In memory of Alexandru Avram

1In a recent article, Robert Parker (“Greek Religion 1828–2017: the Contribution of Epigraphy”, Chiron 48 [2018], p. 1–15) has summarized the contribution of inscription to the study of Greek religion in the last two hundred years. With the help of the Bulletin Épigraphique, the reborn Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, the revived Inscriptiones Graecae, online resources such as the Collection of Greek Ritual Norms, the systematic publication of local corpora, and also with the help of this bulletin in the last thirty years, scholars interested in the study of religion have better possibilities to access new epigraphic finds. Their numbers are continually increasing, and it is not easy to keep track of the publications, especially in the challenging times of a pandemic. This issue presents a significant portion of new epigraphic finds published in 2018, but only few of the corpora and other epigraphic collections of that year. I have made some additions to earlier issues of the EBGR (esp. 2016 and 2017) and have not given up the hope to cover the most significant gaps in the future.

2In this issue, I summarize the content of four major collections of inscriptions: the inscriptions in the Museum of Agrinion (8), the last fascicule of the corpus of Kos (25), a very important private collection in Turkey (92), and the inscriptions found at the so-called Hekatomnid grave in Mylasa (67). The other lemmata of this issue mainly cover new epigraphic finds, and some of them are very important. The most spectacular find certainly is the long poem composed by Hyssaldomos (late 3rd cent.?) and published on a partly preserved stele from Mylasa (67). The poem praises an anonymous god, addressed as ἄναξ, possibly Sarapis, whose epiphanies saved a certain Pytheas and members of his family from difficult situations in a period of wars. Here, I could only briefly summarize the content of this puzzling literary work, which will certainly attract the interest of historians of Hellenistic Karia, of religion, and of literature.

3Two other puzzling texts published in recent years originate in Selinous: the cult regulation concerning purity (EBGR 1993/94, 121) and the ‘Getty Hexameters’ (EBGR 2015, 21, 25, 43–45, 47, 67–70, 110, and 125). I have not yet been able to summarize two important publications on these texts (A. Iannuci, F. Muccioli and M. Zaccarini [eds.], La città inquieta. Selinunte tra lex sacra e defixiones, Milan/Udine, 2015; C. Antonetti [ed.], Gli esametri Getty e Selinunte. Testo e contesti, Alessandria, 2018), but some thoughts on the ‘Getty Hexameters’ can be found in this issue (26. 61). The significance of a recently published purity regulation from Thyateira has been discussed by Robert Parker (81). I stress his observation that according to this text pollution was not caused through physical contact alone; also, a relative’s death caused impurity, even when someone was absent at the time of death and the funeral; this text also treats the impurity of prostitutes differently than that of other visitors of a sanctuary; the interest of this text in sexual morality is now paralleled by a decree from Tralleis that prevented passive homosexuals from entering sanctuaries (64). While a new inscription from Athens sheds new light on the location of the sanctuary of Zeus Meilichios in Agrai, his association with Meter and Kore, and the mysteries ἐν Ἄγραις (101), a long text from Boiotia contributes to our knowledge of the festival of the Basileia and its funding (69; cf. 57). An inscription from Dion, a dedication to Zeus Hypsistos, attests the celebration of the Roman festival Nonae Capratinae in this Roman colony, but also shows the role played by private associations in public festivals (71).

4A relief with unique iconography from Lete in Macedonia attests a new god: Theos Theodaimon (103). An inscription from Asia Minor that praises ὕψιστος θεός (92) possibly provides new insights into the perception and cult of Theos Hypsistos, if it does not refer to the recent creation of new gods in 139 CE but to the powers of Theos Hypsistos. I also note the publication of a blade used for the cutting of hair of young men during a rite of passage in Panamara (59).

5Inscriptions from Asia Minor provide further evidence for divine epiphanies as well as for the wide-spread belief that disease and other misfortunes were divine punishment for transgressions (62. 92). I single out an inscription that probably records a miracle (92) concerning the abduction of a girl and possibly mentioning a chariot pulled by snakes. While some people experienced the punishing power of gods, others benefitted from their protection. In a Hellenistic dedication, a man attributes his success in court to the support of Thea Peismatene (92) and a certain Theopais in Iuliopolis claimed that he had received his divinatory powers from a god (9). Finally, I also note an interesting piece of evidence for polytheism in Late Antiquity: an epigram from Hierapolis, according to which the council would have liked to honor a man by placing his statue among the gods (47).

