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Notes
On processions generally, see Nilsson (1951); Bömer (1952); Chaniotis (1995); Graf (1996); Köhler (1996); Kavoulaki (1999); True et al. (2004); Chankowski (2005); Viviers (2010). The abbreviations used in this article follow SEG.
On the importance of aesthetics in Greek religion, see Chaniotis (1995), esp. p. 158–159; Mikalson (2016), p. 249–264. For discussion of processional aesthetics, see Kavoulaki (1999); Jones (1999); Viviers (2010); Chaniotis (2013); Dunbabin (2016).
See Parker (2005), p. 258–261, for discussion of the visible ranking of the Greater Panathenaia procession during the Classical period; so metics were assigned the role of ‘tray-bearers’, while metic maidens served as ‘parasol-bearers’ and ‘stool-bearers’, alongside the citizen ‘basket-bearers’ and old men who served as ‘olive-bearers’. Cf. Robertson (1983), p. 244–250; Parker (2005), p. 173–177 (Skirophoria); p. 211–217 (Ōschophoria); p. 270–283 (Thesmophoria). Ōschophoroi and deipnophoroi are listed in a 4th c. BCE text from Athens: SEG 21.527. The ōschophoroi are attested carrying vine boughs; see Parker (2005), p. 214–217.
On the question of whether the Arrēphoria existed as a separate festival, see Parker (2005), p. 163, 221.
Chaniotis (2013), p. 43.
See the comments of Chankowski (2005).
Athenaeus, 5.197c–203b; his account was derived from Callixeinus of Rhodes. See now Rice (1983).
Theocritus, Idylls 2, 64–74, where Simaetha first encounters her beloved Delphis during a procession in honour of Artemis; her acquaintance Anaxo had served as basket-bearer, while her neighbour had ‘begged and pleaded’ with her to see/admire the pompē (τὰν πομπὰν θάσασθαι). Cf. Idylls 15: Praxinoa and Gorgo travel to the palace to see the ‘beautiful show’ (χρῆμα καλόν) of the Adonia, forcing their way through the crowds.
In the procession of Artemis at Ephesos as recounted by Xenophon of Ephesos; we are told that the spectacle (θέα) attracted a large crowd, both local and visiting, and that the young girls and ephebes marched in file, carrying torches, baskets, and incense (Ephesiaca 1.2.2–4). Another example is the procession at Delphi as recounted in Heliodorus (Aethiopica 3.1–5).
Mikalson (2016), p. 257–260; cf. Chaniotis (2008) on the competitive element of festival culture.
I have endeavoured to make this list comprehensive, though it is probable that attestations have been missed. Searches were conducted via the Packard Humanities Institute website, EBGR, SEG, and in the indices of more recent epigraphic corpora. Such titles have been partially listed by Robert (1960), p. 323, n. 6; Pleket (1970), p. 66–67; Henrichs (1976), p. 279; Robertson (1983), p. 245–246; Harland (2003), p. 489–496 (with discussion); Kuhn (2014), p. 54. In a number of instances, there is ambiguity about whether they denote a specifically processional and/or ritual role; for instance, the loutrophoros that is attested at Bargylia (I.Iasos 628), Iasos (I.Iasos 115) and Didyma (I.Didyma 330). At Athens, such a role was occupied by the boys and girls who accompanied the bridegroom at a wedding ceremony (Harpocration, s.v.); however, it is attested as a ritual role in the cult of Aphrodite at Sikyon (Pausanias, 2.10.4). In the three cities in south western Anatolia, the role appears to denote a distinct office, and they have all been included in the table; cf. Laumonier (1958), p. 596, n. 5; p. 602. Similarly, the sēmeiophoros is attested in a number of cities, and with a variety of spellings; a ritual role can be considered in the majority of cases (cf. the silver σημήα [= -εία] dedicated at Almoura for use in a procession related to Mēn; see n. 77), though a specific military context (‘standard-bearer’) can be established at Kaunos (I.Kaunos 136), Perge (I.Perge 469) and Prusias (I.Prusias 104). For completeness, all attestations have been included in the table. I have included the mastigophoros, ‘whip-bearer’, and rhabdophoros, ‘staff-bearer’, in Table 1; although their roles appear to have been to maintain order, rather than to serve in a ritual capacity, they were employed in a festival context. The spondophoros, however, has been omitted. Literary sources could further add to this list, though they have not been included; e.g. the naophoros and christophoros mentioned in Ignatius’ letter to Ephesos (Eph. 9.1–2); cf. Harland (2003), p. 487.
e.g. IGBulg 3.1.1517 (Kellai); SEG 49.814 (Thessalonike); IGUR I 160 (Rome).
