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The “Cupules” of the Herakleion of Thasos

Jacques des Courtils
p. 141-156


Le fameux passage d’Hérodote mentionnant le sanctuaire d’Héraclès à Thasos a donné lieu à des controverses sur la nature, héroïque ou divine, et l’origine, grecque ou étrangère, de ce culte à Thasos, qui pourrait avoir été apporté par les Phéniciens avant l’arrivée des colons venus de Paros. Les fouilles de M. Launey (1932–34) ont mis au jour les vestiges du sanctuaire sans pour autant clore le débat. Des recherches supplémentaires ont apporté un objet de marbre fragmentaire qui avait échappé à Launey et dont est proposée ici une interprétation comme pierre dressée aniconique, sur la base d’un rapprochement avec un exemple similaire trouvé à Corinthe. Cela amène à reconsidérer les « cupules » sacrificielles trouvées par Launey et à les mettre en relation avec l’usage d’ériger des stèles dans les sanctuaires grecs.

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This article is an enhanced version of the paper presented at the international colloquium at Lemnos, Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean, 11–15 September 2019, entitled “The Sanctuary and the Cult of Heracles in Thasos: a Reassessment”. My thanks to V. Pirenne-Delforge for reading this paper and for her advice. I would also like to thank M. Wurch-Kozelj for her scrupulous survey of the “cupules”, A. Pariente and L. Cavalier for their collaboration in this research, as well as the students in Bordeaux who played an active part in it, and finally M. Jones for the translation into English.

  • 1 Launey (1944).
  • 2 Pitz (2016), with the bibliography.
  • 3 Muller-Dufeu (2016).

1Since the Herakleion of Thasos was excavated by M. Launey in 1932–34 and his discoveries were published1 in 1944, the particular characteristics of the Thasian cult of Heracles and those of his sanctuary have not ceased to arouse commentaries and debates. These have fed on a few well-known ancient texts whose interpretation is not obvious: the oldest ones are two passages from Herodotus (2.43.4–44.4) which evoke a Phoenician origin for the cult of Heracles on Thasos and lead us to think that it may well have been a kind of dual cult, devoted partly to the heroic Heracles, chthonian, the son of Zeus and Alcmene, but also to the Heracles who was divine, of foreign origin (Phoenician or Egyptian) and completely distinct from the Greek hero. However, this doubling of the person of Heracles seemed to have been confirmed by religious regulations found on Thasos which also seemed to point to the hypothesis of two distinct cults, one using the normal ritual of the thysia, and the other using the ritual of the holocaust. Two recent articles have contributed very useful focus on these questions: the first,2 devoted to the texts, studies the vocabulary of the rite used in these texts and concludes that there is a possibility of a dual or doubled cult on Thasos; the second3 examines the question of the Phoenician origin of the divine Heracles and concludes firmly with the probability of a cult that was Phrygian in origin and not Phoenician, imported in to Thasos by Thracian natives before the arrival of the Greek colonisers.

2My contribution will be of a different kind: having already had the occasion to continue the excavation of the Herakleion at Thasos in 1983 and 1984, and then to carry out surface cleaning, I took it upon myself to update M. Launey’s publication but, without waiting for this work to be finished, which I hope will be very soon, here I propose to bring to the attention of specialists in Greek religion the material observations I have been able to make on the famous “cupules” (or sacrificial pits) discovered by M. Launey and which oblige me to completely modify that scholar’s interpretation, according to whom these pits were a clue to a chthonian cult addressed to the hero Heracles.

The buildings of the sanctuary (Fig. 1 and 2)

3Let us briefly remind ourselves that the buildings in the Heracles sanctuary surround a central court accessible from the west by a wide staircase (for a total of 19 m) and measuring approximately 27 m north-south and 38 m east-west. The ground is slightly sloping upward from west to east and still bears the remains of a paved floor of thick gneiss tiles which led to what had to be the oldest part of the sanctuary: a rocky spur, probably hand cut in the hill slope (here we are at the foot of the acropolis) wherein Launey had instantly identified a rock altar. To the north of the court and of the altar is the temple, built on a raised terrace, the east side of the court is bordered by a long building called leschē by Launey, which resembles a stoa where the colonnade is replaced by a row of doors; to the south the court is bordered by a banqueting hall with five rooms opening underneath a portico (Launey’s oikoi building).