6The principles explained in Kernos 4 (1991), p. 287–288, and Kernos 7 (1994), p. 287, also apply to this issue. For periodicals, I use the abbreviations of L’Année Philologique, for epigraphic publications those recommended by the Association Internationale de l’Épigraphie Grecque et Latine (https://www.aiegl.org/​newsreader/​grepiabbr.html) and the abbreviations of SEG. A full list of these abbreviations can be found in G. Tsolakis, “Epigraphic Abbreviations”, in E. Sverkos and G. Tsolakis, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Concordances for Volumes XLVI–LX (1996–2010), Leiden, 2021; they are also freely accessible at SEG Online (https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/​entries/​supplementum-epigraphicum-graecum/​abbreviations-aabbr). One additional abbreviation is listed below. If not otherwise specified, dates are BCE. I am grateful to Eric Hensley (UW Madison) for proofreading and improving the English text.

Abbreviations

IAM 2019	H. Şahin and H.S. Öztürk, “Inscriptions of Asia Minor 2019”, Acta Classica Mediterranea 2 (2019), p. 80–227.
Vir doctus Anatolicus	B. Takmer, E.N. Akdogu Arca and N. Gökalp Özdil (eds.), Vir doctus Anatolicus. Studies in Memory of Sençer Sahin, Istanbul, 2016.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

7Attica: Athens: 36. 77–79. 101; Piraeus: 83. Corinth: 42. Epidauros: 5. 76. Troizen: 49. Messenia: Messene: 68. Arkadia: 48; Lykosoura: 68. Elis: Olympia: 95. Boiotia: Lebadeia: 57. 69. Western Lokris: Naupaktos: 82. Aitolia/Akarnania: Alyzeia: 8; Astakos: 8; Kalydon: 8; Trichonion: 8. Epeiros: Dodona: 32. 46; Gitane: 87; Molossia: 32. Illyria: Apollonia: 88. Macedonia: 14. 15. 33. 66. 94; Dion: 71; Herakleia Sintike: 66. 70. 94; Lete: 103; Morrylos: 102; Parthikopolis: 94; Pella: 60. 98; Stobi: 21. Thrace: Augusta Traiana: 94; Deultum: 94; Draganovets: 94; Glava Panega: 94; Hadrianopolis: 94; Nikopolis ad Nestum: 94; Pautalia: 94; Philippopolis: 94; Serdica: 94. Moesia Inferior: Abritus: 94; Dionysopolis: 89. 94; Histria: 12; Markianopolis: 94; Nikopolis ad Istrum: 94; Odessos: 94; Tomis: 10. 11. Dacia: 86. North Shore of the Black Sea: Gorgippeia: 107; Nikonion: 19; Pantikapaion: 93. Kos: 23. 25. 67. Lepsia: 25. 39. Leros: 25. Patmos: 25. Kalymnos: 24. Crete: Knossos: 16. Sicily: Megara Hyblaia: 34; Selinous: 26. 61. Italy: Rome: 85. Raetia: 50. Asia Minor: 51. Karia: Aphrodisias: 31. 72; Knidos: 67; Mylasa: 67; Stratonikeia: 59. 97; Tralleis: 64. Ionia: Ephesos: 92; Metropolis: 13. 52; Teos: 3. Lydia: 27. 62. 92; Gordos: 84; Hierokaisareia: 63; Kollyda: 92; Philadelphia: 92; Saittai: 65; Thyateira: 81. 92. Aiolis: Aigai: 37. Troas: 73. Mysia: 92; Daskyleion: 92; Hellespont: 29; Kyzikos: 89. 92; Miletoupolis: 92; Prousa: 104. Bithynia: Apameia: 38; Iuliopolis: 9; Kalchedon: 89; Nikaia: 1. 74. Phrygia: 7. 53. 54; Aizanoi: 56; Dorylaion: 6. 17. 18. 43. 45; Hierapolis: 28. 47; Kotyaion: 92; Laodikeia: 96; Nakoleia: Pisidia: Antioch: 55; Termessos: 30. Pamphylia: Perge: 4. 75. Lykia: Arykanda: 90; Myra: 35; Oinonada: 99; Tlos: 99. 105; Xanthos: 44. Kilikia: 2; Hierapolis/Kastabala: 108; Seleukeia on the Kalykadnos: 100; Korykos: 40. Israel/Palestine: Askalon: 41. Syria: Edessa: 58; Karkemish: 22. Egypt: 91