Nigdelis (2010), p. 33–34, discussing the religious associations of Thessalonike, writes that to consider them as cut off from public life would be ‘misleading’. See also Steinhauer (2014), p. 136–137. Cf. IG II2 1283 (240/39 BCE), a decree of the orgeōnes of Bendis, which outlines the role of the association in the festival at Piraeus, including in the procession; Steinhauer (2014), p. 40.
Clement of Alexandria suggests that different forms could be used in the same rituals when he records the rather opaque ‘formula’ (σύνθημα) of the Eleusinian mysteries. According to his account, different receptacles were used at different points: ‘I fasted; I drank the draught; I took from the kistē; having done my task, I placed in the kalathos, and from the kalathos into the kistē ’ (Exhortation to the Greeks 2.18: “ἐνήστευσα, ἔπιον τὸν κυκεῶνα, ἔλαβον ἐκ κίστης, ἐργασάμενος ἀπεθέμην εἰς κάλαθον καὶ ἐκ καλάθου εἰς κίστην”). In the epigraphic record, both the kistaphoros and the kalathēphoros are attested, though only the kanēphoros is found at Eleusis and not explicitly linked to the mysteries: I.Eleusis 267; 282; 283; 394. Sculptural representations of processional scenes in the theatre friezes at both Hierapolis and Perge include female figures carrying receptacles filled with fruit on their head; cf. Hel. Aeth. 3.2.
Bremmer (2014), p. 108. Cf. Greek Anthology, vol. 6, 165.
See Brulé (1987), p. 301–306; Roccos (1995); Parker (2005), p. 223–226.
TAM III.1.59 (201–209 CE).
I.Ephesos 1602 (2nd c. CE); I.Eleusis 394 (1st/2nd c. CE).
I.Eleusis 267.
There was another wreath on the base, though the name of the deity is not preserved.
I.Délos 2061 (Dionysia); I.Délos 1870 (Lēnaia and Dionysia).
I.Délos 1869.
I.Délos 2238.
I.Délos 2074.
IGBulg 3.1.1517, col. 1, l. 7: σπειράρχης.
IGBulg 3.1.1517, col. 1, l. 31: Αὐρ(ηλία) Μαξιμῖνα κισταφόρος; l. 32: Αὐρ(ηλία) Χιόνη λικναφόρος; l. 34: Ἰουλία Ἀρτεμιδώρα λεικναφόρος. See Slavova (2002), p. 141–142.
Coin imagery often depicts a snake emerging from the kistē (e.g. RPC vol. 4. 1, No. 8262 [https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4/8262]: Athens, c. 120–175 CE) though other sources mention sacrificial cakes, fennel and ivy, or the ‘heart of Dionysos’; see Henrichs (1969), p. 231; Bremmer (2014), p. 108: ‘The contents of the cista will have been a source of speculation and could vary from city to city.’
IGBulg 3.1. 1517, col. 1, l. 15: Αὐρ(ήλιος) Μουκιανὸς ναρθηκοφόρος; l. 24: Αὐρ(ήλιος) Μουκιανὸς σημιοφόρος. Sharankov (2016), p. 328, corrects the reading of σιμιοφόρος that appears in IGBulg: ‘the stone-cutter simply omitted to engrave the left vertical of the eta.’
Pleket (1970), p. 66–72; Malay (1999), p. 128–129, no. 136 (= SEG 49.1623); Harland (2003), p. 493; cf. n. 8.
Cf. Euripides Bacchae 147; 251; 1157; Clement, Exhortation to the Greeks 2.15.
IGBulg 3.1.1517, col. 1, l. 7–15. On the office of the sebastophantai, see below.
TAM V.1.817; 822.
I.Ephesos 1268; 1601; 1602; 1982.
e.g. IGUR I 160. Epigraphic attestations of a phallus being carried are more extensive than specific references to the phallophoros; see below.