4Following a roughly north-south centre line, the basement of the sanctuary is constructed on a base of diverse materials: in the east the buildings are built straight onto the gneiss rock which originally sloped downwards from east to west and must have had to be trimmed to achieve a horizontal surface around the mass of the rock cut altar. But to the west of the middle line the rock continues to slope down gently and plunges under a thick layer of alluvial sand, so that the temple (in the north) and the hestiatorion (in the south) are built partly on rock (in the east) and partly on sand (in the west): throughout the western half of the sanctuary, the builders had to find the rock to establish the buildings’ foundations. We will see that this has bearings on how to interpret some remains.

The altar and “cupules” in Launey’s time (Fig. 3)

  • 4 M. Launey does not mention any other find relating to the setting-up of the altar, though the pho (...)

5The rock altar measured about 13.7 m from north to south and 5.3 m from east to west, in Launey’s time at least, for the rock is very friable, and scarcely measurable today. It was given a marble dressing on all sides, and the sole of this is preserved on the surface of the surrounding rocks as well as four blocks at the north-west angle. This makes it possible to determine the complete dimensions of the altar as approximately 15 × 6 m. The few remaining blocks are risers supporting the beginning of a prothysis staircase. Close to these blocks, the gneiss tiling of the courtyard still incorporated an iron ring in Launey’s day: thus the altar was accessible on the west side by a staircase beside which was a ring for tethering an animal before the sacrifice. It is obviously impossible to know if the rock altar had an earlier state in which it was still bare hewn rock and then later clothed in a dressing of marble with a staircase and altar table, just as it is impossible to date the rock or the slender remains of its dressing.4

  • 5 Launey (1944), p. 28.

6But the most interesting feature consists of the famous “cupules” which Launey discovered and described like this:5

At the east of the stone block ten cavities in two parallel lines of five are dug into the floor, the nearest about 0.5 m from the back wall of the altar. Two smaller cavities about 0.7–1.0 m wide, have been made in the gap between them. Despite their varying sizes they are certainly man-made. Their depth varies, but is never more than 80 centimetres and sometimes only 30.

7Launey notes that one of the “cupules” still contained ashes, fragments of black-varnished pottery (not bigger than 1 cm) and “rare bone-shards, impossible to identify”, all of which could constitute the remains of ancient sacrifices. On a plan made at the time of the dig, one can also see three smaller circular holes, distributed irregularly between the “cupules”. Launey neither describes nor comments on these.

8Launey initially offered a very tentative interpretation of his finds in his publication (p. 131–132). Relying on the texts already mentioned, he envisaged the coexistence of two different rituals in the Thasos Herakleion: one, focussed on Heracles the god and consisting of a normal sacrifice with distribution and consumption of parts of the animal and the burning of the gods’ part on the altar, and the other focussed on Heracles the hero and consisting of a burnt offering. He ended by envisaging (p. 167–171) that the sanctuary altar was used for the first of the two sacrifices, and this led him to think that the “cupules”, one of which was found full of ashes, could have served as depositories for the solid offerings, since those intended for an underworld being naturally took place in holes dug in the earth. So textual and archaeological sources were reconciled and confirmed: there were assuredly two cults of Heracles, both operating within the sanctuary of the hero/god, but one took place on the altar and the other in the “cupules”.

New excavations of the temple and altar (1984–85)

  • 6 This identification is confirmed, if it were required, by traces of the embedding of klinai footm (...)
  • 7 des Courtils, Pariente (1991).

9During his excavations, in the sanctuary of Heracles, Launey had uncovered evidence (ceramics, architectural terracotta) of cult activity from the 7th century B.C. onwards. He dated to that era a building with an internal hearth (“polygonal building”) sited at the south of the paved court, which he made out to be the first temple of Heracles. This building was replaced with a 5 room building (“the oikoi building”) which was evidently a hestiatorion.6 But this generated a problem which Launey did not perceive: the Herakleion certainly has a temple, located north of the paved court, therefore on the opposite side from the supposed old temple with an interior hearth, and this temple dates from the beginning of the 5th century. Hence this question: before the construction of this temple what was on its site, to the north of the paved court and the altar? In order to answer this question I have conducted two excavation campaigns, in collaboration with A. Pariente.7 These are the chief archaeological results:

  • 8 des Courtils, Gardeisen, Pariente (1996).