8ablution: 62

9afterlife: 92

10agonistic festival, in Lydia: 84. 92; in Tomis: 12; in Xanthos: 17; Alea: 68 (Tegea); Antipatreia: 17 (Xanthos); Asklepieia; 23 (Kos); Basileia: 57. 69 (Lebadeia); Dionysia: 37 (Aigai, Kolophon); Hermaia: 25 (Patmos); Ithomaia: 68 (Messene); Klaria: 37 (Kolophon); Letoa: 17 (Xanthos); Lykaia: 68; Nemea: 68; Chrysanthina: 92 (Sardeis)

11altar: 3. 7. 25. 51. 52. 54. 58. 67. 74. 90. 92. 94. 108; funerary: 9

12amulet: 103. 106

13animal: cock: 103; cow: 102; eagle: 71; snake: 92. 103; see also s.v. sacrificial animal

14anatomical votive: 92

15apotropaic text: 26. 100

16aretalogy: 67. 92

17association, cult: 1. 10. 12. 25. 38. 42. 55. 71. 84. 89. 94. 101

18astrology: 9

19banquet: 8. 25. 67; funerary: 4

20cake, sacrificial: 105

21calendar: 3; sacrificial c.: 23

22Christianity: 42. 104

23‘confession inscription’: 27. 92

24cosmogony: 92

25crown, sacred: 65

26cult founder: 41

27cult regulation: 81

28cult, introduction: 103; transfer: 71. 86

29cult officials: agonothetes: 17. 65. 69. 84. 92; archiereia: 14. 25; archiereus of the imperial cult: 2. 17 (Lykiarches). 25. 63 (Asiarches). 92 (Asiarches). 94; archipoimen: 25; diakonos: 13; egersitheoi: 41; Hermas: 13; hiaromnamones: 8; hiereia: 2. 25. 62; hiereus: 13. 18. 23. 25. 38. 41. 65. 67. 68. 92. 94; hieroi: 68; hierokeryx: 25 hieronautai: 9; hieropoios: 23. 25; hydrobaphos: 13; hydrophoros: 25; hymnodoi: 12; mantis: 95; neokoros: 67. 92; odrogos: 13; pastophoroi: 10; rhabdophoroi: 69; therapeutai: 67

30cult officials: age of: 31; family relations among them: 13; for life: 17; slave as cult official: 13

31curse, see also s.v. defixio, imprecation

32day, sacred to a deity: 23. 38

33death: 81. 104

34dedication, melting of: 78

35dedication, by fishermen: 89; by magistrates: 8. 94; by a priest: 13. 45. 94. 103; by a former priest: 25; by a soldier: 94

36dedication, after a dream: 25. 92. 94; after rescue from brigands 94; after rescue from danger: 94; as expression of gratitude: 14. 15. 92. 94; for military promotion: 94; for the well-being of the brother of a king: 67; of an emperor: 12; of a family: 66. 74. 92. 94; of an individual: 6. 92; of a household: 54; of a village: 6. 54. 74; upon divine command: 45. 92. 94

37dedication, dedicatory objects: incense burner: 67; statue: 32. 55. 67. 71. 73. 74. 92. 94. 96; statuette: 14. 89; see also s.v. anatomical votive, inventory