I.Tomis 83; IGBulg 4.1925.b. There was a college of Dendrophori and Cannophori at Ostia, also associated with Mater Deum; see Rieger (2004), p. 168–171; p. 115–117 on the ‘schola’ of the dendrophori. The role is not epigraphically attested at Magnesia-on-the-Maeander; however, imperial coin types depict male figures carrying trees over their shoulder: Imhoof-Blumer (1895), p. 284–285; RPC vol. 7.1, No. 531 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/7.1/531/, accessed April 2019). It could allude to the civic cult of Apollo, which, according to Pausanias (10. 32. 6–7), was located in a cave near the city, with an old image of the god that bestowed strength: ‘The men sacred to the god leap down from sheer precipices and high rocks, and uprooting trees of exceeding height walk with their burdens down the narrowest of paths.’ Imhoof-Blumer (1895), p. 285–286, instead drew attention to the account of a statue of Dionysos being discovered in a plane-tree, after which the Magnesians established a cult to the god: I.Magnesia 215. Cf. the discussion of Robert (1977), p. 77–88; he suggests (84) that both cults could be associated with dendrophoroi; for the links between trees and the worship of Dionysos, see p. 83–84. Cf. Artem. Oneirocritica 2.37.141. Lane Fox (2006), p. 166–167, following a suggestion in Robert (1977), connects this practice with the so-called Gadatas letter, purportedly written by Darius I, and the references therein to a tax-exemption for the ‘sacred gardeners’ of Apollo; thus, he seeks to trace the practice back to the sixth century BCE. Cf. Tuplin (2009), p. 158–159, for a more sceptical view of the antiquity of the ritual.
IG X 2.1.65.
I.Ephesos 14. See also the mysterious βοωφόρος attested at Thessalonike (IG X 2.1.244).
See Laumonier (1958), p. 368–369; van Bremen (1996), p. 91, p. 95; Williamson (2012), p. 129–130.
In a dedicatory inscription from Panamara, there is a possible reference to a kleidophylakion, a safe for keeping the key: I.Stratonikeia 112.
Williamson (2012), p. 129, speculates that it could represent Hekate’s relationship with Hades, functioning to provide passage to the underworld
A klidophoros is attested at Side (I.Side 17), while kleidophoroi are also among a delegation sent from Laodikeia-on-the-Lykos to Klaros in the second century CE (Ferrary [2014], no. 40). The variant klakophoros is found at Apollonia in Illyria (I.Apollonia 16) and at Messene (IG V 1.1447); see the discussion of Quantin (2004), p. 596–600. A hero called Klaikophoros is attested at Epidauros in the third century BCE (IG IV² 1.297).
Athens: e.g. IG II² 1944; SEG 42.157. Eleusis: I.Eleusis 685. Delos: e.g. I.Délos 1875; 1876; 1891–1895. Olympia: IvO 62; 64; 65; 69. Lydia (sanctuary of Thea Larmene): Malay – Petzl (2017), no. 158.
Cf. the commentary of G. Petzl on I.Smyrna 753, l. 24–25: the key could be interpreted literally; another option is that it was related to a ‘gefesseltes Götterbild’, a chained image of the god.
IGUR I 160. Cf. Scheid (1986); Jaccottet (2003), p. 30–53; Bremmer (2014), p. 104–105.
OGIS 90.A, l. 5. On the athlophoros, see Parsons (1977), p. 45, and the discussion of van Bremen (2006), p. 364. A kanēphoros of Arsinoe is also attested: OGIS 90.A, l. 5. Cf. I.Délos 2212.
Harland (2003), p. 494; Clarysse (2010), p. 288.
Clarysse (2010), p. 288.
I.Tomis 98.
A pastophorion is found on the island in the Hellenistic period, connected with the sanctuary of Sarapis, Isis, and Anubis; we can infer the existence of the office of the pastophoros : I.Délos 2085; 2086; 2124. Cf. Rome: RICIS no. 501/0174.
See Table 1. A κοινὸν τῶν μελανηφόρων is also attested at Euboia in the third century BCE in association with Isis: IG XII Suppl. 571.
Clarysse (2010), p. 288.
SEG 52.1402. As with the pyrphoroi, the duties of the pyrouchos may not solely have been processional; see below.
IG I3 46 (440–432 BCE; at the Dionysia); Rhodes – Osborne (2003), no. 27 (372/1 BCE; at the Dionysia); IG II3 1 889, l. 11–12: τῆς φαλλαγ[ω]|[γίας] (278/7 BCE).
