; 1241, early 5th cent.). Hermes Kyllanios is asked to bring a young man, who died at the age of 18, to the place of the pious (ἀλλ᾿ <ὧ> Κυλλάνις δαῖμον, παῖδα τὸν ἀκρήβην πέμψον ἐπ᾿ εὐσεβέας; 2257, 1st cent.; cf. 2957: [ἤγα]γεν Ἑρμείας χῶιρον ἐπ᾿ εὐ[σεβέων]; 2947: πρὸς εὐσεβέων δόμον ἄξεται). A few epitaphs are dedicated to the gods of the underworld, under Roman influence (Θεοῖς καταχθονίοις; 1378, 1549; 1378 is a Greek/Latin bilingual text). Funerary imprecations: A man invokes Zeus from his grave, asking him to bring misfortune to his enemies and fortune to those who buried him (οἵ με ὑπεριδόντες ὁμότεχνοι τῶν αὐτῶν, Ζεῦ πάτερ, ἀντιτύχοισαν, οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ γῆν θέντες ὄναιντο βίοι; 1444, 1st cent.). An epitaph uses a variant of a widespread curse: κε[ί]νου πᾶν, ὅσον ἐστί, γένος κακόμοιρον ὀλέσθαι (2966, 2nd cent. CE). The violation of the grave is designated impiety toward the chthonic gods (ἀσεβήσαντα ἰς τοὺς καταχθονίους θεοὺς τῆς στήλης; 3021).

13423) B. Bravo and A. Wolicki, “Un katadesmos du banquier Pasiôn”, BCH 139/140 (2015/2016), p. 211–246 [BE 2017, 177, 388]: The A. republish a text written on a lead tablet (Athens, mid-4th cent.; SEG LIII 256), originally interpreted as a letter sent by the famous Athenian banker Pasion. In B.-W.’s convincing interpretation, this is not a letter but a curse tablet, with which Pasion requests the punishment of four men who were wronging him and plotting against him: [Π]ασίων <Δ>ικαιάρχο ἐπιστέλλ|ω Σατυρίωνα τιμωρήσ|ασθαι καὶ μετελθν κα|ὶ Νικόστρατον τὸν Δείν|ων[ο]ς̣ ἀδελφὸν καὶ Ἀρε|θ̣[ό]σιον, ὡς γαρ’ ἐμὲ ἀδι|κσι καὶ ἐπιβολεύοσι· | καὶ Γλαυκέτην καὶ Αἰα|ντόδωρον καὶ ἐπιβολ|εύοσι καὶ μὴ πρότερον | [- -]ο̣ε̣[- -]. B.-W. provide parallels for the perception of curse tablets as letters sent to the gods of the underworld: DTA 102: ἐπιστο{σ}λὴν πέμπων; DTA 103: Ἑρμ[ῆι] καὶ Φερσεφόν<η>ι τὴν δε ἐπιστο[λὴ]ν ἀπομπέμ[πω]. The banker Pasion cursed men who were somehow associated with his elder son Apollodoros (cf. [Demosth.] LIII) [this would make this text one of the earliest ‘prayers for justice’; the defigens identifies himself and justifies his action (ὡς γαρ’ ἐμὲ ἀδι|κσι καὶ ἐπιβολεύοσι)]. In Appendix I (p. 235) B.-W. discuss a curse tablet from Pantikapaion, in which the word ἀνώνυμος is repeated 18 times (SEG LIII 616; EBGR 2014, 17). In their view, this word does not refer to the anonymous chthonic power to whom the tablet was addressed but to the people cursed by the defigens, whose identity was known to the chthonic demon. In Appendix II (p. 235f.), the A. mention a still unpublished text on a lead tablet found in a grave in Olbia (J. G. Vinogradov, “The Greek Colonization of the Black Sea Region in the Light of Private Lead Letters”, in G.R. Tsetskhladze [ed.], The Greek Colonization of the Black Sea Area, Stuttgart, 1998, p. 153f. note 4). Vinogradov, who interpreted it as a private letter, has communicated the first lines to Bravo: Βατ<ι>κ<ὼν> (or Βάτ<ι>ς) Διφίλοι χαίρειν· ὅτι ἀβοήθητος ἐών, [ἐ]μεῦ δέ γίνεται δίκη πρὸς καλόν. Since the text was found in a grave, it is very likely that it is a curse tablet in the form of a letter sent to a deceased man (Diphilos). [We note that the name of the deceased man in whose grave the tablet was deposited is also mentioned in a defixio from Pella (SEG XLIII 434; EBGR 1994/95, 113): παρκαττίθεμαι Μάκρωνι; another similarity with the text from Pella is the defigens’ reference to the lack of support: ἀβοήθητος in Olbia, δαπινὰ γάρ ἰμε [sc. ταπεινὴ γάρ εἰμι] φίλων πάντων καὶ ἐρήμα in Pella].

13524) J.J. Bravo III, “Erotic Curse Tablets from the Heroon of Opheltes at Nemea”, Hesperia 85 (2016), p. 121–152 [BE 2017, 215]: B. studies four lead tablets with erotic curses found in the heroon of Opheltes in Nemea (SEG XXX 353 and three inedita). This location was probably chosen for the deposition of the tablets because of the legend concerning Opheltes’ early and violent death. The first text aims at separating two lovers: ‘I turn Euboula away (ἀποστρέφω) from Aineas: from his face, from his eyes, from his mouth, from his chest (new reading: ἀπὸ τῶν τιθθί<ω>ν), from his soul, from his belly, from his erect penis, from his anus, from all his body. I turn Euboula away from Aineas’. The second curse has a similar aim and uses, in part, similar language: ‘I bind (καταδίδεμι) the head of Diodoros to be turned away (ἀποστραφῆμεν) from Artemidora, his forehead, his eyes, his ears, his mouth, his chin, his arms. I bind the soul of Diodoros to be turned away from Artemidora, his belly, his body, his erect penis, his legs, his feet. I bind [his affection?], his love to hate [her? — –]’ (καταδίδεμι ΤΦΛΙΑ [i.e. τ<ὰν> φ<ι>λία<ν>] τὰν ἀγάπαν μισῆσαι [- -]). The third curse is partly preserved, but references to body parts, including the penis, show that the curse is erotic. Of the fourth tablet, only a few words and traces of letters survive, including ἀποστρέφω. B. discusses the ambiguity of these texts (desire and hatred) and the difficulties in determining who the object of the desire of the defigens was in the first two texts: the man or the woman mentioned in them? And is the first text to be seen in the context of homoerotic desire (cf. the reference to Aineas’ anus)? Ἀποστρέφω can be understood both in a physical sense (twisting back and incapacitating an opponent’s body parts) and in the sense of turning away. B. prefers the latter interpretation, without excluding an ambiguity in the use of this verb.

13625) H. Bru, Ü. Demirer, and N. Tüner Önen, “Inscriptions de Perge”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 65–82: Ed. pr. of 4 inscriptions from Perge. 1. The eds. reconstruct an inscription on four blocks of an architrave as a dedication of a building to the emperors and Artemis Pergaia founded by four former priests of the imperial cult and the high priest of the pantheion (ca. 70–100 CE): Πανθείο̣[ις ἄλλοις] ἐ̣νφανεστάτοις Σεβα̣στοῖς καὶ Ἀρτέμι̣[δι] Π̣ε̣ρ̣γαίαι καὶ τῆι πόλ[ει] | κατεσκ̣[εύασαν ἱε]ρασάμενοι τῶν Σεβαστῶν Ἰούλιοι
Κορν[νο]ῦτος, Τέρτυλλα, Σεουή[ρα] | Β̣ρ
̣υ̣ω̣ν̣ε̣[ῖνος ἀνδ]ρ̣άσι, ὁ αὐτὸς Κ̣ο̣ρ̣ν̣[ο]ῦ̣τος ὁ διὰ γέν̣ο̣υ̣[ς το]ῦ πανθείου ἀρχιερώμ̣[ενος]. [There is not an exact correspondence between this text and the eds.’ translation: ‘À toutes les divinités Augustes manifestes et à Artémis Pergaia et à la cité, les Iulii Cornutus, Tertulla, Severa, Bryoninus étant prêtres des Augustes ont érigé (le monument) par eux-mêmes, Cornutus étant quant à lui par hérédité grand-prêtre des divinités’. [Ἄλλοις] is not ‘toutes’, [ἱε]ρασάμενοι means that the four dedicants were no longer priests, and [ἀνδ]ρ̣άσι (a restoration that does not make any sense) is not translated. One of the dedicants was hereditary high priest of τὸ Πανθεῖον, which is not ‘les divinités’ but the cult of an all-embracing divinity attested in Epidauros, Ephesos, Pergamon, and Savaştepe (see EBGR 2013, 114), possibly also in Lindos (I.Lindos 489 line 6: Πανθείοις, either the name of a festival or the cult of the Pantheioi). I suspect that at the beginning we may restore Πανθεῖο̣[ν τοῖς] ἐ̣νφανεστάτοις Σεβα̣στοῖς … κατεσκ̣[εύασαν]; in this reading, the building that was dedicated to the emperors, Artemis, and the city and on whose architrave the inscription was engraved was a Πανθεῖον, a shrine for the worship of the Pantheion or Pantes Theoi; cf. an inscription from Akmonia (SEG LVI 1490): καὶ πανθεῖον ἐκόσμησεν τοῦ τε δήμου καὶ τῆς πόλεως κα[ὶ] τῆς γερουσίας ἀνδρειάντας σὺν τῷ ἡμ[ι]κυκλίῳ καὶ τὸν Κεραύνιον ἀνδρειάντα σὺν τῷ ἡμικυκλίῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν κοσμίοις ἀναθέντα (‘and he adorned the Pantheion by dedicating statues of the Demos, the Polis and the Gerousia, together with the semicircular exedra, and the statue of Keraunios together with the semicircular exedra and the ornaments around the statue’)]. The use of ἐνφανέστατοις instead of ἐπιφανέστατοι is well attested both for emperors and for deities. 2. An honorific inscription for Claudia Lorentia, high priestess of Asia, daughter of the Asiarch Tib. Claudius Piso Tertullinus (mid-2nd cent. CE). 5. The eds. republish I.Perge 322, an honorific statue for Dragillianus. They interpret the words ἱερὰ πλατεῖα (line 8) as an indication that the colonnaded street Jb was used for religious processions [ἱερὰ πλατεῖα can be a ‘sacred avenue’, as in TAM V.2.970 lines 8f. (ἐργεπιστατήσαντα ἱερᾶς πλατείας), but here this term designates the dedicant, an association, the ‘sacred association’. Πλατεῖα is a common designation of associations (e.g. πλατεῖα τῶν λεινουργῶν: SEG XXXI 1026; πλατεῖα τῶν σκυτέων: TAM V.1.79); for the attribute ἱερὰ πλατεῖα cf. the expression Σεβαστὴ πλατεῖα in Myra (IGR III 711 lines 6f.).

13726) A. Brugnone, “La dedica a Iside da Lilibaio”, Mare Internum 7 (2015), p. 99–108: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Isis Myrionymos θεὰ μεγίστη from Lilybaion (2nd cent. CE); the text is inscribed on a column. It reports the dedication of a βῆμα in fulfillment of a vow (τοῦτο τὸ βῆμα [εὐ]χὴν ἀπέ[δωκαν] ἐπ᾿ ἀγαθ[ῷ]); similar dedications are known from Delos and Kos (I.Délos 2080, 2103; IG XII.4.1263). It is not clear what object the column supported (a statue, a foot of Isis, an incense-burner).

13827) P. Cabanes, F. Drini, and M. Hatzopoulos, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Épire 3. Inscriptions d’Albanie (en dehors des sites d’Épidamne-Dyrrhachion, Apollonia et Bouthrôtos), Athens/Paris, 2016 [BE 2016, 280]: The eds. present a corpus of the inscriptions from small towns in north Epirus and south Illyria; inedita are marked with an asterisk. Phoinike: A dedication was made to Aphrodite (12). An inscription records a manumission that took the form of a dedication to Poseidon (8). Antiogoneia: There are four dedications: to Hermes and Herakles by a gymnasiarchos after his term in office (64), to Poseidon (66, εὐχάν; 68), and to an anonymous god (67, ὑπὲρ … υἱοῦ εὐχάν). Muzina: A dedication to Aurelian (*73) attests the imperial cult. Onchesmos: During the priesthood of Nike, a man dedicated a votive designated as τὸ βασίλεον δῶρον to Artemis Iberia (80, Hellenistic). Amantia: Dedications to: Zeus Bouleus (94), Aphrodita Pandamos (95–96, by a woman on behalf of their [= her and her husband’s?] children), Poseidon and Amphitrita (98, εὐχάν), Poseidon (99, by an association, εὐχάν). An inscription records repairs in the sanctuary of Aphrodite (97). Another inscription refers to financial issues concerning the contests of Zeus (100) [for this text see my interpretation in EBGR 2011, 14 and SEG LXI 415]. Olympe: A dedication to Zeus Megistos by a board of magistrates after their term in office (128). Treport: A clay tile is inscribed with the name of Athena in the genitive; it was destined for a shrine of Athena (142). Orikos: A dedication to the gods (162). Borshi (fort at Sopot): A bronze club was dedicated to Herakles (5th/4th cent): Ξέναρχος ἀνέθηκε Ἡρακλεῖ τῶι ἐν Μάξυαι. Ἐκ καυ(λ)ᾶς ἱαρὸν Ἡρακλεῦς (‘tiré de la tige sacrée d’Héraklès’; 170*). Grammata: Numerous commemorative graffiti (171–266) were inscribed by sailors who invoke the Dioskouroi (ἐμνήσθη παρὰ τοῖς Διοσκόροις, παρὰ τοῖς κυρίοις Διοσκούροις, παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖς) on behalf of family members or themselves [see EBGR 2006, 22]. Two of the texts also mention Isis (178, 251). Byllis: Dedications to: Aphrodite (303*), Asklepios (311*, εὐχάν), Hera Teleia (308), Parthenos (309–310; no. 310 was dedicated by magistrates, εὐχάν; no. 310 was made upon divine command: ἀποδίδωτι εὐχὰν Παρθένωι κατ᾿ ἐπιταγάν), Poseidon (304–305, εὐχάν), Zeus Tropaios (302, by magistrates), an anonymous deity (307, εὐχάν), and the gods (313, dedication of booty ἀπὸ πολεμίων). Dimale: A dedicatory epigram for Apollo (410; EBGR 1994/95, 95). Kashar (area of Tirana): A dedication to Zeus Megistos (435*). Memëlisht: A dedication to Asklepios and Hygieia (456*, κατ᾿ εὐχήν) and Theos Asklepios (457*, εὐξαμένη). Kolonjë: A bronze ring that mentions Artemis (Φιλοξένη τὴν Ἄρτεμιν).

13928) J.M. Camp, “Αρχαία Ἀγορά”, AD 68 B1 (2013) [2018], p. 52–58: An inscribed base was found in the Athenian Agora. Citizens belonging to the tribe Leontis honored Eukles, son of Herodes, a ‘new hero’, with a statue (ἵδρυσα[ν] τὸν νέον ἥρωα, Εὐκλῆν Ἡρῴδο[υ]), when Polycharmos (Eukles’ son) was archon and priest of Drusus Hypatos (late 1st cent.). [The dedicants are designated as Λεοντι[δέ]ων οἱ μετέχοντες; this participle also appears in a fragmentary dedication to Claudius from Rhamnous (IG II2 3275 = I.Rhamnous 157); it refers to some sort of association, whose nature must have been apparent to the reader from the location of the statue]. Eukles is known as archon, general, and priest of Apollo in the second half of the 1st cent.; he is an ancestor of Herodes Atticus. After the death of Drusus (9 BCE), the eponymous archon of Athens also served as the priest of Drusus Hypatos. [This is another example of the phenomenon of heroization, studied by C.P. Jones, New Heroes in Antiquity: From Achilles to Antinoos, Cambridge, MA, 2010; for further recent examples, see EBGR 2014, 71 and 2015, 112; see also infra no. 70].

14029) J.-M. Carbon, “Minor Notes in I.Iasos 52”, EA 49 (2016), p. 67–69: C. proposes minor restorations to a decree of Iasos granting to Theodoros and his descendants the priesthood of Zeus Idrieus and Hera [Ada?] (ca. 330–320).