38defixio: 19. 25. 34. 36, 77. 98; see also s.v. prayer for justice

39deities: Adrasteia: 86. Aphrodite: 42. 72; Ourania: 41. 73. 91; Pontia: 89. Apollo: 22. 24. 25. 39. 54. 67. 94; Archegetes: 28; Kendreisos: 94; Lairbenos: 27; Lykios: 65; Paian: 94; Syrmaios: 65; Tarsi: 92. Ares: 13. 67. 94. Artemis: 2. 8. 16. 94; Anaitis: 92; Elaphebolos: 25. 66. 70; Hegemone: 32. 68; Hiereia: 8; Kindyas: 67; Lykoatis: 48; Patmia: 25; Soteira: 25. Asklepios: 5. 8. 23. 25. 44. 67. 76. 86. 88. 94. 102; Saltobousenos: 94; Zylmyzdrienos: 94. Athena: 8. 90. Daimon: Agathos: 25. 67. Demeter: 23. 51. 66. 103. Despoina: 68; Akraia: 48. Dione: 46. Dionysos: 3. 6. 12. 18. 37. 42. 54. 67. 89. 93. 94; Bakchos: 25; Parabolos: 89. Dioskouroi: 51. Epione: 25. Glykon: 86. Hades: 67. Hekate: 26. 92. 94; Pontia: 25. Helios: 7; Soter: 65. Hephaistos: 63. 67. Hera: 67?. 94. Sonkotene: 14. Herakles: 26. 94. 107. Hermes: 14. 67. 107. Hestia: 8. Hosios Dikaios: 54. Hosios kai Dikaios: 7. 43. 54. Hygieia: 25. 94. Kore: 25. 101. 103. Leto: 17. Mes: 86. 92; Axiottenos: 62; Tiamou: 92. Meter: 92. 101; Somaene: 45. Meter Theon: 83; Pontia: 89. 94. Mnemosyne: 5. Nemeseis: 86. Nemesis: 1. Nymphai: 25. 28. Paian: 26. Pan: 30. Parthenos: 25. Persephone: 25. 104. Plouton: 25. Poseidon: 67. 89. Priapos: 100. Rhea: 23. Selene: Katachthonia: 40. Telesphoros: Soter: 94. Themis: 87. Theodaimon: 103. Theoi Basilikoi: 94; Theos Hypsistos: 92. 94. Tyche: 55; Agathe: 25. Zenoposeidon: 67. Zeus: 67. 92. 94. 101; Aganiteon: 67; Basileus: 57; Bennios: 56; Dodonaios: 46; ek Didymon Dryon: 62; Eumenes: 67; Genethlios: 25; Keraunios: 51. 97; Klobrenos: 94; Krezimos: 13; Ktesios: 67; Labraundos: 67; Meilichios: 60. 101; Narenos: 86; Patrikos: 74; Patroios: 67; Soter: 2. 52. 94

40deities, Anatolian: 86: Anaitis: 92; Iupiter Cernenus: 86; Iupiter Optimus Maximus Erosenos 86; Iupiter Optimus Maximus Tavianus: 86; Kybele: 89. 92. 101; Meter Troklimene: 86; Meter Somaene: 45; Sabazios: 86; Thea Peismatene: 92; Zeus Boussourigios: 86; Zeus Heptakomikos: 86; Zeus Kimistenos: 86; Zeus Narenos: 86; Zeus Sarnendenos: 86; Zeus Syrgastes: 86; Egyptian: Harpokrates: 67; Isis: 10. 21. 38. 67; Nephthys: 73; Osiris: 73; Sarapis: 21. 46. 67. 94. 96; Iranian: Mes: 86; Mes Axiottenos: 62; Mes Tiamou: 92; Thracian: Geigon: 94; Heros: 94; Heros Machioplis: 94; Heros Pyrmeroulas: 94; Theos Dabatopoios: 94; Theos Kardebrenos: 94; Theos Salenos: 94; Thracian Rider: 94

41deity, affection towards d.: 25; ancestral: 74; eponymous office: 37. 89; patron of fertility: 100; patron of fishing: 89; personal relationship with mortal: 9; rider: 43; support in court: 92; tribe named after god: 63. 94; see also s.v. epiphany, miracle, protection, punishment

42dice oracle: 99

43disease, as divine punishment: 27. 62; protection against d.: 46

44divination: 9. 46. 99; cf. s.v. oracle

45divine punishment: 27. 50. 62. 92

46dream: 5. 25. 92. 94

47eagle: 71

48ear, of deity (in relief): 21

49Eleusis: 103

50emotion: 27

51epiphany: 67. 103

52Eumolpos: 94

53festival, funding of: 57. 69; in honor of benefactor: 25

54festival: Komyria: 59 (Stratonikeia); Nonae Capratinae: 71

55finances, sacred: 18. 57; see also s.v. land

56foundation, funerary: 75. 94

57foundation of city: see s.v. ktisis; of festival: 17

58funerary cult: 25. 67. 94; foundation: 75; horse race: 14. 33; rosalia: 94; sacrifice: 105

59gem: 46

60gladiatorial event: 1. 25

61grave, protection of: 25. 72; see also s.v. imprecation

62gymnasion: 25. 49. 107

63hair, dedication of: 59

64healing: 92

65healing miracle: 5. 76

66heroic cult, heroization: 3. 14. 29. 49. 105

67heroon: 11

68heros: Arbisenos: 66; Archagetas: 32; Machioplis: 94; Pyrmeroulas: 94; Tomos: 11

69homicide: 81

70homosexuality: 64

71hymn: 25. 67. 93

72Idaean Dactyls: 61

73imperial cult: 2. 25. 28. 52. 63. 65. 72. 94. 108; dedication of a statue of a god to an emperor: 94