IG XI 2.144, l. 34–36: a reference to τὸ φαλλαγωγεῖον, a ‘platform’ or ‘wagon’ used to transport the phallus (shortly before 301 BCE).
I.Beroia 7, l. 30.
IG V 1.1390, l. 30 (= Gawlinski [2012]).
A general increase in the stratification of ritual roles can be detected in the lists of officials inscribed at the prytaneion of Ephesos from the first to the third centuries CE; see Knibbe (1981); cf. Belayche (2016), who traces the emergence and rise in profile of the hierophant among the named officials.
The literature on this is extensive: see e.g. Gauthier (1985), Eck (1997), Zuiderhoek (2009), Kokkinia (2011).
An Athenian decree of c. 220 CE records that the hiera would be escorted from Athens to Eleusis by the ephebes: IG II2 1078; cf. the role of the ephebes at Gytheion and Ephesos (below). The ephebes also play prominent roles in the festival of Artemis at Ephesos, as recounted by Xenophon of Ephesos (Eph. 1.2.2), and in the procession of Thessalians at Delphi, as described by Heliodorus (Aeth. 3.3).
Errē- predominates in the epigraphic sources, whereas arrē- is uniformly used in literature; see Robertson (1983), p. 242–243.
Parker (2005), p. 219; Pilz (2013), p. 162. Cf. Robertson (1983). Roccos (1995), p. 642–643, seeks to downplay the literal meaning of the title of ‘basket-bearer’: ‘The term “kanephoros” does not translate well as “basket-bearer”, however, because the English term tells us only what she does, not who she is.’ While I agree that such ritual titles do not tell us all we would like to know about the status and responsibilities of such roles, the literal task of carrying the basket is central to the responsibilities of the kanēphoros; the title reveals the intended visibility of the office holder during festivals, with the carrying of the basket an essential part of the ritual. Cf. Harland (2003), p. 488–489: ‘Sacred objects, implements, images and statues of various kinds were an essential component in this visual communication for both observers and participants.’
Cf. Viviers (2010), p. 171.
I.Délos 1871. Other portrait statues record the service of young women in offices other than that of kanēphoros; see Dillon (2011), p. 173–174.
On chronological and regional variations in commemorative practices, see Pilz (2013); Mylonopoulos (2013).
e.g. I.Stratonikeia 705. See Laumonier (1958), p. 368–369; van Bremen (1996), p. 91.
I.Aphr. 1.187, l. 18–24: ἀρετῇ καὶ σε|[μν]ότ̣ητι καὶ φιλανδρί|ᾳ τὸ προγονικὸν ἐ|πικοσμήσασαν ἀξί|ωμα, θυγατέρα πό|λεως, ἀνθηφόρον | τῆς θεοῦ (‘by her virtue, distinction, and love for her husband she enhanced the reputation of her family, was daughter of the city and flower-bearer of the goddess’).
I.Aphr. 1.187, l. 6–11: προγόνων ἀρχιε|ρέων πολλῶν γυ|μνασιάρχων στεφ[α]|νηφόρων καὶ τῶ̣ν | σ̣υνκτισάντω[ν τὴ]ν | πόλιν.
I.Aphr. 1.187, l. 24–29: διὰ τὸ με|γαλεῖον τοῦ γένους | καὶ τὴν ἀνυπέρ|βλητον τοῦ βίου | σεμνότητα τει|μηθεῖσαν.
On female visibility linked with family status, see van Bremen (1996); Pilz (2013).
See e.g. Nollé (1994); van Bremen (1996), p. 68–76; Kron (1996), p. 171–182; Kearsley (2005); Thonemann (2010).
IG VII 3426; Fossey (1986), p. 258–259, no. 9; RICIS no. 105/0895. Dittenberger in IG VII proposed a date in the early third century CE; Fossey suggests a date in the middle or second half of that century. Cf. Schachter (2016), p. 141–142, 295–296.
IG VII 3426, l. 1–9: Φλαβίαν Λανείκαν τὴν ἀρχιέρειαν | διὰ βίου τοῦ τε κοινοῦ Βοιωτῶν τῆς | Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ Φω|κέων ἔθνους καὶ τῆς Ὁμονοίας τῶν | Ἑλλήνων παρὰ τῷ Τροφωνίῳ, τὴν | ἁγνοτάτην | ἱεραφόρον τῆς ἁγίας Εἴσι|δος, ἱέρειαν διὰ βίου τῆς 〈T〉απoσειριάδος | Εἴσιδος. Translation: Schachter (2016), p. 296.