14130) J.-M. Carbon, “The Festival of the Aloulaia, and the Association of Alouliastai. Notes Concerning the New Inscription from Larisa/Marmarini”, Kernos 29 (2016), p. 185–208: See the summary in EBGR 2015, 35. On this important text, see also the remarks of R. Bouchon, J.-C. Decourt, and B. Helly, BE 2016, 291–293.

14231) Vacat.

14332) A. Chaniotis, “Three Men of Letters in Aphrodisias”, in Aphrodisias Papers V, p. 347–352 [BE 2017, 514]: Ed. pr. of a posthumous honorific decree for a priest of Hestia Boulaia, who was granted public burial (Aphrodisias, 2nd/1st cent.).

14433) A. Chaniotis, “New Epigraphic Finds, 2006–2009”, in Aphrodisias Papers V, p. 333–339 [BE 2017, 513]: C. briefly presents new epigraphic finds from Aphrodisias. 1. A building inscription reports that Diogenes Kokos, priest of Plouton and Kore, provided the funds for the construction of the temple of Plouton and Kore, the cult statues and the interior decoration, and a portico (τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῶι προκοσμήματ̣α̣ π̣άντα καὶ τὴν στοάν; 1st cent. BCE/CE). The cult of Plouton was hitherto unattested in Aphrodisias, but Ploutonia are well-attested in Karia (e.g., in Nysa) and Phrygia (Hierapolis). A sanctuary of Kore is mentioned in a grave monument set up on the street that led from the Sebasteion to the precinct of Kore. 2. An inscription on the lintel of a small temple reports that Eusebes Philopatris, the priest of Zeus Spaloxios and Zeus Patroios, dedicated this building to these gods ([Δι]ὶ Σπαλωξίωι καὶ Διὶ Πατρώωι Εὐσεβὴ[ς Μ]ε̣νάνδρου Φιλόπατρις, ὁ ἱερεὺς αὐτῶ[ν]; early 1st cent. CE). The expression ὁ ἱερεὺς αὐτῶ[ν] implies that these were two separate cults, i.e. with separate cult places and altars [this is yet another example of epithets used to differentiate between two gods that shared similar features but were still regarded as separate; for this phenomenon see EBGR 2012, 82]. The cult of Zeus Patroios was associated with Augustus (IAph2007 12.902). The epithet of Zeus Spaloxios derives from an unattested Anatolian place name (Spaloxa; cf. e.g. Araxa), as the ending -ιος implies. His cult in the area of Aphrodisias is known through a dedication made by a freedman (I.Amyzon p. 166 note 27) [it is also mentioned on a coin of Aphrodisias, as Zeus Spaloxos; Spaloxos is known as one of the three Kouretes who came to Karia from Crete (Labraundos, Panamaros, and Spaloxos); all three names are connected with place names and epithets of Zeus]. The dedicant was one of the most prominent citizens of Aphrodisias in the early 1st century CE, one of the sponsors of the Sebasteion [a more recent find shows that his full name is Myon Eusebes Philopatris; see A. Chaniotis, “Myon, a True Ktistes: A New Inscription from Aphrodisias and its Context”, in C.M. Draycott et al. (eds.), Visual Histories of the Classical World. Essays in Honour of R.R.R. Smith, Turnhout, 2018, p. 449–458].

14534) M. Chidiroglou, “ Ἀρχαιολογικὲς ἔρευνες στὴν περιοχὴ τῆς ἀρχαίας Καρυστίας”, in S. Oikonomou (ed.), Ἀρχαιολογικὲς Συμβολές. Γ΄. Βοιωτία καὶ Εὔβοια. Ἐφορεῖες Ἀρχαιοτήτων Βοιωτίας καὶ Εὐβοίας, Athens, 2015, p. 245–264: C. gives an overview of recent research at a sanctuary in Plakari, near Karystos (Euboia) and mentions the discovery of vases with graffiti: hι(ιερός) or hι(ιερόν) and Ἀπ(όλλωνος) or Ἀπ(όλλωνι). The sanctuary was in use from the 10th to the early 3rd cent.

14635) A. Cinali, “Painted and Charcoal Inscriptions from the Territory of Cyrene: Evidence from the Underworld”, in R. Benefiel and P. Keagan (eds.) Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, Leiden, 2016, p. 181–212: A large tomb in the southern necropolis of Cyrene (‘the Carboncini Tomb’) has numerous graffiti written with charcoal on the walls (Hellenistic to Late Antique). One of them presents reflections on life and death (202f.): νεκρὸς ἠμὶ κόπρος, | κόπρος δ᾿ ἔβη γῆν· | δ᾿ ἐστὶ θεὸς ἤ τι | θόν γῆ, κα[ὶ] θεὸς δ᾿ ἐστὶ νεκρός. This seems to be a corrupt version of the syllogism of Ps.-Epicharmus (fr. 297 K.A.): εἰμὶ νεκρός· νεκρὸς δὲ κόπρος, γῆ δὴ κόπρός ἐστιν· εἰ δ᾿ ἡ γῆ θεός ἐστ᾿, οὐ νεκρός, ἀλλὰ θεός (‘I am dead; the dead is dirt; the earth is dirt; but if the earth is divine, then I am not dead, but a god’).

14736) T. Corsten, “An Inscription from Çavdir in the Burδur Museum and the Persistence of Ancient Place Names”, in H. Metin et alii (eds.), Pisidia Yazıları Hacı Ali Ekinci Armağanı – Pisidian Essays in Honour of Hacı Ali Ekinci, Istanbul, 2015, p. 7–11 [BE 2016, 473; SEG LXI 1235]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Kibyra. A former tenant of the village(?) of Tangara dedicated a temple to Zeus Epekoos (206 CE).

14837) T. Corsten, “Heidnische Kultorte in der Kibyratis zur Zeit der Christianisierung”, in B. Beck-Brandt, S. Ladstätter, and B. Yener-Marksteiner (eds.), Turm und Tor. Siedlungsstrukturen in Lykien und benachbarten Kultlandschaften, Vienna, 2015, p. 93–102 [SEG LXV 1462]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from the area of Kibyra (the village of the Ormeleis, early 3rd cent. CE). Most of the text is now lost, but it is known from a copy of J. Jüthner made in 1897. Under the heading Ὀφθαλμόθεοι, the text reports that the priests of Sozon constructed a temple for the well-being of the Ormeleis and of Annia Aurelia Faustina, the grandniece of the emperor Marcus Aurelius and owner of the land in this area. The gods designated as Ophthalmotheoi may be associated with the belief in ‘the eye of (divine) justice’ (ὀφθαλμὸς Δίκης, ὀφθαλμὸς Δικαιοσύνης καὶ Σωφροσύνης).

14938) J. Curbera, “The Curse Tablets of Richard Wünsch Today”, in D. Boschung and J.N. Bremmer (eds.), The Materiality of Magic, Leiden, 2015, p. 97–122 [SEG LXV 169–170]: C. provides improved editions of Attic curse tablets originally published by R. Wünsch in IG III App. (nos. 33, 74, 138).

15039) J. Curbera, “Five Curse Tablets from the Athenian Kerameikos”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 109–118: C. provides improved editions of five curse tablets from Athens. 1 (SEG XL 267 = EBGR 1990, 321 I 513, ca. 400–350): The defigens binds to the gods of the underworld and Hermes Eriounios (κατω̣δο͂μεν πρὸς τοὺς χθονίους … καταδέω [πρ]ὸς Ἑρμῆν ἐρεούνιον) a woman, wishing that she be punished and her marriage be invalidated or unconsummated (ὅπως τιμωρηθεῖσα καὶ ἀτελὴς γάμος ἦι̣). He/she curses her vulva, her insolence, her debauchery, and ‘everything belonging to the sinful Glykera’ (τὸν κ̣ῦ̣σον αὐτ̣ῆς, τὴν α[ὐ]θάδε̣αν, τὴν ἀ̣σωτέαν [κ]αὶ πάντα τῆς ἁμαρτησάσ{ασ}ης Γλυκέρας). The cursing of αὐθάδεια and ἀσωτία is attested for the first time in a defixio. 2 (SEG LIV 396, ca. 385–360): The defigens curses ca. 8 people and the workshop of Hermoxenos. 3 (W. Peek, Inschriften, Ostraka, Fluchtafeln. Kerameikos 3, Berlin, 1941, p. 94f. no. 5; ca. 350): This defixio consists of a list of names; at least 40 individuals were cursed. 4 (SEG XL 266 = EBGR 1990, 321 I 520, late 4th cent.): The main difference from the ed. pr. is that C. reads in line 6 τὴν Ἑκάτην ἐπι̣τ{ο}υ<μ>βί̣αν. 5 (SEG XL 268 = EBGR 1990, 321 I 518, ca. 350): This defixio is difficult to read. C. recognizes references to Ἑρμῆς and Ἑρμῆς δόλιος. The defigens binds Plathes, his tongue and his hands, as well as several other people.

15140) D. Dana, “Notices épigraphiques et onomastiques III”, ZPE 198 (2016), p. 145–161: D. republishes a statue group representing the Thracian Rider God and a bear attacking a bull, dedicated to Heros by a Roman soldier in fulfillment of a vow (Ἥρωτι … εὐχὴν ἔθηκεν; unknown provenance in Moesia Inferior, 2nd cent. CE; G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 107).

15241) D. Dana and M. Dana, “Quelques inscriptions grecques et latines des collections privées de Bulgarie”, AWE 15 (2016), p. 161–182: R.-D. republish Greek and Latin inscriptions, mostly of unknown provenance (Thrace or Moesia Inferior) in private collections in Bulgaria. Greek inscriptions: 3: Silver kantharos with the representation of Orpheus being attacked by two maenads; Orpheus is identified through a label (Ορφεύς; Trakija i drevnijat svjat XV–I v. pr. Hr. Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2011, p. 79–82 no. 53; ca. 425–400). 8: Silver cup with owner’s inscription (Διονύ(σου?) or more likely the beginning of a theophoric name) followed by a numeral (54) indicating the weight (I. Marazov, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, p. 71 no. 62/10; 2nd/1st cent.). 9. Silver goblet with owner’s inscription (Διός or the beginning of a theophoric name) followed by a numeral (31) indicating the weight (I. Marazov, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2011, p. 125 no. 90; 2nd/1st cent.) [if the inscriptions on these two silver vases refer to theonyms, they may indicate that the vessels were used to pour libations in honor of Dionysos and Zeus; such inscriptions are very common on clay vases; see A. Chaniotis, “The Epigraphy of the Night”, in N. Papazarkadas and C. Noreña (eds.), From Document to History: Epigraphic Insights into the Greco-Roman World, Leiden, 2019, p. 27f.]. 12. Lower part of a statuette representing Hera seated on a throne, with a lion on her right; an inscription on the base reports that the statue was dedicated by a woman to Hera in expression of gratitude (Θεᾷ Ἥρᾳ εὐχ<α>ρισ[τήριο]ν [– — ἀνέθη]κεν, G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 104; Imperial period). 13. Votive relief representing Zeus and Hera offering a libation; Hera is flanked by two lions; the relief was dedicated ‘to the goddess’ (τῇ θεῷ), apparently Hera (eastern Thrace?; G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 114; Imperial period). 14. Dedication to Heros (see supra no. 40). 15. Dedicatory relief with a representation of the Thracian Rider God in a hunting scene, dedicated to Apollo Σγουλαμηνός in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν; probably from the area of Philippopolis; G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 108; 2nd/3rd cent.). Latin inscriptions: 1. Votive relief with a representtaion of Silvanus, a dog, and three Nymphs, dedicated to the Nymphs and Silvanus ((D)eabus Silvesstres [sic] et Silvano) by two traders with Greek names (Moesia Inferior; G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 106; Imperial period). 2. Altar dedicated to Iuppiter Optimus Maximus and Juno Regina (Moesia Inferior; G. Kabakčieva, Kolekcija Vasil Božkov, Sofia, 2005, no. 113; Imperial period). 3. Marble column dedicated by a veteran to Iuppiter and Juno (unpublished; Moesia Inferior, 3rd cent. CE).

15342) N. Dimitrova and K. Clinton, “The Annual Samothracian Festival Attended by Theoroi”, in A. Matthaiou and N. Papazarkadas (eds.), Ἄξων. Studies in Honor of Ronald S. Stroud, Athens, 2015, p. 639–648 [BE 2016, 391]: According to the traditional view, the theoroi visited Samothrake for a great annual celebration of the mysteries. D.-C. argue, instead, that the visit took place during the dramatic contest of the Dionysia (cf. IG XII.4.148 line 19; 153, 163; I.Priene 69). The mythical subjects of the works composed by the tragic poet Dymas (IG XII.8.153) and the epic poet Herodes (I.Priene 69), i.e. the deeds of Dardanos and the abduction of Harmonia by Kadmos, may have been related to what was dramatically presented to the initiates. The three consecutive days of initiation mentioned in CIL I2 664 may have been immediately before or after the Dionysia (late spring or early summer). Therefore, D.-C. suggest restoring in IG XII.8.148 lines 11/12 [εἰς | τὰ Διονύ]σ̣ι̣α θε[ωρὸς ἀ]ποσταλεί[ς] ([εἰς | τὰ μυστήρ]ι̣α, IG). [This reading is rejected by P. Fröhlich, BE 2016, 391, who argues that neither the proclamation of honors during the Dionysia nor the performance of the works of Dymas and Herodes in the theater support the assumption that the visit of the theoroi took place during the Dionysia. It is indeed more probable that a θεωρία to Samothrake was addressed not to Dionysos, but to the sanctuary’s main gods, the Megaloi Theoi; however, a combination of a major celebration of the mysteries and the Dionysia is not impossible].

15443) B. Dreyer, “Eine Landstadt am Puls der Zeit – Neue Inschriften zum Gymnasion und zum Bad aus Metropolis in Ionien”, in P. Scholz and D. Wiegand (eds.), Das kaiserzeitliche Gymnasion, Berlin, 2015, p. 133–148 [BE 2016, 423; SEG LXV 1052]: In a discussion of the gymnasion of Metropolis in Ionia, D. presents an honorific inscription for an agonothetes who provided the funds for the establishment of new contests (late 1st/early 2nd cent.): δὶς ἀγωνοθετήσαντα καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων καθιερώσαντα ἀγῶνας καὶ θεωρίας [D. Rousset, BE 2016, 423 and H. Pleket, SEG LXV 1052, points out that θεωρίαι here means ‘spectacles’ and not ‘embassies’ (as translated by D.)].

15544) B. Dreyer, “Leben und Sterben in Metropolis (Ionien)”, in S. Nawracala and R. Nawracala (eds.), Polymatheia. Festschrift für Hartmut Matthäus anläßlich seines 65. Geburtstages, Aachen, 2015, p. 87–114 [SEG LXV 1053, 1054]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Metropolis. The most interesting text commemorates the dedication by a councilor and his family of a statue of Artemis (τὸ ἄ[γαλμα τῆς Ἀρτέ]μ̣ιδος); the dedication took place on the occasion of a contest, probably the Great Artemisia (ἐπὶ ἀγωνοθ]έτου Φλ. Πωλλίων[ος τῶ]ν μεγάλων [Ἀρτεμισίων?]; early 3rd cent. CE; p. 93f.). The other texts are an altar for Zeus Soter (1st cent.; p. 92f.); a dedication to Augustus (1st cent. CE; p. 95f.); and an altar dedicated to Sabina by a priestess (p. 92).

15645) A. Erdoğan, “Tripolis Roma Caddesi 2007–2009 Kazi Çalişmalari Ön Raporu”, Arkeoloji Dergisi 19 (2014), p. 41–125 [SEG LXV 1098]: In his report on recent excavations in Tripolis, E. mentions an inscribed plaque [read from the ph. by T. Corsten, SEG LXV 1098, and recognized as an honorific inscription. The text of lines 4–7 probably reveals the content of this inscription: ΝΕΙΚΑΔΡΟΜΟΝ | τῶν μεγάλω[ν] | Δεί̣ων ΝΕ.[– — –]|.αραιων [– — — –]. The accusative (line 4) suggests the dedication of an honorific statue, most likely for a victor at a local agonistic festival in honor of Zeus (lines 5f.: Μεγάλα Δεῖα); another agonistic festival seems to have been mentioned in lines 6f. One would be tempted to read the letters in line 4 as νεικᾷ δρόμον, but this cannot be reconciled with the following genitive (τῶν μεγάλω[ν] | Δεί̣ων). We may have the unattested word νεικαδρόμος (‘victor in race’); cf. the common personal name Νικόδρομος, the agonistic terms ὁπλιτοδρόμος, σταδιαδρόμος, διαυλοδρόμος, and the rare σύνδρομος (SEG XII 512 line 13). Μεγάλα Δεῖα are also attested in Philadelphia (TAM V.3.1511)].