– Under the early 5th century temple, we found the remains, razed to ground level, of a small rectangular building, 9.50 × 6.60 m, (Fig. 4) built partly on rock and partly on sand (the west part), impossible to date stratigraphically (the underlying sand being sterile) but associated with the neighbouring rock altar by the fact that it is built at the same level and in close vicinity. In the immediate vicinity was found a substantial deposit of animal bones and votive ceramics (7th and 6th centuries) confirming, unsurprisingly, the religious function of this site in the archaic era, but not yielding any date for the small building’s construction.8

– In connection with this small building, we found seven post-holes, dug in either rock (Fig. 5), or sand (Fig. 6) which we related to the construction of the building, while noting that, somewhat surprisingly, they do not form the regular pattern that one would expect to support the timberwork of a regular structure.

– Lastly, we discovered an interesting block of marble (Fig. 7), roughly lozenge-shaped (80 × 40 cm), and pierced from one side to the other by a great square-section “mortice” (15 × 15 cm). Looking at the photographs of Launey’s excavation and at a plan made at the time revealed to us that this block had been discovered in one of the large “cupules” from which Launey had had it removed.

10This last fact is the most interesting: the marble block was evidently made to receive the end of a piece of timber, which led us to infer the existence of a wooden building constructed along the length of the rock altar. The “cupules” were “cupules” no longer: as the basic rock, formed of gneiss, was very friable, it seems that the Thasians had taken the precaution of firmly fixing their wooden posts in footplates of marble which were themselves located in holes cut into the gneiss. It is true that the notion of a wooden structure adjoining an altar on which fire was made is not very satisfactory, but lacking a better explanation, we thought at the very least that our identification of the pierced block of marble as a footplate for a construction was sensible: Launey’s “cupules” were then just the negatives of the foundations of a mysterious building. In any case, a small supplementary investigation, carried out in 2013, brought a clue that unexpectedly threw light on all these suppositions.

The second cleaning of the “cupules” (2013)

11In order to make a precise study of this sector, I was able to realise a very careful cleaning of the whole sector to the east of the altar. I was then surprised to note that besides the ten “cupules” discovered by Launey (plus three small ones) there were now several dozen additional, smaller cavities, scattered among the large “cupules” and all around the neighbouring area. M. Kozelj-Wurch counted 75 specimens (Fig. 8). These holes in the rock are of varying sizes and shapes. Most are between 20 and 40 cm deep and their diameter varies from 15 to 35 cm but they only rarely form a regular circle and some give the impression of holes clumsily carved in a substance that is lacking in homogeneity.

12This discovery was easily related to what I had found in 1983–84 but wrongly interpreted: in fact I stated earlier that the excavation of the 5th century temple had laid bare the remains of a modest building along with seven stake holes whose arrangement seemed to me to be strangely irregular. However, a detail had escaped me: because of the heterogenous nature of the subsoil (rock to the east, sand to the west) some of the stake holes had been dug in the rock and others on sand, which obviously leads to concern about the stability of the latter, and which should have incited me to search for another function for these holes… The cleaning operation of 2013 showed that these holes were in fact very numerous and arranged in an arc of a circle (irregular) around the altar, and sunk indiscriminately in rock or sand. Finally, the 2013 operation supplied me with a clue which now allows me to propose a general explanation for all these oddities.

An aniconic stone?

  • 9 Sturgeon (1998).

13In fact, while once again cleaning one of Launey’s large “cupules”, we discovered at the bottom of one of them a strange-looking marble object that had escaped the notice of that scholar (Fig. 9 and 10): oblong, measuring at most about 30 cm, one end was very thin and smooth and from that point it grew thicker until it ended as a rounded protrusion, marked with more or less parallel streaks. This enigmatic object seemed to me to have been made in such a careless manner that I wondered for some time if it really was an artefact with an archaeological interest, up until the moment when I became aware of an identical object, discovered in a cistern in Corinth and published by Mary C. Sturgeon9 (Fig. 11). Carved out of limestone but bearing traces of stucco, it is, according to that author, an aniconic head which has been found with two other aniconic objects in a Hellenistic funerary context.

  • 10 Cf. Doepner (2002), Gaifman (2012).
  • 11 Rolley (1965).