Pilz (2013), p. 156, p. 170–172.
Laumonier (1958), p. 583–587; van Bremen (1996), p. 90–91; Marcellesi (2005). In a number of cases, the prophētēs was related to the hydrophoros.
Banquets: I.Didyma 322; 345. Distributions: e.g. I.Didyma 312; 314. See van Bremen (1996), p. 92, n. 39.
van Bremen (1996), p. 94–95; Günther (1996).
Pleket (1970), no. 4, l. 4–11 (= I.Ephesos 3252).
I.Ephesos 27; cf. Rogers (1991).
See Rogers (1991), p. 80–115; Chankowski (2005), p. 185–188; Graf (2011), p. 110–114.
It is specified that they should be made of silver, with the exception of one statue of Artemis, which was to be made of gold, and accompanied by two silver stags.
The documents state that the guards of the temple, two neopoioi, the beadle and the chrysophoroi hieroneikai were to travel with the statuettes from the Artemision to the Magnesian Gate, where they were to be met by the ephebes, who were then to process with them to the theatre: I.Ephesos 27, l. 48–55, 207–213; the role of the chrysophoroi was defined in a later decree: l. 419–425, 437–438.
I.Ephesos 27, l. 202–207.
Apollo Daphnēphoros at Eretria: Knoepfler (2001), p. 127, no. 8; p. 159, no. 12; p. 162, no. 13. Dionysos Thyllophoros on Kos: IG XII 4.1.304; 326. Other epithets include pyrphoros, phōsphoros, selasphoros, thesmophoros, karpophoros. Cf. the deities referred to as dorpophoroi, ‘meal-bearing’, on Paros in the 4th c. BCE: SEG 28.708; Robertson (1983), p. 245, n. 12, writes that such a name is ‘plainly deduced from the ritual action.’
Robertson (1983), p. 245, n. 12.
This will be discussed further below.
e.g. the homonoia coins with Hierapolis (Marcus Aurelius): RPC vol. 4, no. 1947 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4/1947/); no. 2970 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4/2970/); no. 2971 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4/2971/). Cf. the homonoia coin with Ephesos, minted under Severus Alexander, which depicts the Amazon Kibyra and the Amazon Ephesos facing each other, carrying small statues; one is identifiable as the Kibyran goddess, carrying a basket on her head, the other as Artemis Ephesia: RPC vol. 6, no. 5419 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6/5419/). A Kibyran type minted under Elagabalus depicts the goddess seated on a cart drawn by lions, holding a sceptre and with the basket on her head: RPC vol. 6, no. 5406 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6/5406/); it is possible that the image represents the cult statue being transported. All accessed April 2019. On the identity of the goddess as Thea Pisidike, see Robert and Robert (1954), p. 75–76; Robert (1967), p. 64–65. Previous identifications of the deity have included Hekate (e.g. Head, BMC Phrygia, p. xlviii; Imhoof-Blumer [1901] 255, no. 23; though cf. Imhoof-Blumer [1913], p. 70, n. 198, where he refers to the goddess as Thea Pisidike) and Ceres (Waddington [1853], p. 17, nos. 5 and 6); see discussion of Robert (1967), p. 64, n. 3.
e.g. RPC vol. 3, no. 2304 (Hadrian) (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/3/2304/); vol. 4, no. 1954 (Antonine) (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/4/1954/); vol. 7.1, no. 669 (Gordian III) (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/7.1/669/). Accessed April 2019.
e.g. RPC vol. 9, no. 783 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/9/783/); no. 784 (https://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/9/784/); both Decius. Accessed April 2019.
It has been speculated that the name Kibyra may have derived from a name for the basket that was similar in sound; see Waddington (1853), p. 19; Head (1911), p. 670. Cf. the discussion of Robert (1967), p. 65, n. 3.
Cf. Harland (2003), p. 488–489.
I.Aphr. 1.183; 1.187; 5.210; 12.531; 12.532. The role is also attested on Thasos; see Table 1.
I.Ephesos 14.