15746) J.M. Frey and T.E. Gregory, “Old Excavations, New Interpretations: The 2008–2013 Seasons of the Ohio State University Excavations at Isthmia”, Hesperia 85 (2016), p. 437–490: Ed. pr. of a stamped roof tile with the inscription Πο[σει]δῶ[νος], destined for the temple of Poseidon (undated; p. 474 no. 10) [probably early Imperial period].

15847) J.L. Friend, “The Nemesia in Lycurgan Athens”, in J. Bodel, and N. Dimitrova (eds.), Ancient Documents and their Contexts, Leiden, 2015, p. 98–110 [BE 2016, 169; SEG LXV 33]: F. argues that the torch-race mentioned in an inscription from Rhamnous (Petrakos, Δῆμος τοῦ Ραμνοῦντος II no. 98; 333/2) took place at a festival in honor of Nemesis. The Nemesia, explicitly attested in the 3rd and 2nd cent., must have existed in Lycurgan Athens in connection with a commemoration of Nemesis’ punishment of Persian hubris in the Battle of Marathon (cf. Paus. I, 33, 2–3). This would explain the participation of the ephebes. The festival, consisting of athletic contests and a torch-race, was discontinued after Athens’ defeat in the Lamian War and revived in the 3rd cent.

15948) S. Fritzilas, “Ε΄Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Σπάρτη”, AD 65 B1 (2010) [2016], p. 445–447 [SEG LXIV 243]: A tile for a building dedicated to Apollo was found in Sparta (p. 447): Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Ἄκρωι.

16049) P.-L. Gatier and J. Seigne, “Un exceptionnel document d’architecture à Gerasa (Jérash, Jordanie)”, Syria 92 (2015), p. 263–277 [BE 2016, 547; SEG LXV 1795]: Ed. pr. of an honorific epigram, inscribed within a wreath in relief on a keystone block (Gerasa, 1st cent. CE). The epigram praises Demetrios, probably to be identified with a priest of Augustus, for constructing a stoa in the sanctuary of Zeus. He was honored with a glorious crown (πάτρα κυδαίνει … στέμματι κυδαλίμωι τῶιδ’ ἱεροπρεπέϊ); a similar expression can be restored in SEG LI 1929 [the characterization of the wreath as ἱεροπρεπές, ‘beseeming a priest’, is interesting; it probably refers to a particular type of crown; for this phenomenon, see A. Chaniotis, “Theatre Rituals”, in P. Wilson (ed.), The Greek Theatre and Festivals. Documentary Studies, Oxford, 2007, p. 58].

16150) E. Gose and F. Schober, “Ergebnisse einer topographischen Reise durch Phokis. Appendix I: Inschriften”, MDAI(A) 131/132 (2016/2017), p. 323–370: The A. present the results of a survey in Phokis. The epigraphic appendix, edited by K. Hallof, includes new inscriptions: a dedication to Eileithyia from Elateia (3, undated) and a fragmentary dedication from Panopeus/Phanoteus (SEG XLVII 549; p. 365).

16251) A. Greco and A. Betto, “Christos Effendi: Archaeological Studies on the Acropolis of Phaistos: from Minoan to Post-Palatial Phasa – an INSTAP Project”, in AEK 3 (2013) [2015], p. 483–494: A terracotta votive with the letters [Ἀ]θανα[- -], the name of Athena, was found on the acropolis of Phaistos (ca. 6th/5th cent; p. 487).

16352) G. Grigorakakis, “Παραδόσεις”, AD 67 B1 (2012) [2016], p. 78–79 [SEG LXV 218]: A bronze statuette of Dionysos riding a mule, a chance find in South Kynouria, was dedicated to Apollo Tyritas (6th cent.).

16453) F. Guizzi and M. Nocita, “Novità epigraphiche dà Hierapolis di Frigia”, Scienze dell’Antichità 21 (2015.1), p. 31–38 [BE 2016, 476; SEG LXV 1249–1252]: Ed. pr. of four dedications from the sanctuary of Plouton in Hierapolis in Phrygia. 1. An altar was dedicated to Plouton upon divine command (κατὰ συνταγήν), probably given during incubation (1st cent.) [this expression is quite rare; e.g. IG IX.1.717: κατὰ συνταγὴν εὐχαριστῶν (Korkyra); cf. IvPergamon III 69, 120, 123; MAMA VI 246; the command was given in a dream, but not necessarily during incubation]. 2–3. Two altars were dedicated to Nemesis in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν). One of them has the representation of an ear [an indication that Nemesis was ἐπήκοος; cf. the dedication of gladiators from Aphrodisias (SEG LVI 1191)]. 4. The addressee of another dedication in fulfillment of a vow ([ὑπὲρ] εὐχῆς) is not known. 5. A new fragment of the building inscription of the Ploutonion, reporting the dedication of the vaulted entrance (ψαλίς) to Plouton and Kore [cf. EBGR 2014, 41]. 6. A dedication made by the priest of Plouton, Kore, and Zeus Sabazios, ἐπιφανέστατοι θεοί.

16554) H. Güney, “New Inscriptions from the Choria Considiana: Çalçak Roman Necropolis”, AS 66 (2016), p. 125–139 [BE 2017, 558]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from an imperial estate at Choria Considiana (northwestern Galatia). We note two grave epigrams (2nd cent. CE) that express the idea that the death of two young women was caused by envious fate: διὰ φθόνον ἥρπασε μοῖρα (3) and ποῖα μοῖρα ἀσεβῶς Ἐράτην ὑπὸ γαῖαν ἔθηκεν; … νῦν ἐξαπίνης αὐτὴν φθόνος ἥρπασε (4).

16655) W. Günther and S. Prignitz, “Ein neuer Jahresbericht über Baumaßnahmen am Tempel des Apollon von Didyma”, Chiron 46 (2016), p. 157–175: Ed. pr. of an account of building work carried out in the temple of Apollo in Didyma (ca. 175–170). The account mentions the number of marble and limestone blocks transported and used for the construction of the temple by 20 slaves under the supervision of Artemon (ἐπιστατήσαντος τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ Ἀπόλλω[νος τοῦ Διδυμέως). The work includes the construction of the cornices (κανονίδες), the smoothing of the interior walls ([ἐ]π[εκ]όψα[μεν] τὸν σηκόν), the placement of 249 blocks on the 28th row of blocks, and the construction of an altar of Basileia (Aphrodite?) outside the precinct (ἐγ χώραι). The construction work lasted 20 days, from the 10th to the 30th Thargelion. This text provides valuable insights into the building process of a temple.

16756) W. Günther and V. Sichelschmidt, “Ein Inschriftenfragment aus Didyma”, MDAI(I) 65 (2015), p. 281–291: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Apollo as a dekate, found in Didyma (ca. 500). The fragment probably belonged to a reclining figure.

16857) P. Hamon, “Études d’épigraphie thasienne, IV. Les magistrats thasiens du ive s. av. J.-C. et le royaume de Macédoine”, BCH 139/140 (2015/2016), p. 68–125 [BE 2017, 424; SEG LXV 733, 735–737]: H. studies the structure of the lists of archontes and theoroi in Thasos and reconstructs the process of inscribing the names of magistrates. In this context, he presents a new edition of the first lines of a document recording the lease of real estate belonging to Herakles (IG XII Suppl. 353; SEG LV 972), which he dates to 328 BCE (p. 107–112). He also republishes a dedication to a King Philip Soter (Recherches – Thasos I 405) and presents the ed. pr. of an altar for the cult of a King Philip; he identifies the recipient of this cult with Philip II and dates these inscriptions to the late 4th cent.

16958) P. Hamon, “La Moire à Apollonia”, Chiron 46 (2016), p. 265–284: H. presents an improved edition of two consolatory decrees from Apollonia Mordiaon (118/19 CE; SEG LXII 1124) [cf. EBGR 2012, 102]. The premature deaths of Ammia (A) and Thrasymachos (B) are attributed to Fate (A: [ἡ δὲ κα]κὴ Τύχη φθάσασα προ[αφείλ]ατο; B: π[ρ]οληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς [Μ]οίρας̣ ἐτελεύτησεν νέος). Ammia was to be honored with a crown by the people during the funeral.

17059) K. Harter-Uibopuu, “Hermogenes und die πρόβατα des Kaikos (TAM V 1, 464)”, Philia 2 (2016), p. 63–71 [BE 2017, 484]: H.-U. discusses the legal background of a ‘confession inscription’ from Ayazviran in Lydia (TAM V.1.464, 3rd cent.) that reports the punishment of Hermogenes for perjury. The crucial passage reads: Ἑρμογένης Ἀπολλωνίου Βαλέρις, γενόμενος εἱκανοδότης Καΐκου Καιτρωνος? περὶ προβάτων, ὧν ἐκρίθη ὀμόσε τὸν Ἑρμογένην μὴ προδεδωκέναι τὰ πρόβατα τὰ Καείκου. Hermogenes had some animals belonging to Kaikos, and he was obliged to return them to him; when he failed to fulfill his obligation, Kaikos pursued a lawsuit and Hermogenes was ‘obliged to give satisfaction’ (ἱκανοδότης). A court passed the verdict that Hermogenes should take an oath that he had not abandoned or given away the animals. After Hermogenes had sworn an exculpatory oath, he met with misfortunes that were interpreted as divine punishment for his perjury. [H.-U. translates ἀγνοήσας οὖν ὁ Ἑρμογένης ὤμοσεν τὸν θεόν as ‘in Unkenntnis schwor Hermogenes bei dem Gott’; this is possible, but the punishment (ὁ θεὸς … ἐκόλασεν) and the reference to Hermogenes’ disobedience (ἀπιθοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Ἑρμογένου ἀπέκτινεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα) suggest that here ἀγνοέω means ‘to act amiss’, ‘to fail to recognize (the power of god)’. The verb is used in this sense in BIWK 10: ‘Stratonikos, son of Euangelos, cut down an oak (of Zeus), because he ignored Zeus Didymeites’ (Στρατόνεικος Εὐανγέλου διὰ τὸ ἀγνοεῖν αὐτὸν Διὸς Διδυμείτου ἔκκοψε δρῦν); Stratonikos was punished because he disregarded the power of god (διὰ τὸ ἀπιστῖν), not because he acted by mistake. Similarly, in the case of Hermogenes, ἀγνοήσας seems to explain the severe punishment (the death of Hermogenes’ daughter) rather than providing an excuse (as in BIWK 11 and 76: κατὰ ἄγνοιαν, ‘unknowingly, by mistake’)].

17160) G.E. Hatzi, “Ζ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων”, AD 66 B1 (2011) [2016], p. 303–321 [SEG LXV 302–305]: Several inscriptions were found in a sanctuary at the Kronion in Olympia, which H. proposes to identify as a sanctuary of Eileithyia. One of the inscriptions, on a mirror, names this goddess (p. 312; undated) [for a second mirror see infra no. 61]. The content of the other inscriptions is not revealed. The finds from this sanctuary also include a stamped tile that names Zeus (p. 311).

17261) G.E. Hatzi, “Ζ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἀνασκαφικές ἐργασίες”, AD 67 B1 (2012) [2016], p. 195–197: H. reports the discovery of a second mirror dedicated to Eileithyia in Olympia (p. 197; cf. supra no. 60).

17362) O. Henry and D. Aubriet, “Le territoire de Mylasa et le serment d’Olympichos : autour d’une nouvelle inscription découverte au sanctuaire de Zeus Labraundos en Carie”, CRAI (2015), p. 673–702 [BE 2017, 499]; SEG LXV 996]: Ed. pr. of a letter sent by Olympichos, Seleucid general in Karia, to Mylasa (Labraunda, ca. 242–227). Olympichos mentions his earlier oath to Mylasa, with which he promised to respect the city’s freedom and the inviolability of Mylasa’s sanctuaries (cf. I.Labraunda 3); this asylia was possibly granted by Seleukos II when Mylasa was liberated (after 246 BCE). The new text shows that Olympichos occupied a fortress under the pretext of Mylasa still owing a kind of ‘crown tax’ (‘I would occupy it until I recovered for the king the money owed for the crown’) [republished by N. Carless Unwin and O. Henry, “A New Olympichos Inscription from Labraunda: I.Labraunda 137”, EA 49 (2016), p. 27–45].

17463) D. Ignatiadou, “ΔΕΘ – Πύλη Σιντριβανίου, 1972: ἡ ἀνασκαφὴ καὶ οἱ μαγικοὶ λίθοι”, AEMTh 25 (2011) [2015], p. 297–308 [SEG LXV 536]: I. presents two amulets of green jasper with red dots (heliotropium) found in the area of the eastern cemetery of Thessalonike (ca. 3rd cent. CE; p. 298–301). One amulet is uniscribed; it has a representation of Bes Pantheos. The other amulet is framed by a gold pendant. On the obverse, a scarab is encircled by an ouroborus; a variant of the tetragrammaton (ΗΩΕΗ, Yahveh) is engraved between the legs of the scarab; the inscription on the reverse (ΙΑΙΔΑΘΙΑΙ | ΙΗΣΗΦΙΔΙ|Ω ΚΝΗΝΙΩ) is a corrupt variant of a known vox magica, with a reference to Ialdabaoth, his greave (κνημίς) and his sword (ξιφίδιον). These amulets may have belonged to a Jewish woman [cf. infra no. 128].

17564) B. İplikçioğlu, “Schenkungen des freigelassenen οἰκονόμος τῆς πόλεως Hermianos an die Stadt Korydalla (Südost-Lykien)”, AAWW 149 (2014), p. 5–23 [BE 2016, 467; SEG LXV 1384]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Korydalla (ca. 209–211). The steward of the city, Hermianos, dedicated upon his manumission a statue of Athena (τὸ ἄγαλμα τ̣[ῆς] Νεικαφόρου Ἀθηνᾶς) and an incense-burner (λιβαν̣ωτρίδα) to the emperor Septimius Severus, his sons Caracalla and Geta, and Julia Domna.

17665) B. Iplikcioğlu, “Heraklit von Rhodiapolis, ein gefeierter Arzt der trajanischen Zeit”, in J. Fischer (ed.), Der Beitrag Kleinasiens zur Kultur/ und Geistesgeschichte der griechisch-römischen Antike, Vienna, 2014, p. 231–245 [BE 2015, 651; SEG LXIV 1410]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for the famous physician, philosopher, and poet Herakleitos (early 2nd cent.; cf. TAM II 906 and 910), who served as priest of Asklepios and Hygieia θεοὶ σωτῆρες. Herakleitos had provided the funds for the construction of a temple of Asklepios and Hygieia, their cult statues and the decoration of the temple (κατασκευάσαντ̣[α ναὸν καὶ
λ̣ματα ἀναθέντα Ἀσκληπ[ιοῦ καὶ] Ὑγεία̣ς καὶ τὸν λοιπὸν τὸν τ̣[οῦ ναοῦ κόσ]μον). His works were deposited in this temple. Finally, Herakleitos made an endowment for the organization of a contest in honor of Asklepios (χαρισάμενο[ν εἰς διανομὰς] κ̣αὶ ἀ[γῶνας Ἀσκληπιακ]οὺς δ[ηνάρια] μύρια κ̣αὶ πεντ̣[ακισχίλια]). The man was honored with a gilded painted image and a statue ([ἰκόνι ἐπιχρύ]σ̣ῳ καὶ τῷ τῆς Παιδεία̣ς ἀνδριάν̣[τι]) [for the expression ἀνδριὰς τῆς παιδείας (‘the statue of erudition’, i.e. a statue showing Herakleitos as a man of letters) and for analogous expressions characterizing specific types of statues (ἀνδριάς τῆς παιδείας, ἀρετῆς ἀνδριάς, ὁμονοίας ἄγαλμα, ἀριστοπολιτείας ἀνδριάς, χρυσόστομος ἀνδριάς), see A. Wilhelm, “Zu einem Beschlusse von Thiasiten aus Kallatis, betreffend Beiträge zum Baue eines Tempels des Dionysos”, AAWW (1928), 136f.; L. Robert, “Inscriptions d’Aphrodisias”, AC 35 (1966), p. 398f.; A. Chaniotis, supra no. 32, p. 350f.].