74imprecation, funerary: 7. 25. 35. 40. 51. 72. 92

75incantation: 26

76incense burner: 58. 67

77incubation: 5

78initiation: 68

79inventory: 67. 78. 79

80ktisis: 11. 67

81land, sacred: 39. 67; leasing of 3. 67

82Late Antiquity, polytheism: 25. 47

83libation: 92

84magic: 103; see also s.v. defixio, gem, incantation

85memory, commemoration: 5. 75. 105

86miracle: 67. A; see also s.v. healing miracle

87morality: 81

88mystery cult: 61. 68. 101

89myth: 11. 26. 67. 92

90names, personal: Θεόκωμος 101; Θεόπαις: 9

91navigium Isidis: 10

92night: 67

93oracle: 25. 32. 88; dice oracle: 99; cf. s.v. divination

94Orpheus: 94

95paian: 67

96perjury: 92

97personifications: 94

98phallus: 100

99pollution: 81

100praise of god: 62. 92

101prayer: 6. 94; from the grave: 25. 53

102prayer for justice: 50. 85

103priesthood, accumulation of: 65; eponymous: 37; family of priests: 2. 13; for life: 2. 18; iteration: 2; list of priests: 25; perquisites: 23; replacement of deceased priest: 67

104procession: 69

105prohibition: 3. 8. 25. 64

106prostitute: 81

107protection, divine: 67

108punishment, divine: 27. 50. 81

109purification: 5. 62. 81

110purity: 64. 81

111Pythagoreans: 61

112rite of passage: 59

113ritual: see s.v. ablution, dedication, hair, initiation, libation, mystery cult, navigium Isidis, procession; purification, sacrifice, supplication

114rosalia: 94

115sacrifice: 3. 8. 23; distribution of sacrificial meat: 3; food offering: 23; holocaust: 23; participation in: 82

116sacrificial animal: burning of: 23; cow: 23; pregnant: 23; sheep: 23

117sacrificial calendar: 23

118sanctuary, cession of stolen property to: 50; exclusion from: 64; finances of: 18. 83. 102; grove: 3; precinct: 3; recipient of fine: 25. 72; see also s.v. treasure box

119slave, as cult official: 13. 71; sacred: 94

120snake: 92. 103

121statue: 32. 55. 67. 71. 73. 74. 92. 94. 96; cult statue: 67. 68

122supplication: 67. 88

123testament: 25

124torch race: 3. 17. 25

125treasure box: 23

126tribe, named after god: 63. 94

127virginity: 31. 92

128vow: 7. 21. 22. 43. 44. 51. 54. 62. 67. 92. 94

129water ritual: 13

130women: 23. 31. 83

131zodiac: 92

Greek Words (a Selection)

132agonistic festival: θέμις 17

133associations: ἀγορανόμος 42; ἀρχιποιμήν 25; Βακχιασταί 25; Βαχῖον 54; Διονυσοβολεῖται 89; δωδεκατισταί 38; θιασεῖται 25; θίασος 25. 42; θίασος ἀρτοκρεωνικός 42; λαμπαδισταί 25; μαγίστωρ 94; Νεμεσιασταί 1; ξένοι τεκμορεῖοι 55; οἶκος 25; στιβάς 25; συναγόμενοι 38

134cult objects: θυμιατήριον 67

135cult officials: ἐγερσίθεος 41; θεραπευτής 67; λικναφόρος 42

136cult statue: ἀφύδρευμα 67

137curses: ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς καταχθονίοις 35; ἀτελής 34; ἄφωνος 19; βάλλω 34; ἔνοχος ἔστω τοῖς θεοῖς 51; ἐπάρατος 72; ἐπαρίστερος 36; εὐχαριστήριον 94; κακῶς ἀπόλοιτον 92; ψυχρός 36