Heberdey (1904); see also Sourvinou-Inwood (2011), p. 183–185.
Heberdey (1904), p. 214; I.Ephesos 1577a. See also the restored reference to the role of the deipnophoroi : I.Ephesos 1577b. Cf. the deipnophoroi attested at Athens alongside the ōskophoroi; see n. 3.
According to Harpocration, α 240, two of the four arrēphoroi were chosen to start the weaving of the peplos; though compare with their responsibilities as recounted by Pausanias (n. 112).
On the dressing of statues, see Brulé (1987), p. 227; Brøns (2017), esp. p. 239–263.
Sourvinou-Inwood (2011), p. 184, 192; Brøns (2017), p. 246, who also mentions the stolizōn or stolistēs, ‘rober’, associated with Isis.
Eἰκονοφόρος: MAMA IX 131 (Aizanoi); I.Ephesos 546 (Ephesos). See Robert (1960).
IG XII 6.2.596; IGUR I 160.
IG V 1.212, l. 57.
IG V 1.210, l. 55; 211, l. 51.
Robertson (1983), p. 268, speculates that the god may have taken the form of a sacred stone, and draws a connection with the lithophoros at Athens; see below.
TAM III.1.136, l. 9–12: ἀγάλμα|τος πομπικοῦ ἀργυ|ρέου Θεᾶς Ἐλευθέ|ρας. See van Nijf (2011), p. 233–234 on the importance of autonomia to the Termessians in the imperial period.
J. and L. Robert, BE (1950), no. 134. An association with Egyptian cults can be noted at Thessalonike, Samos, Boiotia and in one text from Pergamon, though this is not universal.
IG II2 4771.
Hermann (1962), p. 39, no. 27 (= TAM V.1.576), envisages symbola as ‘göttliche „Symbole“, Insignien’; cf. J. and L. Robert, BE (1965), no. 390. Herrmann – Malay (2007), no. 97, also interpreted a list of synbolaphoroi (= symbolaphoroi) from the Kayster valley as ‘bearers of sacred symbols’. The list records the names of members of an association of ‘hero-worshippers’ (see the accompanying decree no. 96), and they are identified by their places of origin. Jones (2008), p. 203, prefers to interpret the synbolaphoroi as those who made contributions to this association, whether in money or kind, for the performance of the necessary sacrifices. This is attractive, though the notion that these contributors were subsequently distinguished visually in ceremonial proceedings should also be considered; we have observed elsewhere the crossover between ritual office holders and civic donors, and benefactors were often afforded a prominent role in ritual activities. It is possible that they were tasked with carrying something that represented their contribution or were marked out in some other way.
Cf. n. 11. See also the description of the procession for Isis in Apuleius, Metamorphoses 11.11.
I.Eleusis 300, l. 15–16 (= SEG 30.93).
IG II2 5077: ἱερέως | λιθοφόρου. Clinton (1974), p. 98, notes that ἱερέως is carved by a separate hand. Cf. I.Eleusis 624 (= IG II2 3658), dated c. 200 CE, where the title lithophoros was incorporated into the office holder’s name.
Livy, 29.11.
Pausanias records that on each feast day, the stone was decorated with ‘unworked wool’ (10.24.6: κατὰ ἑορτὴν ἑκάστην ἔρια ἐπιτιθέασι τὰ ἀργά).
The office holder in I.Eleusis 300 also acted as ἱερεύς Διὸς Ὁρίου καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ὁρίας καὶ Πο|σειδῶνος Προσβατηρίου καὶ Ποσειδῶνος Θεμελιούχου (l. 16–17). Robertson (1983), p. 265–276, sought to associate this stone with the ‘wrapped up’ object that the arrēphoroi brought back up from an underground chamber to the Acropolis (Paus. 1.27.3). He suggests that on this occasion a swaddled stone, representing the deity, was the object transported; he links this object with that carried by the ‘stone-bearer’, and suggested that the incumbent would be required to return this stone at the end of the festival. While it is an interesting proposition, the details are too vague or too few, both about the object referred to by Pausanias, but also about the office of the lithophoros ; it is equally possible that the activities of the lithophoros related to an unconnected ritual.
SEG 38.1462 (= Wörrle [1988]); cf. Mitchell (1990).
SEG 38.1462, l. 61–62 (= Wörrle [1988]); discussion at Wörrle (1988), p. 216–219. Cf. Cousin (1900), p. 338, no. 1.