17766) S. Isager, “On a List of Priests: From the Son of Poseidon to Members of the Elite in Late Hellenistic Halikarnassos”, in J. Fejfer, M. Moltesen, and A. Rathje (eds.), Tradition: Transmission of Culture in the Ancient World (Acta Hyperborea 14), Copenhagen, 2015, p. 131–148 [BE 2016, 453; SEG LXV 956]: Ed. pr. of a new fragment of the famous list of the priests of Poseidon Isthmios from Halikarnassos (ca. 100; cf. Syll.3 1020). The new fragment belongs to the left column but does not join the main fragment (Syll.3 1020). It contains the names of 18 priests who served for life, as well as the number of years they remained in office (from 1 to 64, a total of 324 years). The list traces the priests back to the arrival of settlers from Troizen under the patronage of Apollo and Poseidon. The total time served by the priests can be estimated to at least 827 years. The list, allegedly a copy of an ancient stele, is an example of the ‘invention of traditions’ in the Hellenistic period.

17867) S. Isager and P. Pedersen, “Om arbejdet med indskrifterne fra Halikarnassos: et upublicetet aeresdekret som eksempel”, in Logos – klassikerforeningens medlemsblad (February 2015), p. 40–45 [SEG LXV 954]: Ed. pr. of an honorary decree for a man from Alabanda (Halikarnassos, ca. 300–254). The man was granted access to the council and the assembly immediately after the sacred matters and the decree was set up in the sanctuary of Apollo (on the Zephyrion).

17968) A. Jakubiec, “La nature de l’envoyer du premier ἱκέσιος de la loi cathartique de Cyrène (SEG IX, 72, 111–121)”, ZPE 197 (2016), p. 96–100: J. reviews the interpretations that have been proposed with regard to a passage in the cathartic law of Cyrene (SEG IX 72, ca. 325 BCE) and the mention of a ἱκέσιος ἐπακτός sent against a house. He suggests that this spirit was sent by a deceased individual my means of a magic ritual; the text reveals the anxiety towards magic.

18069) A. Jakubiec, “Qui faut-il accueillir selon la colonne B de la loi sacrée de Sélinonte (SEG, XLIII 630) ?”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 104–108: J. discusses the nature of the ἐλάστερος in the prescriptions concerning purification from Selinous (SEG XLII 630) and argues that the text [which he takes to be a public law of the Selinountians] stipulates that a volunteer should offer hospitality to a man pursued by an impure spirit, in order to put a stop to its harmful actions. [On this text see various contributions in A. Ianucci, F. Muccioli, and M. Zaccarini (eds.), La città inquieta. Selinunte tra lex sacra e defixiones, Milano/Udine, 2015, which I could not summarize in this issue].

18170) C.P. Jones, “An Altar for a New Hero”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 83–86: J. republishes and comments on an inscription written on a funerary altar (Telmessos or Tlos, 1st/2nd cent.; SEG LXI 1257; EBGR 2015, 112). He recognizes in this text the establishment by Neoptolemos of the heroic cult for his father (πατρὶ ἥρωι). The cult regulation stipulates: ‘Every year among the tombs Neoptolemos or the rent-collector for the estate will sacrifice a yearling wether-goat worth fifteen drachmas and a cake, burning the first offerings (κ̣αρποῦντες τὰ ἀπάργματα); but if the rent-collector does not sacrifice, he will be guilty of sacrilege to the gods below earth’.

18271) S. Kaczko, Archaic and Classical Attic Dedicatory Epigrams: An Epigraphic, Literary and Linguistic Commentary, Berlin, 2016 [BE 2017, 171]: K. presents critical editions and exhaustive commentaries of 141 dedicatory epigrams from Athens (6th–4th cent.), concerning public and private dedications from the Acropolis (1–116) and other locations (117–141). She discusses the poetic language, epithets of deities, dedicatory formulas (ἄγαλμα, ἀνατίθημι, ἀπαρχή, δεκάτη, δίδωμι, ἀντιδίδωμι, δῶρον, εὔχομαι, εὐχωλή, εὐχή, ἱδρύω, etc.), and the historical context of the dedications. This will be an indispensable work of reference for the study of Athenian religion and the religious mentality behind dedications.

18372) M. Kadıoğlu, Das Gerontikon von Nysa am Mäander, Darmstadt, 2014: The publication of the building known as the ‘Gerontikon’ in Nysa includes a survey of the inscriptions found in or associated with this building. K. and W. Blümel (p. 93 no. 118 Y10, ca. 148 CE) present an ineditum, the dedication of an altar and an incense-burner (τὸ[ν] βωμ[ὸ]ν καὶ [τὸ παρ’] αὐ[τ]ῷ θυμι[ατήριον]) by the ‘sacred steward’ (ἱερὸ[ς οἰ]κονόμος) [probably a public slave who served as the oikonomos of the hiera gerousia; for a similar dedication by another public steward see supra no. 64].

18473) Y. Kalliontzis, “La date de la première célébration des Amphiareia-Romaia d’Oropos”, REG 129 (2016), p. 85–105 [BE 2017, 29]: K. republishes the list of victors at the first Amphiareia kai Rhomaia (I.Oropos 521). It is generally believed that the association of Dea Roma with the contest for Amphiaraos postdates Sulla’s victory in the First Mithridatic War (86 BCE). K. infers from the presence of a man designated as Ἀχαιὸς ἀπὸ Σικυῶνος among the victors that the contest took place before the dissolution of the Achaian Koinon in 146 BCE. Another victor was Ἀντιοχεὺς ἀπὸ Κύδνου; but one does not expect Tarsos still to be called Ἀντιόχεια πρὸς τῷ Κύδνῳ in the early 1st cent. BCE. He suggests that the εὐαγγέλια τῆς Ῥωμαίων νίκης, one of the disciplines in which encomiasts competed, refers to the victory of Metellus over Andriskos in 148 BCE. The reorganization of the Amphiareia as a joint celebration for Amphiaraos and Dea Roma must have taken place between the victory over Andriskos (148 BCE) and the victory over the Achaians (146 BCE) [see the objections of D. Knoepfler, BE 2017, 265].

18574) S. Katsarou, “Ἀμπουριὰ Παρνασσοῦ. Ἱερὸ σπήλαιο Πανὸς καὶ Νυμφῶν”, AD 67 B2 (2012) [2016], p. 818–822: K. reports on the excavation of a cult cave on Mt. Parnassos and presents the dedication to Pan and the Nymphs that we mention in EBGR 2013, 59.

18675) C.M. Keesling, “Solon’s Property Classes on the Athenian Acropolis? A Reconsideration of IG I3 831 and Ath. Pol. 7.4”, in K. Daly and L.A. Riccardi (eds.), Cities Called Athens: Studies Honoring John McK. Camp II, Lewisburg, 2015, p. 115–135 [BE 2016, 152; SEG LXV 56]: K. proposes a new restoration of a dedicatory epigram for Athena inscribed on a marble basin (IG I3 831. DAA 372. CEG 269; Athens, ca. 480–470). In line 2, initio, K. restores Βο[τάδες Δ]α̣ΐτες instead of [ζευ]γ̣ίτης and rejects the reference to one of the Solonian property classes. The basin was not a perirrhanterion but the support of a bronze bowl without a foot. This bronze vessel may have been the prize at a funeral contest, dedicated by a victorious athlete from the deme of Boutadai.

18776) A. Kızıl, P. Brun, L. Capdetrey, R. Descat, P. Fröhlich, and K. Konuk, “Pidasa et Asandros : une nouvelle inscription (321/0)”, REA 117 (2015), p. 371–409 [BE 2016, 268 and 438]: Ed. pr. of a decree of Pidasa honoring officers of the satrap of Karia Asandros (321/20) [corrected to 322/21 by D. Rousset, BE 2016, 483 and W. Blümel, supra no. 21 bis]. The three men took care of the public finances and returned to the city bowls belonging to a sanctuary that had been carried away (τὰς ἱερὰς φιάλας τὰς ἀπ̣[αχθείσας?] ἀ̣νέσωισαν) [D. Rousset, BE 2016, 483, suggests that the bowls had been given by Pidasa as security for a loan (cf. CID IV 23) and restores ἀπ[ολωλυίας]. W. Blümel, supra no. 21 bis, suspects that these valuable objects had been carried away during a raid or a war (cf. I.Amyzon 18: ἀπαχθέντων τε τῶν ἱερῶν σωμάτων). Since there is no reference to military events in the decree, but rather a reference to the public finances, Rousset’s suggestion is more plausible. A similar incident is described in the honorary decree for Protogenes in Olbia; when the city was unable to repay a loan, the ‘sacred cups’ given as a pledge were carried away to be melted; Protogenes repaid the loan and returned the objects to the city (IOSPE I2 32 lines 13–18: τῶν τε ἀρχόντων θέντων τὰ ἱερὰ ποτήρια εἰς τὴν τῆς πόλεως χρείαν πρὸς Πολύχα[ρ]μον πρὸς χρυσοῦς ἑκατὸν καὶ οὐκ ἐχόντων λύσασθαι, τοῦ δὲ ξένου φέροντος ἐπὶ τὸν χαρακτῆρα αὐτὸς ὑπεραποδοὺς τοὺς ἑκατὸν χρυσοῦς ἐλύσατο)]. The decree was set up in the sanctuary of Toubassis, an otherwise unattested god with an Anatolian name.

18877) C. Kritzas and S. Prignitz, “A Building Inscription from Epidauros: IG IV² 1, 114, SEG XLI 298, IG IV² 1, 110”, AE 155 (2016), p. 1–41 [BE 2017, 126]: The A. recognize that three fragments from Epidauros, published separately (IG IV².1.114, SEG XLI 298, and IG IV².1.110), are parts of the same stele. They present a new edition with exhaustive commentary. The text is an account of the hiaromnamones of the sanctuary of Asklepios, listing revenues (possibly including fines for bad workmanship or delays) and expenses during the priesthoods of Aristolas and Damophilos (ca. 325–300). The money was used for κλῖναι (couches) in the κλεισία (a ceremonial dining hall, probably to be identified with the ‘Multi-purpose Building’, previously known as the ‘Gymnasion’), for building materials (poros blocks and timber) and their transportation to the sanctuary, and for the services of a scribe.

18978) E. Laflı and H. Bru, “Inscriptions gréco-romaines d’Anatolie IV”, DHA 41.2 (2015), p. 216–224 [BE 2016, 511]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for Severus Alexander from Tarsos (225 CE); his statue was dedicated to Athena. For an improved edition, see infra nos. 113 and 137.

19079) E. Laflı and H. Bru, “Inscriptions gréco-romaines d’Anatolie V”, DHA 42.2 (2016), p. 224–239 [BE 2017, 441]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from various places in Asia Minor: 1: Honorific inscription for M. Aurelius Attinas, descendant of agonothetai, who also served himself as an agonothetes (Smyrna, 3rd cent. CE). 3: Honorific inscription for the priestess Demo, set up by her son while she served as a priestess (ἱερατεύουσαν); her statue, dedicated to the gods, was made by Nikomachos of Kos [Der neue Overbeck nos. 3338–3339] (Halikarnassos, early 2nd cent.). 4: A dedication to an anonymous god: [κα]θιέρωσεν | [- -]ωι θεῶι τῶι ΕΥ[- -] (Mylasa, 1st cent. CE) [on line 2, initio, possibly the remains of an oblique stroke, in fine a vertical line; possibly [(τῶι?) μεγά]λ̣ωι θεῶι, τῶι εὐη̣[κόωι]. For εὐήκοος as a divine epithet see e.g. SB I 4607; SEG XLV 1441; LXIV 2212]. 7: The torso of a colossal statue from Gerga Kome (Karia), seen by G. Cousin in 1900, now in the Museum of Izmir, is inscribed with the name of the local god Gergas (Γεργα; Imperial period) [cf. EBGR 2013, 52].

19180) A. Łajtar, “Another Greek Inscription from Novae (Lower Moesia) Associated with pastus militum ”, in A. Thomas (ed.), Ad fines Imperii Romani. Studia Thaddaeo Sarnowski septuagenario ab amicis collegis discipulisque dedicata, Warsaw, 2015, p. 277–288 [SEG LXV 572]: Ed. pr. of a metrical dedication to Apollo inscribed on a statue base (Novae, ca. 325–350 CE): Ἀγαθῇ Τύχῃ· | τάγματος Ἰταλι|κοῖο σαώτορα | Φοῖβον ἄνακ<τ>α | θρέψας ὡς ἐπέοι|κε Νόβα<ς ἀπά>τερθε | <ἀνέ>θ̣ηκ̣εν πριμιπει|[λάρι]ος Υ[- -]. Several other inscriptions from the principia of the legio I Italica commemorate the dedication of statues by primipilarii after the successful completion of their task to transport supplies to Novae (ca. 300–450) [cf. EBGR 2014, 81; SEG LXIII 535/536]. The cult of Apollo has already been attested in Novae.

19281) A. La Marca, “Lo spazio del sacro a Kyme”, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 148 (2015), p. 87–98: The A. presents an unpublished honorific inscription from Kyme (Imperial period; p. 93): a group of mystai dedicated a statue of an imperial procurator, their benefactor. The association was dedicated to the cult of Διόνυσος Καθηγεμών, θεὸς πρό πόλεως [text read from the ph. by T. Corsten, SEG LXV 1101. For similar cult associations of Dionysos cf. IG XII Suppl. 447: τὸ πρὸ πόλεως Βαχχεῖον (Thasos); I.Magnesia 215 a lines 28–35: καὶ θιάσους Βάκχοιο καθειδρύσουσιν ἐν ἄστει … ἡ δὲ Βαυβὼ τὸν π?? ??????; ρὸ πόλεως; I.Smyrna 622: οἱ τοῦ μεγάλου π?? ?????? ???????? ???????? ??????; ρὸ πόλεως Βρεισέως Διονύσου μύσται; I.Ephesos 1595: τῶν πρὸ πόλεως Δημητριαστῶν καὶ Διονύσου Φλέω μυστῶν. The cult of Dionysos πρὸ πόλεως (an ambiguous expression denoting both protection of the city and an extra-urban sanctuary) is well attested; see SEG XXVI 943 (Thera); I.Ephesos 1267; I.Smyrna 730].

19382) N. Lanérès and G. Grigorakis, “1. Une découverte récente : un haltère pour les ‘Maleateia’ ou Sparte à la conquête de sa côte orientale. 2. L’haltère de Tîron et l’expansion de Sparte sur le territoire de Prasiai (Cynourie du sud)”, REG 128 (2015), p. 647–658 [BE 2017, 220; SEG LXV 216]: Ed. pr. of a jumping weight found in the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas in Kynouria (late 7th/early 6th cent.); it is inscribed with the name of the dedicant, Tiron. He may have dedicated the object after a victory at the Maleateia (cf. IG V.1.213).

19483) P. Liddell and P. Low, “An Honorific gnome of the Koinon of the Phrikyladai: A New Inscription from Liverpool”, ABSA 110 (2015), p. 263–284 [BE 2016, 415; SEG LXV 1028]: Ed. pr. of a decree of the koinon of the Φρικυλάδαι in Erythrai in honor of three οἰνῶναι; L.-L. suggest that they were collectors of tax imposed on wine producers [but D. Rousset, BE 2016, 415, argues that the οἰνῶναι were assigned the duty to purchase and distribute wine to the members of the koinon; two boards of three wine purchasers served during a year, one per semester. This duty was probably connected with celebrations or banquets]. The decree is dated with reference to eponymous hieropoioi (of Erythrai or of the koinon?).