14The examples from Corinth, as well as the one from Thasos, belong to a series of non-sculpted stones (argoi lithoi) found in particular at Cyrene linked to burials as well as to the cult of Demeter and Core.10 Examples of aniconic depictions of gods, worshipped in certain sanctuaries, are mentioned by Pausanias (in 9.27.1, he speaks of an Eros at Thespies or, in 9.24.3, of a Heracles at Olmones). These are uncut stones but Pausanias (7.22.4) also speaks of quadrangular stones so therefore a little more worked, mentioned at Pharai (Achaea). On Thasos itself, quadrangular stones have been discovered at the Thesmophorion, bearing inscriptions naming the patrai of Thasos.11

15The example at Corinth has been interpreted as a human head where only the general size and the hair have been crudely depicted and the same identification might be made for the Thasian example. In both cases these are aniconic objects bearing a vague resemblance to a human head. While we may be ignorant of the original siting or the function of the Corinthian specimen, we see however on Thasos that this kind of object was probably arranged in large numbers near the altar. Unfortunately, we only have one example and while we could, maybe, suppose that the little cavities discovered at the Herakleion were used to receive objects of this kind, it would not be surprising if the ten large cavities — Launey’s “cupules” — were used to raise steles or stones that were more worked, as seems to be suggested by the well geometrical shape of the mortise carved in the block of marble which acted as the sole for one of these.

  • 12 Doepner (2002), Gaifman (2012) p. 185–191 who also cites several other Western examples: Selinunt (...)
  • 13 To be distinguished from the quadrangular marker stones discovered on the edge of this same sanct (...)

16Despite its geographical distance, it would seem useful at this point to give the example of Metapontum12 (Fig. 12), where dozens of big and small steles have been found. They display a great variety of shapes and sizes, from small raw stones simply stood on end up to steles of great dimensions with decorative moulding (cavet). The attachment holes dug in the ground show how these stones were placed around the altars to the west of them, like a gathering of motionless and silent witnesses:13 and this is exactly the disposition that the holes found in the Thasos Herakleion allow us to reconstitute.

The standing stones of the Thasian Herakleion: an attempt at dating

17The specimen of aniconic stone found at the Thasian Herakleion is impossible to date in itself and has no useable stratigraphic context. The one at Corinth, which looks very similar in appearance, is dated to the Hellenistic period by its context, without this dating being established in a totally certain manner. Moreover if the Thasian one were to date from the Hellenistic period that would not necessarily presume to be the date of all its vanished neighbours. The examples known in Sicily mostly go back as far as the archaic period. As for the holes themselves, cut in the rock, they obviously cannot be dated but their position in relation to the buildings in the sanctuary may supply an interesting additional clue.

18In fact, I pointed out earlier that I had discovered several holes in association with the building underlying the temple of Heracles. As the temple can be dated to the early 5th century, this supplies a terminus ante quem for the building which preceded it, in the absence of other detail. But another observation is more troubling: in fact the seven holes associated with the first building (which is not dateable because it is partly built on rock and the rest on sterile sand) must predate it, because it is hard to imagine a building first being erected then dismantled, then stones being raised on its site and then finally it being decided to build a temple to replace the first one… Thus, by this reasoning, we arrive at the conclusion that the holes are the oldest work that was carried out around the altar of Heracles.

  • 14 Ghali-Kahil (1960); des Courtils, Pariente (1991).
  • 15 Unless this usage should be attributed to Thracians who lived on the island before the Greeks: th (...)

19No material data supplied by the successive excavations of the Herakleion goes back beyond the end of the 7th century.14 It is therefore permissible to think that the practice of raising stones in honour of Heracles began with the foundation of the sanctuary by the recently arrived Parian colonisers.15 The surface available for raising the stones then became progressively reduced by the buildings erected to the north of the altar (first a building then the temple in the early 5th century) but this would not have hindered this ritual being carried out over the following centuries, including during the Hellenistic era, to which the sole conserved example belongs.