IG II2 2086; 2113; 2130 (Athens); SEG 38.1462 (= Wörrle [1988]), Cousin (1900), p. 338, no. 1 (Oinoanda); Robert (1939), p. 122, II (Tanagra). See the comments of Robert (1939), p. 124–125; Price (1986), p. 189; Wörrle (1988), p. 216–219. Cf. Suda α 4413.
SEG 58.1613.
The discovery of the text was announced in the Sofia Globe: https://sofiaglobe.com/2019/07/12/archaeology-third-century-inscription-with-names-of-dionysus-cult-found-in-bulgarias-plovdiv/. Accessed 15/07/2019.
SEG 11.923.
SEG 11.923, l. 2–4.
e.g. a gold bust of an emperor, thought to be Marcus Aurelius, discovered at Aventicum in Switzerland; see Fejfer (2008), p. 167. Robert (1960), p. 317–318, envisaged such statues as bust portraits; cf. Wörrle (1988), p. 216, n. 191.
Pleket (1965); Price (1984), p. 190–191; Friesen (2001), p. 113–116; Bremmer (2016). The evidence for the Imperial Mysteries is limited to Pergamon, Bithynia and Galatia; see Bremmer (2016), p. 28. The Sebastophantēs is better attested, but similarly concentrated in Asia Minor; see Strubbe (2006), p. 116, with n. 36.
Bremmer (2016), p. 24.
Originally suggested by Robert (1960), p. 321–322, and followed by Pleket (1965), p. 343–343, Price (1984), p. 190, and Bremmer (2016), p. 26; though note the cautious position of Strubbe (2006), p. 117. Certain imperial coin types depict busts of the emperor and other members of the imperial family in a temple-like façade; Price (1984), p. 190–191, following Robert (1977), p. 101, tentatively connects the images with the ceremonial revealing of the emperor as part of the mysteries. In particular, he mentions a coin type of Caracalla, depicting a bust being displayed by two deities: e.g. BMC Cilicia, Tarsos no. 183; SNG Copenhagen, Lycaonia no. 370.
An imperial list of names from Ephesos may refer to those who wore white: I.Ephesos 907, l. 1: οἵδε ἐλευ[κοφόρησαν]. Interestingly, a number of those listed are identified as chrysophoroi, which might indicate that they were part of the synhedrion; see below.
SEG 38.1462 (= Wörrle [1988]), l. 61–62.
SEG 11.923, l. 26–28. In this instance, the wreaths were laurel. An archidauchnaphoros and syndauchnaphoroi are attested at Phalanna (IG IX 2.1234) and Pherai (unpublished; mentioned in Mili [2015], Appendix 1, no. 57; see Heinz [1998], no. 75). Cf. IG IX 2.1027 (Larisa, 5th c. BCE); SEG 47.679 (Atrax, 5th c. BCE).
IG V 1.1390, l. 15–16 (= Gawlinski [2012]): οἱ τελούμενοι τὰ μυστήρια ἀνυπόδετοι ἔστωσαν καὶ ἐχόντωτὸν | εἱματισμὸν λευκόν. Accessories including gold, rouge, white make-up, hair bands, or plaited hair were prohibited among women; no shoes were allowed unless made of felt or sacrificial leather (l. 22–23). Cf. Deshours (2006).
See the comments of Viviers (2010), p. 174–176, on the importance of clothing to processional aesthetics.
Wörrle (1988) (= SEG 38.1462), l. 52–53; 56–57. See also at Gerasa: SEG 7.825; Prusias in Bithynia: I.Prusias 72; cf. Robert (1982), p. 258.
See n. 50.
I.Ephesos 293; 1250. See Jaccottet (2003), p. 242. Cf. the Sindonophoros, ‘fine cloth-bearer’, found at Tegea (IG V 2. 48).
SEG 49.814.
See Kuhn (2014). E.g. at Athens (e.g. IG II² 4193A) and Argos, where it is paired with the right to wear purple (IG IV 586; 606). At Aphrodisias, the chrysophoros neopoiēs is repeatedly attested: I.Aphr. 1.161; 11.23; 11.403; 13.154.
I.Ephesos 27, l. 419–425, 437–438.
Harland (2003), p. 492; Kuhn (2014), p. 77–78.