19584) H. Lotz and A. Rupp, “Ein aussergewöhnlicher Grabfluch: Grabinschrift des Demetrios Makron aus Neapolis (Karien)”, EA 49 (2016), p. 73–84 [BE 2017, 494]: Ed. pr. of an epitaph from Neapolis in Karia(1st/2nd cent.), known from a drawing made by W. Reichel in 1893, now in the Academy in Vienna. A rhetorically elaborate curse threatens any violator of the grave with unusual forms of punishment: τούτωι [μήτ]ε γῆς εὐκα[ρ]πία γένοιτο, μήτε τέκνων ἔν[δικ]ος [or ἔν[νομ]ος, as suggested by P. Hamon, BE 2017, 494] διαδοχή, μ[ή]τε γυναικὸς ἁγνῆς κοίτη, [μήτε] φίλων εὔνοια συμπαθής, μήτε θεῶν [ἵλ]αος ἐφόρασις, μήτε θαλάσσης πλωτὸν ὕ[δ]ωρ, μήτε ἐργασίας μήτε [σώ]φρονος
ἐπισ[τή]μης μήτε γαστέρος συ[να]πόλαυσις· ἐξώ[λη]ς δὲ καὶ πανώλης γένο[ιτ]ο [‘he may neither get good fruits from the earth, nor succession of legitimate children, nor a marriage with a chaste woman, nor the affectionate fondness of friends, nor the benign gaze of the gods, nor navigable waters in the sea, nor any pleasure, neither from work nor from prudent skill/knowledge nor from his belly (food consumption); he may perish and be completely destroyed’].

19685) G. Maddoli, “Ara in onore di Alessandro ed Olimpiade”, SCO 61.2 (2015), p. 137–143 [BE 2016, 447; SEG LXV 989]: Ed. pr. of an altar dedicated to Alexander the Great and Olympias (Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Ὀλυμπιάδος) in Iasos (1st cent.). M. discusses the evidence for the cult of Alexander until the 3rd cent. CE. Alexander had close connections to the Hekatomnids, and his cult and that of Olympias may already have been established during his reign. The interest in Alexander in the 1st cent. may reflect the perception of Augustus as a new Alexander.

19786) C. Marek and M. Adak, Epigraphische Forschungen in Bithynien, Paphlagonien, Galatien und Pontos, Istanbul, 2016 [BE 2017, 539–540, 551]: Ed. pr. of 134 Greek and Latin inscriptions from Asia Minor; if not otherwise stated, all texts date to the Imperial period. Nikaia and territory: Dedications to Θεὰ Λοτιανή (22, otherwise unattested), Zeus Okkenenos Epekoos (mostly worshipped in Thrace; 2, εὐχήν), Zeus Bronton (15, κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν). An altar was set up for the cult of the Nymphs (3). An interesting epitaph for Markella (13) reports that her funerary altar was erected by her daughter and her son-in-law to honor her as if she were an immortal god (ὡς θεῷ ἀθανάτῳ ἔκτισαν). Iouliopolis: Two dedications to the otherwise unattested Zeus Auoreanos (37, by a steward on behalf of his masters; εὐχήν … ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν δεσποτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ αἰωνίου διαμονῆς; 38, εὐχήν). Bithynion-Klaudiopolis: The stadium was dedicated to Hadrian (41). Dedications to Asklepios and Hygieia (56), and Hosion kai Dikaion (52, 57); one of the dedications to Hosion kai Dikaion (57) was made by Brion on behalf of the village of the Arabenoi ἀντὶ φιλοδοξίας (‘um seiner Reputation willen’) [φιλοδοξία here probably means generosity]. Krateia-Flaviopolis: Dedications: Apollonios dedicated an altar to Zeus Benios Epekoos ‘in acknowledgment of the benefactions that he received from the bennos [cult association], in expression of piety and honor towards the bennos’ (ἀντὶ τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ βέννους εὐεργεσιῶν, εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα καὶ τιμῆς πρὸς τὸ βέννος). Prousias on Hypios: A dedication to Kyria Hekate (64, an altar, dedicated by a herald) and an honorific inscription for a high priest of the imperial cult who organized venationes and gladiatorial events (63). Gangra-Germanikopolis: An inscription records the construction or restoration of a temple of Thea Megale Hera (79). A couple made a dedication to Thea Artemis Progonike for the rescue of their son (80, ὑπὲρ … τοῦ υἱοῦ σωτηρίας). Zela: A dedication to Theos Hypsistos (126).

19887) A.P. Matthaiou, “Σύμμεικτα Ἀττικά”, Grammateion 4 (2015) p. 21–26 [ΒΕ 2016, 187, 190; SEG LXV 45, 62]: 1. An inscribed boundary stone in Acharnai (SEG L 88, ca. 500–450) reads hόρος Ζεμιέας. M. suggest that Ζεμιέα (from ζημία, ‘fine’) is an unattested epithet of Demeter; two votive reliefs, depicting an enthroned goddess and a woman and a torch respectively, were found in that area. In M.’s view, Ζημίεια was purchased with fines paid by those who had broken cult regulations of the goddess. 2. M. proposes a new restoration for a cult regulation of the deme of Paiania (IG I3 250 lines 35–37, ca. 450–430): ζακορε[ῖα? | h]ὸς ἃν φέρει, καταλείπεν̣ [κα|ὶ ἔτ]ν̣̣ος καὶ̣ ἀθάρες κοτ̣[ύλ .]. A sacrifice (cf. Hesychios ζ26: ζακόρια, θυσία Ἀφροδίτης) was accompanied by ἔτνος and ἀθάρη, food offerings (cf. Phrynichos, Preparatio sophistica p. 14.11 ed. de Borres).

19988) L. Meier, “Kibyra und die Räuber: ein neues Grabepigramm”, in Pisidia Yazıları Hacı Ali Ekinci Armağanı – Pisidian Essays in Honour of Hacı Ali Ekinci, Istanbul, 2015, p. 71–76 [BE 2016, 471; SEG LXV 1466]: Ed. pr. of a funerary epigram for Publius, who was killed by brigands (Kibyra, 3rd cent. CE) [we may understand the expression εἰρήνης εὐνομίης τε φίλον as a poetic reference to his office: he was an εἰρηνάρχης, an officer responsible for policing the territory]. His wife, who set up the funerary monument, reports with satisfaction that his death was avenged by Ares and Dike (ἐξεδίκησεν Ἄρης· φονίην δ᾿ ἀπέδωκεν ἀμοιβὴν | ἥ τε Δίκη θεία κλεινοτάτη τε δάμαρ) [as D. Feissel, An. Ép. 2015, 1513, points out, κλεινοτάτη τε δάμαρ is not a reference to Dike (wife of Ares), but to Publius’ wife: ‘la divine Justice ainsi que sa très illustre épouse lui ont rendu une sanglante réparation’].

20089) J. Méndez Dosuna, “Some Critical Notes on the New Dodona Lead Plates”, ZPE 197 (2016), p. 119–139: The A. suggests alternative readings and interpretations for 44 oracular tablets from Dodona (DVC 80, 186+187, 217, 267, 279, 300, 313, 336, 385, 387, 825, 934, 1108, 1148, 1193, 1234, 1334, 1339+1340, 1360, 1375, 1394, 1395, 1572, 1846, 2015, 2024, 2204, 2217, 2228, 2254, 2319, 2761, 2976, 2977, 2980, 3018, 3114, 3274, 3325, 3363, 4157, 4162). We present a selection of his interpretations. DVC 80: Changing the interpunction of this text, M. translates: ‘Eumedes consults Zeus Naios, Diona and Tyche about the oak in the heroon: Shall I succeed in digging it up and replant (or: offer) it at the temple from there?’ [for a different suggestion see EBGR 2013, 37]. DVC 1572: Assuming that part of the tablet is lost, M. argues that the question is not about health, a servant, and a priesthood (περὶ ὑγι<εί>ας καὶ ϝοι|κέτας : ἱρατείας) but about more subjects (περὶ ὑγι<εί>ας καὶ ϝοι|κίας — — ἱ?]κέτας : ἱαρατείας). DVC 2980: A family wants to know whether a family member is dead, in order that his children and his wife may perfom the customary rites ([ὅπως τεθ]νακότ[ι] τοὶ παῖδες καὶ ἁ γυνὰ τ[ελέσωντι] τὰ νόμιμα ὡς τεθνακότι). DVC 3018: The inquiry πὲρ κομάτον probably concerns a disease involving episodes of loss of consciousness.

20190) N.P. Milner, “Building Roman Lycia: New Inscriptions and Monuments from the Baths and Peristyle Buildings MI 1 and MI 2 at Oinoanda”, AS 66 (2016), p. 91–124: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Oinoanda. 1. A building inscription commemorates the restoration of a bath complex. The baths were dedicated (line 6: ἀφιεροῦντ[ος]) to Emperor Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian (73 CE). 3. A victor in the contest of the Lykian Koinon (Koina Lykion) in the age-class of the boys dedicated a statue (3rd cent. CE).

20291) M. Nafissi, “Apollo Didymeus e Iasos, una relazione speciale: sulle aparchai inviate a Didyma e su un altare del dio ai Musei Archeologici di Istanbul”, in S. Panzram, W. Riess, and C. Schäfer (eds.), Menschen und Orte der Antike. Festschrift für Helmut Halfmann zum 65. Geburtstag, Rahden, 2015, p. 85–108 [SEG LXV 988]: N. republishes an altar of Apollo Didymeus in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul and endorses its attribution to Iasos (ca. 175–150). Iasos, which regarded itself a colony of Miletos, had a close connection to the sanctuary of Apollo in Didyma. It made regular offerings of silver bowls to the sanctuary, possibly as the aparche offered by a colony to its mother city (I.Didyma 424, 428, 431–433, 449, 464, 475, 476).

20392) M. Nafissi, “Una dedica à Basileia da Iasos e il duplice culto della Madre degli Dei e della Madre Frigia”, SCO 61.2 (2015), p. 119–136 [BE 2016, 450; SEG LXV 987]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Basileia by a woman (Iasos, ca. 250–200). Basileia (cf. Basilis) is both the name of a goddess (IG XII.3.416) and an attribute of Hera, Aphrodite, Meter, and Meter Theon. In Iasos, this epithet probably refers to Meter Theon, who should be distinguished from Meter Phrygia [cf. EBGR 2012, 211, and 2015, 91].

20493) N.M. Novitchikin, Drevnsoti Bospora 20 (2016), p. 350–354: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Θεὸς Ὕψιστος Παντοκράτωρ εὐλογητός, probably part of a manumission record, from Gorgippia (late 2nd cent. CE); manumission records with the same dedicatory formula (CIRB 1123 and 1126) are associated with the Jewish community or reveal Jewish influence.

20594) T. Özhan, “New Inscriptions from Smintheion: Dedications, Epitaphs, and Fragments”, in A. C. Özgünel (ed.), Smintheion. In Search of Apollo Smintheus, Istanbul, 2015, p. 107–123 [BE 2017, 118, 456; SEG LXV 1120–1125]: Ed. pr. of six dedications found in the sanctuary of Apollo Smintheus in Alexandria Troas (Imperial period). 1. Dedication to Apollo Smintheus and to the Concord of the porters, possibly after the reconciliation of the members of a professional association (Σμινθεῖ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ φορτηγῶν Ὁμονοίᾳ). 2. Dedication to Apollo Smintheus of an altar decorated with a tripod and a lyre by a public slave. 3. Dedication to ‘the god’ (i.e. Apollo) and the friends (probably the members of an association). 4. A man dedicated an altar to Apollo Smintheus on behalf of his friends (ὑπὲρ τῶν φίλων). 5. Dedication of a column. 6. Dedication of a building to Apollo.

20695) H.S. Öztürk, “New Inscriptions from Cyzicus and Hadrianea at Halûk Perk Museum”, Phaselis 1 (2015), p. 191–197 [BE 2016, 405; SEG LXV 1142]: Ed. pr. of a stele dedicated by M. Memmius Prophetes on behalf of the Emperors (Kyzikos, village of the Kindyrenoi, Imperial period). The stele shows a male bust flanked by a priest and a priestess, each holding a distaff (p. 191–193 no. 1).

20796) H.S. Öztürk and F. Dönmöz-Öztürk, “Nikaia’dan yeni yazitlar IV”, Cedrus 3 (2015), p. 244–256 [SEG LXV 1163]: Ed. pr. of an altar (decorated with a tree, an eagle, a bucranium, and a thunderbolt) dedicated by two men for good agricultural produce in their villages (ὑπὲρ τῶν καρπῶν τῆς δικωμίας; Göynük, area of Nikaia, 2nd cent. CE; p. 244f. no. 1).

20897) H.S. Öztürk, “New Inscriptions from Göynük and Mudurnu IV”, Cedrus 4 (2016), p. 287–297 [BE 2017, 549]: Ed. pr. of inscription from the area of Nikaia (Imperial period). 1. A posthumous honorific inscription was set up by the community of the Ospraimenoi or Spraimenoi for a local benefactor who had served as ἑορτάρχης (responsible for festivals; an unattested word). The erection of the stele is dated with reference to a βενάρχης (βεναρχοῦντος), a title associated with the cult of Zeus Bennios [βενάρχης is the chairman of a cult association (a βέν(ν)ος); see SEG LVIII 1453 and supra no. 86]. 2. Villagers set up an altar in fulfillment of a vow (οἱ κωμῆται τὸν βωμὸν εὐχῆς χάριν ἀνέθηκαν); the dedication is dated with reference to the 11th regnal year of Trajan and a priest.

20998) M.J. Osborne and S.G. Byrne, Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores. Editio tertia. Pars I. Leges et decreta. Fasciculus IV. Leges et decreta annorum 300/299–230/29, Berlin, 2015: We note the publication of IG II3.1.4, which contains Athenian laws and decrees from 300/299 to the liberation of Athens from the Macedonian garrison (229 BCE). For reasons of space, we only mention here texts involving temple inventories, cult regulations, and texts that were not already included in IG II2. Cult regulations: A decree concerning the cleaning of the sanctuary of Aphrodite (879 = IG II2 659 = LSCG 39); a decree concerning the sacrifices offered by doctors to Asklepios and Hygieia (914 = IG II2 771 = LSCG 40). Temple inventories: Two decrees concern the compilation of inventories of dedications in the sanctuary of Asklepios and list the dedicated objects (898, 1010). Cult officials: Honorific decrees for a priest of Amphiaraos (902), the priestess of Aglauros (1002; cf. EBGR 1990, 227 and 1996, 19; cf. EBGR 2015, 54), the father of a kanephoros who attended the procession for the Σεμναί Θεαί (1025; the decree was initiated by the priestess of Basile and the hieropoioi ). Festivals: A decree honors the Athenian envoys to the festival Basileia in Lebadeia (882, 281/80). The honorific decree for Kallias of Sphettos mentions his contribution to the Panathenaia of 282/1 or 278/7 and the offering of the peplos to Athena (911 lines 64–70). Many decrees honor prytaneis and magistrates for the performance of religious duties and the offering of sacrifices (887–888, 896–897, 907, 910, 922, 926, 946, 951–952, 971, 973, 983, 1006, 1024, 1036, 1054, 1059, 1066) as well as the men who supervised the rituals in honor of Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira (905).

21099) S. Palaiologou, “Παραδόσεις. Πάτμος”, AD 67 B2 (2012) [2016], p. 804: A marble base was delivered to the Department of Antiquities in Patmos; the block, built into the wall of a house, has on one side a crude representation of the portrait of a man [probably not ancient] and on the other an inscription, presented by P. in majuscules (1st cent. BCE/CE). [This is Syll.3 1152, originally published in 1862: Ἀρτέμιδι Π[ατμίᾳ] | [ἀ]νέθηκε Ζω[- -] | καθ᾿ ὕπνο[υς]; the rediscovery shows that the upsilon of ὕπνο[υς] is visible].

211100) P. Pedersen and S. Isager, “The Theatre at Halikarnassos”, in R. Frederiksen, E.R. Gebhard, and A. Sokolicek (eds.), The Architecture of the Ancient Greek Theatre, Aarhus, 2015, p. 293–317 [BE 2016, 455; SEG LXV 955, 957]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from the theater of Halikarnassos (p. 301) that records the dedication of the western pylon to Dionysos by Moschion, after he had served as an agonothetes (2nd cent.). The seat inscriptions of the theater (p. 310–315) include seats reserved for a high priest (ἀρχιερ[έως]) [or a relative of high priests (ἀρχιερ[έων]); see P. Hamon, BE 2016, 455] and a priestess of Hera (ἱερίας Ἥρ[ας]).

212101) S. Perea Yébenes, “El voto de un soldado a Silvano – Zeus Dalbenus?”, Geríon 33 (2015), p. 311–325 [BE 2017, 136]: Ed. pr. of a statuatte of Silvanus of unknown provenance, now in a private collection in Barcelona (early 2nd cent. CE). According to the inscription, a soldier dedicated it to Ζεὺς Δαλβηνός in fulfillment of a vow (εὐ[χ]ήν) [the epithet derives from a place name; the ending -ηνός suggests an origin in Thrace or Moesia].