20While not fundamentally modifying the terms of the debate about the nature of the cult of Heracles on Thasos, the archaeological observations that I have just presented at least allow us to establish that, in the sector of the rock altar, which is the focal point of the sanctuary, about ninety or so steles or raised stones of various dimensions had been placed: two rows each of five large steles (fixed in Launey’s “cupules”) and roughly eighty steles or standing stones (of which only one has been preserved), constitute more modest offerings. This usage may have begun at an early stage period and doubtless in association with the layout of the altar carved in the rock (this association seems particularly clear for the two rows of five large holes parallel to the altar). It is impossible to know how long the Thasians continued to practise this rite.

  • 16 des Courtils, Pariente (1991); des Courtils, Gardeisen, Pariente (1996).
  • 17 Muller-Dufeu (2016); Muller (2017), p. 77.

21Scattered throughout the Greek world, there are a few other examples of similar arrangements, so that the case of Thasos is not exceptional. The Greek nature of this ritual does not seem to be in doubt even if the hypothesis of a Phoenician origin for the Thasian Heracles would seem to require seeking the source in the Near East, particularly because of the vague resemblance with the Semitic baetyls — which could also might have influenced the Greeks in Sicily through the Punic examples. But there are enough other examples in mainland Greece and the islands to surmise that this ritual, simple and inexpensive, of standing stones might have been invented and practised by the Greeks without any need to borrow the idea from abroad. At the Thasos Herakleion we find all the elements of a cult that is perfectly Greek: the altar, the temple, the presence of dining rooms and the discovery of animal bones bearing the marks of cuts16 all make it pointless to entertain any idea of a foreign influence, a fortiori if one has been careful enough to abandon the theory of the Phoenician origin of the Thasian cult.17

22Finally, we might wonder if a careful examination of the ground in all the sanctuaries in the Greek world might not reveal other examples of holes which would materialise the ghosts of standing stones, completely vanished over the course of time or sometimes perhaps conserved up to the modern day, but overlooked by excavators…


Fig. 1 Map of the Herakleion in Thasos

Guide de Thasos, École française d’Athènes

Fig. 2 General view of the sanctuary of Heracles from the south. In the center: the “cupules” area being cleared

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 3 The rock altar and the “cupules” from the south-east at the time of Launey’s excavation

Launey [1950], pl. III, fig. 2

Fig. 4 The temple of Heracles and the previous building

T. Kozelj, EFA

Fig. 5 The previous building from the west after the excavation

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 6 Sectional view of one of the holes dug in sand

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 7 Marble block with mortise

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 8 Map of the altar area with the holes discovered in 2013

EFA, M. Wurch-Kozelj

Fig. 9 Semi-figural stone discovered in one of the holes

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 10 Semi-figural stone discovered in one of the holes

EFA, J. des Courtils

Fig. 11 Semi-figural stone discovered in Corinth (inv. S 2714)

Photo: H.S. Robinson, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations

Fig. 12 The sanctuary of Metapontium

Doepner [2002], fig. 172

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B. Bergquist, Herakles on Thasos. The Archaeological, Literary and Epigraphic Evidence for His Sanctuary, Status and Cult Reconsidered, Uppsala, 1973.

J. des Courtils, J., A. Pariente, “Problèmes topographiques et religieux à l’Hérakleion de Thasos”, in R. Etienne, M.-Th. Le Dinahet (ed.), L’Espace sacrificiel, Paris, 1991, p. 67–73.

J. des Courtils, A. Gardeisen, A. Pariente, “Sacrifices d’animaux à l’Hérakléion de Thasos”, BCH 120 (1996), p. 799–820.

D. Doepner, Steine und Pfeiler fur Die Gotter, Weihgeschenkgattungen in westgriechischen Stadtheiligtumern, Wiesbaden, 2002 (Palila, 10).

A. Facella, N. Giaccone, “Kaulonia. Area a Sud del tempio dorico (SAS 1 SudOvest; 2011–12)”, in NotScASNP (2013), p. 6–103.

M. Gaifman, Aniconism in Greek Antiquity, Oxford, 2012.

L. Ghali-Kahil, Études Thasiennes, I: La Céramique grecque (Fouilles 1911–1956), Paris, 1960.

M. Launey, Études Thasiennes, I: Le sanctuaire et le culte d’Héraklès à Thasos, Paris, 1944.

A. Mazarakis-Ainian, From Ruler’s dwellings to temples: architecture, religion and society in Early Iron Age Greece (1100–700 B.C.), Jonsered, 1997 (SIMA, 121).