I.Ephesos 276, l. 7–11: οἱ τὸν | [χρύ]σεον κόσμον βαστά|[ζον]τες τῆς μεγάλης θεᾶς | [Ἀρτέ]μιδος πρὸ πόλεως ἱερεῖς | [καὶ] ἱερονεῖκαι.
I.Ephesos 836, l. 3–4; 1081A, l. 4–5.
Cf. the place inscription I.Ephesos 546: τόπος | εἰκονοφόρων | χρυσο|φόρων. It is possible that chrysophoros was a ritual role at Magnesia and Tralles: I.Magnesia 225 (χρυσοφο|ρήσας τῇ θεῶ); I.Tralleis 73 (χρυσοφορήσαντα | τῆι πατρίδι).
Jones (1999), p. 252.
See the ‘flower-bearers’ attested at Aphrodisias and Thasos, both in the imperial period.
The connotations of the title skēptrophoros, ‘sceptre-bearer’, elsewhere used as an epithet of Zeus, are clear; see I.Anazarbos 52 (= Corsten [2004], no. 1); SEG 36.1101.
See discussion of Betts (2017) on ‘sensory artefacts’.
IG XII 4.1.278.
e.g. I.Délos 1417 (155/4 BCE), Face A, col. 1, l. 41, 105, col. 2, l. 49; Face B, col. 1, l. 91 and 142.
Day (2017), p. 187. According to Pliny (Natural History 21.17), the best saffron in the Roman era came from Mt. Korykos in Cilicia.
Athenaeus 5.197f.
See Day (2017), p. 189–190.
See n. 94.
More generally, the sequence of procession followed by communal feast is engrained, with pompē seen as a natural precursor to the large-scale consumption of food and wine. In the epigraphic sources, benefactors frequently provide funds for both elements, with festivities continuing into the night. E.g. at Almoura (see n. 77), P. Aelius Menecrates’ benefaction extended to securing funds for a banquet for those men who had been selected to carry the kalathos; at Akraiphia in Boiotia in the mid-first century CE, Epameinondas was honoured for his benefactions (IG VII 2712), which involved the reorganisation of the Ptoia festival (including instructions for the procession), and funding for a banquet that was admired by neighbouring cities (l. 25–33). On Epameinondas, see Chaniotis (2008), esp. p. 72–74; (2013), p. 39. Cf. the comments of Chaniotis (2018), p. 20–22.
Kubatzki (2018), p. 143–144.
I.Ephesos 14, l. 21.
I.Eleusis 300, l. 18.
I.Pergamon 374; cf. Bremmer (2016), p. 24–25. For general discussion, see Friesen (2001), p. 104–113.
See Clinton (1974), p. 67–68. Cf. Chaniotis (2018), esp. p. 23–25.
In the Torre Nova inscription (see n. 44), the order in which the functionaries were listed could reflect their arrangement in processions; there the pyrphoroi are listed after the liknaphoroi and the phallophoros¸ and before the hieromnēmōn, the magistrate in charge of religious matters (Side I, Col. B, l. 11–20). The role is attested at various cities across the Greek East, including Athens and Epidauros; see Table 1. On the responsibilities of the office holder, see Robert (1966), p. 746–748; cf. LSJ s.v. ‘bearer of sacred fire’.
I.Délos 2619 (Delos); SEG 49.814 (Thessalonike).
Antrophylakes, ‘guards of the cave’, are also listed in the Torre Nova inscription (IGUR I 160, Side III, col. B, l. 28–30), which might indicate a dark setting for the rituals of the association, whether they actually took place in a cave or in a setting that was designed to imitate such an atmosphere.
Attested in Athens c. 120 CE, associated with cults of Isis (IG II2 4771), and at Leukopetra in 193/4 CE, associated with Meter Theon (I.Leukopetra 39). See Chaniotis (2018), p. 27–28.
IGBulg 3.1. 1517, col. 1, l. 30: Αὐρ(ηλία) Ἀρτεμιδώρα λυχνοάπτρια.
See Chaniotis (2018). Cf. an imperial-era statue base for a sacred herald at Eleusis, which depicts people processing, holding torches: see Leventi (2015).
Apul. Metam. 11.9.
Hel. Aeth. 3.2 (trans. B.P. Reardon). Cf. Xen. Eph. 1.2.4
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