213102) D. Petrain and R. Benefiel, “Good Fortunes at Oplontis? (A Reconsideration of SEG 38.1001)”, ZPE 200 (2016), p. 229–233 [BE 2017, 148]: A graffito in the villa at Oplontis had been read as γαειc καλιερειc αγιε λιc or γαειc καμερειc αγιελιc (SEG XXXVIII 1001). The A. suggest reading [Ἀ]γαθὶς καλ<λ>ιερεῖς ἀγαθαῖς, recognizing a semi-metrical text (‘Agathis, you sacrifice favorably with good [fortunes]’) and a deliberate word play with the name Agathis [if the reading is correct, one may consider [Ἀ]γαθὶς καλ<λ>ιερεῖς Ἀγαθαῖς, ‘Agathis, you sacrifice to the Agathai, to the favorable goddesses’; ἀγαθαί can be an attribute of the Nymphs or the Elpides (SEG XXXII 688 = I.Histria 107, restored); D. Lebek suggested to the A. restoring [Νύμφαις]].

214103) G. Petrounakos, Οἱ ἐπιγραφὲς τοῦ θεάτρου τῆς πόλης τῆς ἀρχαίας Ἐπιδαύρου, Athens, 2015 [BE 2016, 116; SEG LXV 222]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions written on the seats of the theater in the city of Epidauros. Some of the inscriptions commemorate the dedications of seats or prohedria seats by guards, agoranomoi, and damiorgoi to Dionysos (p. 285–292) and Apollo Lykeios (seat nos. 220, 245, and 283; 3rd cent.).

215104) D. Reitzenstein, “Neue Inschriften aus Tlos: Kronoskult, Agonistik und Euergetismus”, Chiron 44 (2014), p. 551–613 [BE 2015, 646; SEG LXIV 1415–1429]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Tlos (Imperial period). Several texts provide information on the agonistic culture of Tlos (the contest of Megala Kroneia) and Lykia. The most interesting text (4) reports that the chief prophet of Kronos (ἀρχιπροφήτης τοῦ θεοῦ) dedicated to Kronos μέγας θεός and Emperor Commodus the prize statue for the contest of pankration (τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῦ πανκρατίου τὸν ἀνδριάντα ἱερὸν γενόμενον ἀνέθηκεν); the prize was dedicated to the god because the contest ended with no winner. Other honorific inscriptions for victors at the Megala Kroneia mention the agonothetai (5, 7, 8, 12–15), who sometimes also occupied the office of the Lykiarches (7, 8) and the ἀρχιπροφήτης (5). The honorific inscription for an athlete (6 = TAM II 587 + a new fragment) mentions that he had participated in all the Greek contests and in the contest of the Kroneia (ἐν πάσαις ταῖς ἑλληνικαῖς πανηγύρεσιν ἀγωνισάμενον καὶ τὸν τῶν Κρονείων ἀγῶνα) and lists his victories at the following contests: Olympic Games (4 times), Pythia (3 times), Nemea, Isthmia (restored), Eusebeia in Puteoli, Sebasta in Neapolis, Panhellenia, Olympia, Panathenaia, and Hadrianeia in Athens, Aspis in Argos (4 times), Haleia in Rhodes, Kommodeia in Miletos, Koina Asias in Smyrna, Augusteia and Traianeia in Pergamon, Olympia, Balbilleia, Artemisia Kommodeia in Ephesos, Olympia in Daphne near Antioch, Koinos Agon of Syria, Antiocheia, and Hadrianeia in Antioch, Herakleia in Tyros, Hadrianeia in Anazarbos, and the Periporphyros in Sidon, as well as contests with money prizes. The other texts include an honorary inscription for a priest πρὸ πόλεως of Kronos, μέγας θεός, for life (1, 1st cent. CE; for the formula ἱερεὺς πρὸ πόλεως, cf. SEG LXII 1367–1368), and honorific inscriptions for a Lykiarches (2) and a high priestess of the provincial imperial cult in Lykia (3).

216105) G. Riginos and A. Angeli, “Νομὸς Ἄρτας”, AD 66 B1 (2011) [2016], p. 653 [SEG LXV 384]: The bronze spike of a lance was found in the area west of the theater of Ambrakia (p. 653; undated); the spike was dedicated to Athena (Ἀθάνας Δεξαμένας?).

217106) V.G. Rizzone, “Letture e riletture di iscrizioni della Sicilia orientale”, Seia 19/20 (2014–2015) [2016], p. 71–97 [SEG LXV 773]: Ed. pr. of a ring with a magical gem in the Museum of Syracuse (3rd cent. CE; 89f. no. 9); on the obverse, Helios is worshipped by a soldier; on the reverse, magical letters (repetitions of θα, χου, and sequences of vowels). R. republishes, with new readings, a dedication made in fulfillment of a vow by a bronzesmith (p. 95–97 no. 13 = IGDS II 114 = SEG LVIII 1035: ὁ χαλκοτύπος | Μενᾶ(ς) μ᾿ ἀ|νέθηκε || εὐχάν; Aitna, undated [late Hellenistic or Imperial period?]).

218107) D. Rousset, J. Camp, and S. Minon, “The Phokian City of Panopeus/Phanoteus, Three New Rupestral Inscriptions, and the Cippus of the Labyadai of Delphi”, AJA 119 (2015), p. 441–463 [BE 2016, 277; SEG LXV 361–363]: The cult regulation of the Labyadai in Delphi (ca. 350) quotes an earlier text that was inscribed on a rock (ἐν τᾶι πέτραι ἔνδω) in Phanoteus/Panopeus in Phokis (CID I lines 29–31). This inscription, which can be dated to the late 6th cent., was found by J. Camp and students of the American School of Classical Studies in Athens in 1993. It is engraved on a rock that fell from the acropolis in antiquity, now lying near an opening in the fortifications, possibly in the area of an open-air sanctuary. The text refers to gifts (parts of sacrificial animals) made by the eponymous hero of the city (line 1: Phanotos) to his daughter (ἐπέδοκε), possibly in the course of a mythical event that established regulations concerning a sacrifice: ‘this is what Phanotos gave (as a dowry?) to his daughter Boupyga: the half-sheep (hεμιρίνια; cf. Hesychios, †βρίννια· τὰ ἄρνεια κρέα ed. Latte), the young goat taken from the sacrifice of twelve (κἐκ τᾶς] δυοδεκαΐδος τὰγ χίμαιραν), the skins intended for (Athena?) Pronaia (τἐμ̣ [Πρ]οναίαν τὰ δέρματα), the skins for Lykeios (τὰ το͂ι [Λυ]κείοι δέρματα), and the most beautiful calf (τὰν ἀγαίαν μ̣όσχον; from ἀγα-, ‘a prefix of intensification indicating large size or superiority’)’. Presumably, analogous gifts were to be provided at Delphi by consultants of the oracle from Phanoteus (cf. CID I 9 D lines 38–43). There also may have existed a mythological link between Athens and Phanoteus, as Theseus is said to have fallen in love with Phanotos’ (other) daughter, Aigle (Plut., Theseus 20.1; 29.2). A second inscription (ca. 500–475), carved on the natural cliff face east of the regulation, is puzzling; the editors tentatively suggest that a group known as ἁ κοινὰ ΑΤ̣ΙΣ Φανοτέον vowed or dedicated to the eponymous hero of the city, Φανοτεύς (another form of Φάνοτος), a shield (Φανοτῖ? … ἀσφίδα), possibly fixed to the rock (lines 1/2). [I tentatively read Φανοτῖ τὸν ἰ̣όν, | ἀσφίδα Φοκῖ (‘to Phanoteus the arrow, a shield to Phokeus’); exactly as the hero’s name is attested in two forms, Φάνοτος and Φανοτεύς, Φωκεύς may be a variant of Φῶκος, his father]. A third text, engraved on the rock in the same area, records a dedication to Dionysos (3rd cent.).

219108) A.S. Russyaeva, “Graffiti from the Southern Temenos in Pontic Olbia”, ACSS 21 (2015), p. 251–279 [BE 2016, 346; SEG LXV 613]. Ed. pr. of 30 graffiti on vases found in the southern temenos in Olbia (5th cent.). They include dedications to Aphrodite — no. 13 with the unattested epithet Δημίη [cf. the well-attested epithet Πάνδημος] (1–14) —, the hero Angelos (15–17; no. 15 is better preserved: Α[... τ]ὸ δῶρ[ον] | Ἀγγ[έλω]ι ἥρωι), and unidentified divinities (18–21); there are several incerta, interpreted by R. as magical graffiti (22–27), and abbreviated names (28–30).

220109) H. Şahin and A. Özdizbay, “Dağlık Kilikia Kurşun Kalesi Tapınağı ve Stoasına İlişkin Yeni Öneriler”, Adalya 17 (2014), p. 85–121: [SEG LXIV 1472–1473]: Ed. pr. of two dedications to Selene Epekoos (area of Diokaisareia, 1st/2nd cent.). The dedicants provided funds for the construction of one or more stoas.

221110) H. Şahin, “A New Dedicatory Inscription of Athena Oreia from Korykos”, Philia 2 (2106), p. 143–148: Ed. pr. of an altar dedicated to Athena Oreia (territory of Korykos, Imperial perio). Her cult was limited in Kilikia (between Kalykadnos and Latmos and in the area of Mopsuhestia). The altar probably comes from the same sanctuary as dedications to Zeus Kodopas (cf. EBGR 2008, 141 = SEG LVIII 1654–1656).

222111) S. Yu. Saprykin and V.A. Kutaisov, “The Cult of Asklepios in Kalos Limen”, Bosporskie issledovanija 31 (2015), p. 110–120 [BE 2016, 357; SEG LXV 595]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Asklepios Epekoos from Kalos Limen in the territory of Chersonesos (3rd/2nd cent.). The dedication was made in fulfillment of a vow. The eds. restore [τὴν προ]σε<ι>υχήν | [εὐχὴν ἀνέθη]κε̣ν̣ ε<ι>ὐχὴν (cf. IOSPE I2 176; CIRB 64, 70/71, 73, 985, 1123). [As A. Avram, BE 2016, 357, points out, προσευχαί were never dedicated to Asklepios; he tentatively suggests [εὐξάμενο]ς̣ ε<ι>ὐχήν. Since this is a dedication to Asklepios, who listens to prayers, probably [σωθεί]ς or [ἰαθεί]ς].

223112) S. Yu. Saprykin and S. Yu. Vnukov, “Greek Inscriptions from Kara Tobe (northwest Crimea)”, VDI 293 (2015.2), p. 98–102 [BE 2016, 354; SEG LXV 596]: Ed. pr. of a small fragment with the letters Παρθε[- -], the beginning of a theophoric personal name or a dedication to Parthenos from a fortress Kara Tobe in the territory of Chersonesos in Tauris (ca. 200–150).

224113) M. Sayar, “Tarsus und Severus Alexander”, EA 49 (2016), p. 177–186: S. presents an improved edition of an honorific inscription for Severus Alexander from Tarsos (see supra no. 78 and infra no. 137) and discusses the honorific titles and privileges of this city, including the title of a twice neokoros (cf. IGR III 879, 880; IdC 30).

225114) I. Schaaf, “Trick and Trade? The Eretrian Hymn to the Idaian Dactyls (IG XII,9 259)”, in M.A. Harder, R.F. Regtuit, and G.C. Wakker (eds.), Hellenistic Poetry in Context, Leuven, 2014, p. 301–322 [SEG LXIV 780]: New critical edition of the hymn to the Idaean Dactyls from Eretria IG XII.9.259; cf. IG XII Suppl. 558). In his commentary, S. discusses the association of the Daktyloi with magic and handicraft and their conflict with Meter Oreia (lines 35–48). He detects connections with Euboia: Memphis (line 15) is known from other sources as the wife of Epaphos, who according to Strabo (10.1.3 C445) was born in Euboia; Hephaistos (line 28) was also linked with Memphis (Herodotos 3.37), and Orion (line 26) had Euboian connections. Whether the birth alluded to in lines 16–18 is that of Eurytheos depends on the reading of line 17: ἐκ παλαμάων ὃς or ἐκ Παλαμάωνος.

226115) G.P. Schaus, “The Sanctuary: Site Description”, in G.P. Schaus (ed.), Stymphalos. The Acropolis Sanctuary, Vol. 1, Toronto, 2014, p. 12–35; “Miscellaneous Small Finds”, ibid., p. 148–183; “Select Pottery from the Sanctuary and Nearby City Area”, ibid., p. 216–225 [SEG LXIV 283–284]: The small finds from the sanctuary on the acropolis of Stymphalos include an Archaic bronze vase dedicated to Eileithyia (153f. no. 22). The name of the same goddess can be restored in a graffito on a Corinthian kalyx-krater (218 no. 6). These finds raise the question of whether the sanctuary on the acropolis was dedicated to Athena, as believed on the basis of a boundary marker of Polias (SEG XI 1111: [Ἀθενᾶς?] Πολιάδος). S. wonders whether this stone was a boundary marker, a dedication, or an aniconic stele (p. 13f.).

227116) G. Schörner, “Votivaltäre in Epidauros. Ein antikes Zeichensystem zur Kategorisirung von Kultmonumenten”, in A. W. Busch and A. Schäfer (eds.), Römische Weihealtäre im Kontext, Friedberg, 2014, p. 55–66: S. offers a new interpretation of the encircled symbols and numerals on votive altars in Epidauros (IG IV2.1 p. 173–176 no. VIII; 308 CE and later). The numbers may refer to the location of the altars or represent the symbols of specific deities. He argues that these signs and numerals were engraved in the 4th cent. CE, in order to facilitate the performance of a ritual consisting of visiting the altars and making offerings (πρόθυσις?).

228117) N. Sharankov, “Novi danni za trakiyskite stratezi”, Archeologija (Sofia) 56 (2015.1/2), p. 62–78 [BE 2017, 351; SEG LXV 546, 549–550, 560, 564–565]: In a discussion of the history of the office of the strategos (governor of districts) in Thrace (1st cent. BCE-1st cent. CE), N. presents five inedita and republishes relevant inscriptions (the inedita are marked with an asterisk); we summarize the content of inscriptions with a religious interest. 1*. Honorific decree for the strategos of Mokaporis (Dionysopolis, ca. 11 BCE–12 CE). He is praised for inter alia his religious services in peacetime: ἐν μὲν εἰρήνῃ τοῖς θεοῖς πομπὰς καὶ β[ο]υθ[υ]σ̣ίας ἐπιτελῶν εὐκόσμως μετέδωκεν τ[ὸ κρέα]ς (‘during peacetime, he organized processions and sacrifices of oxen and distributed the meat in good order’). 2*. Honorific decree for a strategos (Dionysopolis, ca. 11 BCE–12 CE). The man was given access to the council and the assembly immediately after the sacred matters (πρώτοις μετὰ τὰ ἱερά); the decree was set up in the temple of Meter (Μητρῶιον). 3*. Dedication of an altar to Demeter for the well-being of King Rhoimetalkes II and Queen Pythodoris by the strategos Apollonios (Aquae Calidae, ca. 19–26 CE). 4*. Dedication to Demeter by the same Apollonios after a successful prayer ([εὐξάμενος καὶ] ἐπιτυχὼν̣ [ἀνέθηκε]; Aquae Calidae, ca. 19–26 CE). 5*. Dedication to Zeus Progonikos by Tib. Claudius Proklos, a priest (Apollonia Pontike, 1st/early 2nd cent.). 6. Dedication to the hero Bolbenos, whose name probably derives from a local place name (Augusta Traiana, 1st/2nd cent.). 8. Dedication to Κύριος Κερδυπυρος Ἥρως Μέγας ὁ Ἀρβισηνός (Strymon valley, ca. 50–200); this is a thanksgiving dedication (εὐχαριστήριον) made by a strategos on behalf of his family. 7. Dedication to Artemis (Nikopolis ad Nestum, early 2nd cent. CE; IGBulg IV 2338 = V 5928). S. suggests reading ὀ<ρ>νεο<σ>κόπησαν or ὀ<ρ>νεο<σ>κοπήσαν<τ>ες in line 17 (οινεορσκοπησανα, IGBulg), recognizing a reference to divination. S. also observes that IGBulg III.1 1115 and 1116 join (Batkun, reign of Trajan). A strategos in Thrace and a group of men who contributed to the expenses (μετὰ τ[ῶν] … συνε̣[ισε]νενκάντων εἰς τὴν [ἀνάθεσιν τ]οῦ ἀγάλματος) dedicated a statue of Asklepios ([τὸν θε]ὸν ἀνέθηκαν) to Kyrios Asklepios Zylmisdrienos for their own well-being and health and that of their fatherland and the district (ὑπὲρ τε τῆς ἑαυτῶν σω[τη]ρίας καὶ ὑγείας καὶ ὅλης τῆς [πα]τρίδος καὶ στρατηγίας).