A. Muller, “Thasos. L’installation du panthéon d’une cité coloniale”, in S. Agusta-Boularot, S. Huber, W. Van Andringa (ed.), Quand naissent les dieux. Fondation des sanctuaires antiques : motivation, agents, lieux, Rome, 2017 (Collection de l’EFR, 534), p. 62–82.

M. Muller-Dufeu, “Hérodote, l’Héraclès de Thasos et les ‘Phéniciens’”, REG 129 (2016), p. 237–265.

Z. Pitz, “La complexité d’Héraclès, entre Hérodote et les cultes de Thasos”, Kernos 29 (2016), p. 101–118.

Cl. Rolley, “Le sanctuaire des dieux patrôoi et le Thesmophorion de Thasos”, BCH 89 (1965), p. 441–483.

M.C. Sturgeon, “Hellenistic Sculpture at Corinth. The State of the Question”, in O. Palagia, W. Coulson (ed.), Regional Schools in Hellenistic Sculpture, Oxford, 1998 (Oxbow Monograph, 90), p. 1–13.

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1 Launey (1944).

2 Pitz (2016), with the bibliography.

3 Muller-Dufeu (2016).

4 M. Launey does not mention any other find relating to the setting-up of the altar, though the photo in the publication, pl. II, fig. 2, seems to show fragments of marble which were perhaps decorated and could have furnished evidence for dating…

5 Launey (1944), p. 28.

6 This identification is confirmed, if it were required, by traces of the embedding of klinai footmarks in a cross-wall. The earlier building with an interior hearth may have been a temple/sacred banquet room, of which we now know many examples, see Mazarakis-Ainian (1997).

7 des Courtils, Pariente (1991).

8 des Courtils, Gardeisen, Pariente (1996).

9 Sturgeon (1998).

10 Cf. Doepner (2002), Gaifman (2012).

11 Rolley (1965).

12 Doepner (2002), Gaifman (2012) p. 185–191 who also cites several other Western examples: Selinunte, Gaggera etc. to which we can add Caulonia. Facella, Giaccone (2013).

13 To be distinguished from the quadrangular marker stones discovered on the edge of this same sanctuary. Doepner (2002).

14 Ghali-Kahil (1960); des Courtils, Pariente (1991).

15 Unless this usage should be attributed to Thracians who lived on the island before the Greeks: the museum on Thasos contains anthropomorphic steles with a bolt but these were found in indigenous habitats on the island and seem to have come from funerary contexts. The rapprochement, while not being able to exclude it, pleads in favour rather of a coincidence than of an influence.

16 des Courtils, Pariente (1991); des Courtils, Gardeisen, Pariente (1996).

17 Muller-Dufeu (2016); Muller (2017), p. 77.

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Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 1 Map of the Herakleion in Thasos
Crédits Guide de Thasos, École française d’Athènes
Fichier image/png, 2,6M
Légende Fig. 2 General view of the sanctuary of Heracles from the south. In the center: the “cupules” area being cleared
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 12M
Légende Fig. 3 The rock altar and the “cupules” from the south-east at the time of Launey’s excavation
Crédits Launey [1950], pl. III, fig. 2
Fichier image/png, 1,8M
Légende Fig. 4 The temple of Heracles and the previous building
Crédits T. Kozelj, EFA
Fichier image/png, 284k
Légende Fig. 5 The previous building from the west after the excavation
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 1,8M
Légende Fig. 6 Sectional view of one of the holes dug in sand
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 1,8M
Légende Fig. 7 Marble block with mortise
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 1,3M
Légende Fig. 8 Map of the altar area with the holes discovered in 2013
Crédits EFA, M. Wurch-Kozelj
Fichier image/png, 1,7M
Légende Fig. 9 Semi-figural stone discovered in one of the holes
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 4,9M
Légende Fig. 10 Semi-figural stone discovered in one of the holes
Crédits EFA, J. des Courtils
Fichier image/png, 5,5M
Légende Fig. 11 Semi-figural stone discovered in Corinth (inv. S 2714)
Crédits Photo: H.S. Robinson, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations
Fichier image/png, 960k
Légende Fig. 12 The sanctuary of Metapontium
Crédits Doepner [2002], fig. 172
Fichier image/png, 1,2M
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Jacques des Courtils

Université de Bordeaux

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