229118) E. Sironen, Inscriptiones Graecae. Inscriptiones Argolidis, editio altera. Fasciculus III. Inscriptiones Corinthiae saeculorum IV. V. VI, Berlin, 2016 [BE 2017, 213]: The corpus of the Late Antique inscriptions of Corinth (IG IV2.3) assembles 594 inscriptions of the 4th–6th cent. (no new texts relevant to Greek religion). Dedications: A lead disc [label of a dedication; for such labels see EBGR 2013, 59 and 94] records the dedication of Syrianos in expression of gratitude to an unnamed deity (ἀνέθηκα εὐχαριστῶν; 1244, 4th/5th cent.). Pagan imagery: A Christian grave epigram for Petros, who died 21 years old (1478, 5th/6th cent.), uses pagan vocabulary and imagery: Petros was snatched away by Plouteus (<ἥ>ρπασ<ε> Πλουτεύς); his father had taught him mythology and history (ἔθρεψε κ(αὶ) ἤγαγεν ἐς μέτρον ἥβης | Καλλιόπης μύθοισι κ(αὶ) Ἑρμείαο κομίσσας). Similar vocabulary is often used in epigrams whose religious context (Christian or polytheistic) cannot be determined. An anonymous poet is designated as Μουσάων θεράπων (1251, early 4th cent.). Θέμις is mentioned in an honorific epigram (1255, 4th cent.). An epigram associated with a fountain mentions Aphrodite (Παφ[ίην]; 1256, 4th/5th cent.). Corinth is called the land of Sisyphos (1481, 6th cent.). Prayers against polytheists: A prayer asks the Christian god to whip the ‘Hellenes’ (ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς τῆς δίκης τῆς δικαζούσης ὀρθῶς, φλα[γέλ]ωσον τάχος τοὺς Ἕλληνας) and destroy the enemies of a barber’s sons (1279, 4th/5th cent.). A similar prayer, asking God to kill an undetermined group of people, may have a similar background (πόησον Κύριε μόρῳ κακῶ ἀποθάνε τοὺς — –; 1273, 5th/6th cent.). Christian funerary imprecations: Christian funerary imprecations use specific Christian formulas (1419: the curse of Anna and Kaiapha; 1484: ἀνάθεμα ἐχέτω) but also expressions of a non-Christian origin (τῷ Θεῷ δίδωμι λόγον: 1300; cf. 1406, 1416; 1546: μήτ᾿ ἐκείνων ἐπὶ γέης ἔκγονα ἐνκαταμείνῃ μηδ᾿ ἠελίου φάος ἔξοχα λάψῃ). Afterlife: A funerary epigram is agnostic concerning any joy in the underworld (εἴ γέ τις εἰς Ἀΐδην τέρψις ἔφυ μερόπων; 1471, 4th cent.). Defixiones: A Latin ‘prayer for justice’ invokes Demeter, Kore, Diana, Mars, Mercurius, Venus, and a god whose name is not preserved, ‘the gods who inhabit this temple’, to take revenge for him (ute de[vinc]iatis me; 1794, 4th cent.).

230119) A. Sowder Koch, “Far from the Fountain: Inscriptions on Bronze Hydriai and the Use of Water Jars in Ancient Greece”, BABesch 90 (2015), p. 13–42 [BE 2016, 137; 2017, 290]: The A. studies the function of 53 inscribed bronze hydriai (6th–4th cent.). These were mostly given as prizes in athletic contests (23 objects), but also as dedications to gods (7 objects), gifts, and grave goods. Hydriai were given as prizes in contests in Attica (1.1: in honor of Artemis; 1.11–12: Poseidonia at Sounion; 1.18–1.20: Anakeia; 1.23: contest for the war dead), Argos (1.4–7: Heraia), Kleitor (?; 1.17), Boiotia (1.13–14: Thebes; 1.15: Tanagra; 1.16: Thespiai, contest in honor of Herakles), Phokis (1.8: in honor of the Dioskouroi), Thessaly (1.21: contest in honor of Protesilaos), Rhodes (1.10: Halieia), Mylasa (1.9: contest in honor of Zenoposeidon), in funerary contests (swn place: 1.17; Lampsakos: 1.22), and in an undetermined contest (1.2). A hydria is possibly designated as an award for excellence in battle (1.3: μαχεία?). Bronze jars were dedicated to Zeus in Athens (2.7), Zeus Hellanios in Aigina (2.6), Artemis and Demeter in Elis or Arkadia (2.3), Demeter (2.2, unknown provenance), the Muses (in Boiotia?; 2.4), Zeus in Nemea (2.1), and Herakles (2.5, unknown provenance).

231120) K. Stauner, “Die bilinguale Weihung des C. Annius Maximus, enturio der legio XVI Flavia firma”, Philia 2 (2016), p. 113–122: Ed. pr. of an altar from southern Lykaonia (ca. 250–300) dedicated by a Roman officer to Ζεὺς Σωτὴρ Μέγιστος, identified as Iuppiter Optimus Maximus in the Latin version of the text. Σωτὴρ seems to show how a soldier understood ‘Optimus’.

232121) J.-Y. Strasser, “Inscriptions agonistiques de Rhodes”, Philia 1 (2015), p. 57–76 [BE 2016, 371; SEG LXV 652–653]: S. recognizes in the honorific inscription for the athlete Pythion (Rhodes, SEG LVIII 518) references to an extra-ordinary achievement: he won mutliple consecutive victories in three disciplines (boxing, wrestling, and pankration) in the same contest (line 2: δὶς ταῖς αὐταῖς Ἁλιᾶσι; line 4: τᾶι αὐταῖ Νεμεάδι). He reconstructs his career that can be dated to ca. 185–175. He also offers a new critical edition of the agonistic inscription recording the victories of a Rhodian runner (Fl. Apollinarions?), who was victorius at the Kapetolia in Rome, the Aktia in Nikopolis, and the Sebasta in Neapolis.

233122) J.-Y. Strasser, “Un citharède de Cos (IG XII 4, 2, 1166)”, REG 128 (2015), p. 659–672 [BE 2016, 379]: S. presents a new critical edition of the agonistic inscription for a citharode from Kos (IG XII.4.1166), whose victories in numerous trieteric and pentaeteric contests can be placed in the late 1st cent. In line 7, S. reads [Ἡρ]αῖα (not [Λύκ]αια ) τὴν ἐξ Ἄργος ἀσπίδα.

234123) J.-Y. Strasser, “Deux champions d’Anatolie”, EA 49 (2016), p. 137–155 [BE 2017, 480, 563]: S. discusses the career of Iulius Bassus, herald and tragedian, five-time periodonikes and victor more than 260 times (I.Didyma 183; IAG 74; ca. 90–120 CE), and that of his homonymous son, tragedian, comedian, and citharode (I.Didyma 183; IGUR 261–263, mid-2nd cent. CE; p. 137–150). As regards the puzzling expression κοινὴ κωμῳδῶν and κοινὴ τραγῳδῶν in agonistic inscriptions (cf. IAph2007 11.21), he tentatively suggests that these were contests in which both tragedians and comedians were given the same subject (p. 148). S. also discusses the career of the runner M. Aurelius Abas of Adada (IAG 76), whose victory at the Epinikia of Ephesos, an extra-ordinary celebration, he dates to ca. 180 CE. This man is to be identified with a praefectus cohortis known from an inscription at Tymbriada (SEG XXXV 1408, early 3rd cent. CE), where he served as high priest and agonothetes of a local contest. He set up the statue of the winner in pankration in the age-class of the ageneioi.

235124) J.-Y. Strasser, “Une expression agonistique chez Saint Paul et dans trois inscriptions anatoliennes”, REG 129 (2016), p. 369–403 [BE 2017, 29]: The expression νομίμως ἀθλεῖν in Paul (2 Tim 2,3–6) is paralleled by similar expressions in honorific inscriptions for athletes. It refers to the conduct of an athlete in accordance with the principles of the athletic ‘profession’ (training, lifestyle, conduct during and after the contests).

236125) S.V. Tracy, “Agora I 6701. A Panathenaic Victor List of ca. 190 B.C.”, Hesperia 84 (2015), p. 713–721: [BE 2016, 177; SEG LXV 123]: T. presents a new critical edition of a victors’ list of the Panathenaia (Athens, ca. 190; Agora XVIII 114 no. C197), and discusses the date, the events mentioned in it (boxing, pankration, stadion, diaulos), and the winners (men from Asia Minor). The list was the central block of a monument consisting of three contiguous orthostate blocks.

237126) N. Trippé, “Une lettre d’époque classique à Thasos”, BCH 139/140 (2015/2016), p. 43–65 [BE 2017, 422]: Ed. pr. of a clay tablet inscribed before firing (cf. a similar tablet from Emporion: G. Dunst, “Ein griechisches Tontäfelchen von der Küste bei Ampurias”, MDAI(M) 10 [1969], p. 146–154). The tablet was found in a domestic context in Thasos (early 5th cent.) and contains the beginning of a letter sent by Euarchos to Echion with an unknown request (κελεύει). Zeus Patroios, already attested in Thasos, is mentioned at the beginning of the letter, possibly in an invocation ([πρὸς?] τ̣ο̣ Διὸς το͂ Πατρωίο).

238127) N. Tsatsaki and L. Flevari, “Σωστικὴ ἀνασκαφικὴ ἔρευνα στὸ Σφακάκι Παγκαλοχωρίου, Δήμου Ρεθύμνου”, in Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο Κρήτης 3 (2013), Rethymno, 2015, p. 343–352: Excavations at the cemetery in Sfakaki, near Rethymnon, have added yet another Dionysiac/Orphic leaf (gold lip-band) to the numerous Cretan texts of this kind. The short greeting Πλούτωνι | Φερσεφόνῃ is the beginning of the dialogue between the deceased person and the chthonic powers [cf. EBGR 1998, 89 = SEG XLVIII and EBGR 2010, 196 no. 9 = SEG LX 999, also from Sfakaki).

239128) E. Tsatsou, “‘Φυλακτήρια πρὸς δαίμονας, πρὸς φαντάσματα, πρὸς πᾶσαν νόσον καὶ πάθος’. The Use of Amulets in Greco-Roman and Late Antique Macedonia”, in A. Nikoloska and S. Müskens (eds.), Romanising Oriental Gods? Religious Transformations in the Balkan Provinces in the Roman Period: New Finds and Novel Perspectives, Skopje, 2015, p. 113–131 [SEG LXV 535 bis]: T. discusses the use of amulets in Macedonia, focusing on the iconography and inscriptions on three inscribed amulets and three uninscribed pieces: 1) Amulet of red jasper; Herakles fighting with the lion of Nemea on the obverse, the letters ΚΚΚ on the reverse (Thessalonike, 3rd cent. CE ); amulets of this type were used against colic. The three kappas, also used in the magical formula ΚΟΛΟΚΕΡ | ΚΟΛΟΠΟ | ϹΙΡΚΚ found on other amulets, may be an abbreviation ‘Kadosh’ (‘sacred’) written three times (116/117). 2/3) Two heliotropia, one inscribed (see infra no. 63) (small caps?), the other uninscribed, with a representation of Bes Pantheos (Thessalonike, 3rd cent. CE). 4) Amulet of agate attached to a ring; on the obverse a snake with lion’s head and a crown with rays, on the reverse the inscription Χνοῦφις. The amulet was probably used against stomachache (Pella, 2nd cent. CE). 5/6) Two uninscribed amulets, one with a variant of the iconography of Abrasax (a snake-legged god with a man’s head) and one with a squatting woman, probably holding a uterus symbol (Dion, 3rd cent. CE).

240129) G. Tsiangouris, “Ε΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Σπάρτη”, AD 65 B1 (2010) B.1 [2016], p. 456–463 [SEG LXIV 242]: T. reports the discovery in Sparta of a stamped tile belonging to a sanctuary of Athena (δαμόσιος Ἀθανᾶς; p. 463).

241130) M. Tsouli and D. Vlachakos, “Ε΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Σπάρτη”, AD 65 B1 (2010) B.1 [2016], p. 520–523 [SEG LXIV 229]: A boundary marker of a sanctuary (ὅρος τοῦ θεοῦ) was found in Therapnai, near Sparta (undated; p. 520).

242131) A. Tziafalias, R. Bouchon, and B. Helly, “Lois de Larisa : règlement relatif à des célébrations religieuses à Zeus et à Ennodia”, Studi Ellenistici 30 (2016), p. 69–101 [BE 2016, 290]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Larisa that contains the first 10 lines of a cult regulation concerning a festival for Zeus and Ennodia, who shared a cult in a sanctuary outside of Larisa, at Solouneia (ca. 17–150). The text, part of a dossier of at least 14 laws inscribed in a public place, provides instructions concerning a procession and a sacrifice, the obligations of the priest, the herald, the sacrificial priest, and the cook, and the sacrificial animals (a white sheep for Ennodia, a ram for Zeus, a black sheep mentioned in an unclear context).

243132) A. Tziafaliαs and L. Darmezin, “Dédicaces d’affranchis à Larissa (Thessalie)”, BCH 139/140 (2015/2016), p. 137–210 [BE 2017, 293]: Ed. pr. of 52 dedications inscribed on blocks that were reused for the construction of the second theater of Larisa in the 1st cent. Originally, they belonged to a circular building located in the sanctuary of an unknown deity (late 3rd/2nd cent.). The dedicants are freed slaves who made the dedications on the occasion of their manumission (ἀπελευθερουθείς/ἀπελευθερουθένσα … ὀνέθεικε). Neither the recipient nor the dedicated object is mentioned.

244133) A. Tziafalias, D. Karagounis, R. Bouchon, L. Darmezin, and B. Helly, “Larissa, Balbus Minor et la Domus Augusta. Le thêatre de la cité au miroir de la politique diplomatique”, AEThSt 4 (2012) [2015] I, p. 299–306 [BE 2015, 396; SEG LXV 377–378]: The A. report on the discovery of honorific inscriptions for the senator L. Cornelius Balbus and members of the family of Augustus in the theater of Larisa (late 1st cent. BCE/early 1st cent. CE). The inscriptions honor Augustus (Θεόν, Θεοῖ παῖδα), Tiberius, Germanicus, and Livia, assimilated with Hera (Ἰουλίαν Σεβαστὴν Εἵραν; IG IX.2.333). [On these texts and the imperial cult in Thessaly, see also R. Bouchon, “Les Thessaliens et le culte des empereurs de Rome : tradition, intégration, polycentrisme et jeu d’échelles”, in A. Kolb and M. Vitale (eds.), Kaiserkult in den Provinzen des römischen Reiches – Organisation, Kommunikation und Repräsentation, Berlin/Boston, 2016, p. 289].

245134) A. Tziafaliαs, R. Bouchon, L. Darmezin, J.-C. Decourt, B. Helly, and G. Lucas, Corpus des inscriptions d’Atrax en Pélasgiotide (Thessalie), Athens/Paris, 2016 [BE 2017, 283]: The corpus of the inscriptions of Atrax presents 513 texts, including many inedita (marked with an asterisk). Dedications to: Aphrodite (49, *50), Apollo (51; by daphnophoroi and their chief), Apollo Agreus (52, *53), Apollo Hetdomaios (sc. Hebdomaios; 54), Apollo Lykeios (*55), Artemis (by women, to mark the passage from one age group to another: 56–64; see infra; by men: 65; by a woman: 66), Artemis Soteira (67; εὐξαμένη), Artemis Stratia (68; εὐξάμενοι), Artemis Throsia (69–70), Athena Agoraia (71, by magistrates), Daimon Athanatos (72, εὐξαμένη), Demeter and Kore (73), Dionysos (74; a marble phallus, by a woman, εὐξαμένη), Dionysos and the Nymphs (75), Ge Pantareta (76, a unique epithet), Helios, πρῶτος βασιλεύς, the Theoi Patroioi and all the goddesses (77), Herakles (78, by an association; 79), Isis and Sarapis (80, εὐξαμένη), Leukathea (81, on behalf of a family member), Meter Theon (82), the Nymphs Naiades (83), Poseidon (85: a son fulfilled the vow of his father, [τ]ὰν εὐχὰν τοῖ πατέρος; 86; 87, εὐξάμενος), Poseidon Patrageneus (88), Themis Agoraia (89, by magistrates), Zeus Homoloios (90–91), Zeus Kataibatas (92), Zeus Morragetas (Moiragetias?) (*93), Zeus Thaulios and (Zeus?) Tharaios (?, *94), Zeus Thaulios (95; *96, by a family group), Zeus Tritodios (97–98), all the gods (99: Theoi Hapantes; 100: the gods, by an association of shepherds; 101: Theoi Pantes and Pasai), and Heros Poliphylax (84). The addressee is not mentioned or cannot be determined in a series of dedications (102–149). Some of these dedications were made by magistrates (102–103) and groups of men (104–105), family groups (106), and associations (108–109, 117). Five dedications were made by priests and priestesses (*141–142, λειτορεύουν; 140, λειτορεύονσα; 118, 139, [λειτ]ορεύσασα). Often, dedications were made after a vow (127, 135–136, εὐξάμενος; 131, 134, εὐξαμένα). Considering the evidence provided by dedications, mainly to Artemis (56–64, 108, 118, 139, 140), the eds. reconstruct the following age groups of women (p. 153f.): νέα, νεβεύσασα, ἐπινεβεύσασα, ταγεύσασα. Associations: A cult association of worshippers of Herakles (κοινὸν τοῦν Ἡρακλειδάουν) was chaired by a λειτορεύων (78, 3rd cent.); it is not known to which god two associations were devoted, one chaired by a man (109, λειτορεύοντος), the other by a woman (108, λειτορευόνσας). Imperial cult: altars for the cult of Augustus (154–157: Theos Sebastos Kaisar Soter; cf. 156: Θεῷ Μεγίστῳ, Θεῷ Καίσαρι Σωτῆρι Σεβαστῶι). Afterlife: An epitaph presents Hermes Eriounios leading a woman to the island of the pious (or “Island of the Pious”) (εὐσεβέων εἰς νᾶσον, 165, 3rd cent.). Religious mentality: A dead man speaks from his grave and regrets the fact that he no longer can attend sacrifices (169, 1st/2nd cent.: προλιπὼν … θυσίας τε καλὰς ὧν νῦν οὔκ ἐστι μετασχῖν) [the verb μετέχειν is connected with the perception of sacrifice as a shared religious experience; this experience could be remembered as such, as I argued in “Rituals between Norms and Emotions: Rituals as Shared Experience and Memory”, in E. Stavrianopoulou (ed.), Rituals and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (Kernos Suppl. 16), Liège, 2006, p. 211–238; Herodes Atticus records in an inscription his memories of sacrifices offered to Nemesis together with Polydeukion: τῇ Νεμέσει, ᾗ μετ᾿ αὐτοῦ ἔθυεν (IG II2 3969); a woman in Kyzikos commemorates in the epigram for her son the joy he had experienced in offering libations together with the citizens: τὸν ἐν σπονδαῖσιν γεγαθότα πουλὺ μετ᾿ ἀστῶν (SGO II 08/01/53)]. An epitaph is dedicated to Hermes Chthonios (500). Varia: A fragmentary text (*1, late 3rd cent.) contains the verdict in a lawsuit sucessfully pursued by the family group of the Kelaindai against a certain Prom(a/e)theus. According to the eds., Damarchos pronounced the verdict, according to which Prom(a/e)theus should be excluded from the joint cults of the family groups of the Kelaindai, the Bouleparidai, and all the rest (διάκι ὕδ[ε]ο̣ν̣ οὑς ἀ̣π̣είλασε ἀτ᾿ τοῦν ἱεροῦν τοῦν κοινοῦν Κελαίνδαις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Βουλεπαρίδαις οὑσαύτους πάντεσσι Δάμαρχος; ‘c’est pourquoi, ils ont approuvé la décision de Damarchos de l’exclure des cultes communs aux Kélaindai et aux autres Bouléparidai ainsi qu’à tous’). The text attests the existence of cults which were restricted to certain family groups. Sanctuaries: the following cult places are mentioned: the sanctuary of Apollo Lykeios (11, the place where official documents were inscribed) and the sanctuary of Protesilaos (5). A boundary marker of a sanctuary is inscribed with a prohibition, probably against moving the boundary stone: ἱερόν· μεὶ <φ>έρει (503, ca. 300 BCE). Calendar: The numerous manumission records (21–48) provide information on the month names of Atrax: Itonios, Themistios, Hermaios, Leschanorios, Aphrios, Thyos, Homoloios (p. 108f.).

246135) R. van Bremen, “Olympichos and Mylasa: A New Inscription from the Temple of Zeus Osogo”, EA 49 (2016), p. 1–26 [BE 2017, 500]: Ed. pr. of a decree, probably from the temple of Zeus Osogo in Mylasa, concerning estates, gardens, and buildings purchased by Olympichos, Seleucid general and later dynast of Karia, from Queen Laodike (Laodike I, the wife of Antiochos II?) and donated to Zeus Osogo (ca. 250–240). This donation was promised by Olympichos with an already known letter (I.Labraunda 8); the decree implements Olympichos wishes about the leasing of these properties to generate income for the celebration of the monthly festival of Zeus. These lands adjoined the sacred land of Zeus Labraundos.

247136) L. Vecchio, “Su una laminetta oracolare da Dodona (Lhôte 113)”, PP 70 (2015), p. 227–242 [SEG LXV 394]: An oracular enquiry from Dodona (SEG XIX 428; LVI 659; Lhôte, Lamelles oraculaires no. 113; ca. 350–300) concerns, in V.’s interpretation, a dispute between Satyros, the owner of a valuable vase (σκύφος) and Dorilaos, the owner of a boat (κέλης). The object of the dispute was whether the vase had been put on board Dorilaos’ ship at Elea in Thesprotia — a ship that had sailed from Aktion (Ἀγαθᾷ τύχᾳ· ἐπικοινῆται Σάτυρος τῷ Διὶ τῷ Νάῳ | καὶ τᾷ Διώνᾳ — οὐκ ἀνεθέθη ὀ Σατύρου σκύφος — ἐν Ἐλέᾳ | ἂν τὸν κέλητα τὸν Δωριλάου ὄκ᾿ ἀπ᾿ Ἀκτίου ἀπέπλε̄). Enquiries concerning navigation are common among the Dodona tablets (DVC 228B, 283B, 366A, 1244, 1453B, 1483A, 1772A, 1809, 2054A, 2261A, 2363B, 2546A, 2610A, 3030A, 3656B, 3742B, 3946B, 4154B; V.). [This is yet another example of an oracular tablet concerning a legal dispute; two responses, a positive and a negative one, were written on two tablets and one (in this case, the negative response: οὐκ ἀνεθέθη) was drawn in a process of cleromancy; see EBGR 2013, 37 and A. Chaniotis, “The Oracular Gods of Dodona Confronted with Legal Disputes”, in M. Kalaitzi et alii (eds.), Boreio-Helladika. Tales from the Lands of the Ethne. Essays in Honour of Miltiades B. Hatzopoulos, Athens, 2018, p. 321–341].

248137) M. Vitale and N. Hächler, “Anmerkungen zu einem Statthalter der Provinz Cilicia-Isauria-Lycaonia”, ZPE 199 (2016), p. 264–270 [SEG LXV 1541]: V.-H. present an improved edition of an honorific inscription for Severus Alexander from Tarsos (235/6 CE; see supra no. 113). The emperor’s statue was dedicated to Athena (line 26). They suggest restoring Ἀθη[νᾷ Παλλάδι]. This epithet is attested on Tarsian coins.

249138) O. Voroshilova and N. Zavoykina, “The Tombstone of Mokkos, Thiasotes from Phanagoreia”, in Phanagoria 4.2. Materilay po arhologii i istorii, Moscow, 2016, p. 24–39 [in Russian; BE 2017, 397]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription from Phanagoreia (1st/2nd cent.) set up by a cult association chaired by Kynon (ἡ θίασος τῶν περὶ εἱερ[έ]α Κύνων Ἀγαθοῦ καὶ φιλάγαθον Ἡζοῦν); Hezous, who occupied the office of the philagathos [on this office in cult associations in Phanagoreia, Pantikapaion, Hermonassa, and Tanais, cf. e.g. CIRB 36, 76, 79–84, 86, 88–93, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105, 107, 1016, 1054, 1259, 1260, 1262–1264, 1268, 1277–1282, 1284, 1287, 1288, 1291], has a name probably of Skythian origin.

250139) R.S. Wagman, The Cave of the Nymphs at Pharsalus: Studies on a Thessalian Country Shrine, Leiden, 2016 [BE 2016, 288]: W. discusses the topography of the ‘Cave of Pantalkes’ near Pharsalos, the finds, and the cult. He republishes with exhaustive commentary the two inscriptions carved on the rock (SEG I 247–248) at the cave’s entrance (p. 57–93), adducing numerous parallels for the particular devotion shown by Pantalkes. He argues that a cult of the Nymphs must have existed at this site before Pantalkes built a stairway to the cave and planted a sacred grove in the 5th cent. The last lines of his dedication may refer to the dedication of a laurel, but the reading is uncertain. The second text (4th cent.) is a metrical commemoration of Pantalkes’ work (by a local poet?) that praises the founder of the cult, names the gods of the cave — the Nymphs, Pan, Hermes, Apollo, Herakles, Chiron, Asklepios, and Hygieia — and mentions the gifts that Pantalkes received from the Nymphs (a noble heart), Herakles (strength), Apollo and Hermes (health and prosperity), and Chiron (knowledge and musical skill). The worshippers were not limited to passing peasants but must have included people from the city.

251140) C. Wallner, “Xenoi Tekmoreioi: ein neues Fragment”, EA 49 (2016), p. 157–175 [BE 2017, 533]: Ca. 45 inscriptions from the border region of Phrygia and Pisidia concern a cult association known as τεκμόρειοι, mainly but not exclusively connected with the cult of Mes Askainos. The nature of the ritual or activity designated as τεκμορεύω is not known. W. presents the ed. pr. of an opisthographic plaque, probably from the territory of Antioch in Pisidia (ca. 260 CE), that provides the names of members of this association and the number of χαλκία (most likely bronze coins) paid by them.

252141) P. Weiss, “Eine tabella defixionis, die spanischen Vibii Paciaeci und Crassus”, Chiron 46 (2016), p. 223–263: Ed. pr. of a lead tablet from Ostia (second half of the 1st cent.). The tablet was not folded but nailed to a wall, with the inscribed face made invisible (p. 240). The Latin text provides a list of 32 or 33 men and women, mostly manumitted slaves and their offspring. The interest of this text lies in the fact that most of the cursed individuals were freedmen of the Vibii Paciaeci, a well-known family of Roman knights from Spain, closely associated with Crassus and, apparently, with trade interests in Ostia.

253142) A. Williams, “Xenocratia and the Hieron of Cephisus”, in J. Bodel and N. Dimitrova (eds.), Ancient Documents and their Contexts, Leiden, 2014, p. 67–81 [SEG LXV 58]: W. discusses in detail IG I3 987 = IG II2 4548, which records the dedication of the shrine of Kephisos by Xenokrateia (Athens, ca. 410–400). Such a pivate foundation by a woman can be explained in view of the wealth of her oikos.

254143) P. Wilson, “The Festival of Dionysos in Ikarion. A New Study of IG I3 254”, Hesperia 84 (2015), p. 97–147 [BE 2016, 166; SEG LXV 46–47, 49]: W. presents a new critical edition of the very fragmentary decree of the deme Ikarion concerning the festival of Dionysos (IG I3 254, ca. 440) and offers a detailed commentary of the text. He discusses the organization of the festival, the selection of choregoi, the dramatic performances, the chorus, the prizes, and the financial aspects of the festival (cf. IG I3 253).

255144) J. Wiseman, “Agonistic Festivals, Victors and Officials in the Time of Nero: An Inscribed Herm from the Gymnasium Area of Corinth”, in E. Gebhard and T.E. Gregory (eds.), Bridge of the Untiring Sea. The Corinthian Isthmus from Prehistory to Late Antiquity (Hesperia Suppl. 48), Princeton, 2015, p. 193–246 [BE 2017, 214; SEG LXV 184]: Ed. pr. of a list of victors at the contests Sebastea (Νερώνηα Κλαυδίηα Καισάρηα Σεβ̣̣αστῆα Γερμανίκηα), Kaisarea, and Isthmia (Corinth, 57 CE). The preserved part of the inscription, inscribed on a herm, provides the names of the agonothetes, the ten hellanodikai, the eisagogeus, and the xystarches, as well as the victors in the following disciplines: race (δρόμος, in the categories of boys, ageneioi, and men), torch-race (?), and stadion. W. points out that according to modern calculations concerning the dates on which these festivals were celebrated in the first cent. CE, one would not have expected all three of them to take place in 57 CE. However, the schedules of agonistic festivals were more flexible than modern reconstructions allow. It was in view of such irregularities that Hadrian attempted to reset the festivals’ dates (SEG LVI 1359).

256145) M. Wörrle, “Die ptolemäische Garnison auf der Burg von Limyra im Licht einer neuen Inschrift”, in B. Beck-Brandt, S. Ladstätter, and B. Yener-Marksteiner (eds.), Turm und Tor. Siedlungsstrukturen in Lykien und benachbarten Kultlandschaften, Vienna, 2015, p. 291–303 [BE 2016, 465; SEG LXV 1469]: Ed. pr. of a decree of an association of basilistai, Ptolemaic mercenaries who participated in the ruler cult of the Ptolemies in Limyra (ca. 250–200). Only the last section of the decree survives. It stipulates the performance of sacrifices after the end of a war (λ̣υθ̣[έ]ντος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου σ̣υ̣ντελε[ίτωσα]ν̣ τὰς θυσίας· ταῦ̣τα δὲ ἀναγραψάτωσαν εἰστήλην) [for rituals interupted due to a war, see A. Chaniotis, War in the Hellenistic World: A Social and Cultural History, Malden, 2005, p. 162; C. Habicht, “Versäumter Götterdienst”, Historia 55 (2006), p. 153–166]. The decree was inscribed in the sanctuary of Artemis.

257146) M. Wörrle, “Epigraphische Forschungen zur Geschichte Lykiens XI: Gymnasiarchinnen und Gymnasiarchen in Limyra”, Chiron 46 (2016), p. 403–451 [BE 2017, 522]: Ed. pr. of honorific inscriptions for supervisors of the gymnasion in Limyra. One of the texts (3, late 1st cent. CE) praises a gymnasiarchos who served in the year of the festival of the Lykian Koinon (ἐν ἐθνικῇ πανηγύρει), providing olive oil to the gymnasion until after sunset (μέχρι νυκτῶν) [for such an extra-ordinary service, see further examples in A. Chaniotis, “Nessun Dorma! Changing Nightlife in the Hellenistic and Roman East”, in A. Chaniotis (ed.), La Nuit. Imaginaire et réalités nocturnes dans le monde gréco-romain (Entretiens Hardt 64), Geneva, 2018, p. 18f.]. Another gymnasiarchos who served during the ἐθνικὴ πανήγυρις also served as priest of the imperial cult (4, late 1st cent. CE). Other honorific inscriptions praise a priest (4, 1st cent. CE) and two priestesses (5, late 1st cent. CE; 6, ca. 150–200) of the emperors.

258147) J.-B. Yon, “De Marisa à Byblos avec courrier de Séleucos IV. Quelques données sur Byblos hellénistique”, in J. Aliquot and C. Bonnet (eds.), La Phénicie hellénistique. Actes du colloque international de Toulouse (18–20 février 2013), Lyon, 2015, p. 89–105 [BE 2016, 527; SEG LXV 1640]: A letter of Seleukos III to his vizier Heliodoros (178 BCE) concerning the appointment of a supervisor of the sanctuaries in Koile Syria and Phoinike (178 BCE) was known from two copies in Marisa (SEG LVII 1838 and LXIV 1781; for a summary see EBGR 2007, 36). Now Y. publishes a new fragmentary copy found at Byblos. Unfortunately, the new fragment only contains a text known from the other copies.

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