138dedication: ἀνιερῶ 25; δῶρον 92. 94; ἐκ λῃστηρίου ἀθλίου σωτηρίας 94; ἐξ ἐπιταγῆς 45; ἐπὶ προκοπήν 94; ἐπιταγ_̣εὶς καθ’ ὕπνον 94; εὐχαριστήριον 94; εὐχήν 6. 43. 44. 51. 54. 92. 94; εὐχὴν εὐχαριστοῦσα 92; εὐχὴν… ἣν κατ᾿ ὄνειρον εὔξετο 92; κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν 92; κατ᾿ εὐχήν 22; κατ᾿ ὄνειρον 25; περὶ τῆς κώμης εὐμενίας καὶ… σωτηρίας 6; σωθεὶς ἐκ μεγάλου κινδύνου? 94; σωθεῖσα χαριστήριον 92; ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ 92; ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ κὲ τῶν εἰδίων πάντων 43; ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τῶν ἰδίων 54; ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἰδίων τέκνων 74; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας 54. 94; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ ὑγείας καὶ ὅλης τῆς πατρίδος καὶ στρατηγίας 94; ὑπὲρ… εὐκαρπίας τῆς κώμης 74; ὑπὲρ τῆς θυγατρός 92; ὑπὲρ τῆς κώμης 54; ὑπὲρ τῶν μαστῶν 92; ὑπὲρ ὅλου τοῦ οἴκου 94; ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν 92; ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ 92; χαριστήριον: 15. 92. 94

139divination: μαντεία ἀστρική 9; ὀρνεοσκοπέω 94

140divine punshment: ἀπὸ νῦν εὐλογῶ 62; ἀτόπημα 92; εὐλογῶ 92; δύναμις 62; κολάζω 62. 92; κόλασις 62; στηλογραφέω 62

141epithets (a selection): ἀγαθή 25 (Tyche); ἀγαθός 25 (Daimon); ἀγεμόνα 32. 68 (Artemis); ἀκεσφόρος 25 (Asklepios); ἀκραία 48 (Despoina); ἄναξ 25 (Asklepios). 67; ἄνασσα 46 (Dione); ἀρχηγέτης 28 (Apollo). 32 (Heros); βασιλεύς 57 (Zeus). 73 (Osiris); βασιλικός 94 (Theoi); γενέθλιος 25 (Zeus); δείμου ὀπάς 94 (Hekate); ἐλαφηβόλος 25. 66. 70 (Artemis); ἐπήκοος 51 (Dioskouroi). 62 (Mes). 94 (Asklepios); ἐπιφανής 28 (Apollo); ἐπιφανέστατοι 94 (Asklepios, Hygieia); εὐμενής 67 (Zeus); εὐχάριστος 94 (Asklepios); ἡγεμόνη 32. 68 (Artemis); θηρόδαμνος 67 (Artemis); ἱερά 46 (Dione); ἱέρεια 8 (Artemis); Καῖσαρ 25 (Asklepios); καταχθονία 40 (Selene); κεραύνιος 51. 97 (Zeus); κτήσιος 67 (Zeus); κυρία 94 (Hera); κύριος 22 (Apollo). 66 (Heros Arbisenos). 94 (Theos, Heros); λαμπαδηφόρος 94 (Hekate); μεγάλη 92 (Anaitis); μέγας 12 (Dionysos). 62 (Zeus). 66 (Heros Arbisenos); 13 (Zeus Krezimos); μειλίχιος 60 (Zeus); μήτηρ 92 (Anaitis); νυκτοφανής 94 (Hekate); οὐρανία 41. 73. 91 (Aphrodite); παράβολος 89 (Dionysos); πατρικός 74 (Zeus); πατρῷιος 67 (Zeus); πολυώνυμος κούρα 25 (Persephone); ποντία 25 (Hekate). 89 (Aphrodite); πότνια 25 (Persephone); σεβαστός 52 (Zeus); σώτειρα 25 (Artemis); σωτήρ 2. 94 (Zeus). 52 (Hadrian, Zeus). 65 (Helios?). 94 (Telesphoros); φιλόμολπος 93 (Dionysos)

142festival: ἄγειν ἐπώνυμον ἡμέραν 25

143funerary cult: μνημονικὰ καὶ ῥόδα 94

144piety: εὐλογέω 62. 92; θεοπρεπῶς 18; ὁσίως 18; σωφροσύνη 62

145prayer: ἀνίστημι εὐχάς 54; εὔχομαι 53. 62. 94

146purity: ἁγνεύεται 81

147rituals: ἀποστεύω? 8; ἐναγίζω 3; ἱερὰ λαμπάς 17; καταλούομαι 62; λαμπαδουχία 17; πότος 4

148sacrifice: ἀποφορά 23; διετῆς 105; ἔνδορα 23; ἱερὰ ἐξαιρεῖται 23; καρπόω 23; πλακοῦς 105; σβέννυμι 23

149sanctuary: διακονητήριον 67; κόγχη 25; λαμπαδεῖον 3; μέγαρον 23; οἶκος 65; περιρραντήριον 64

150various terms: ἀλήθεια 62; ὅσιον 64. 82

1511) M. Adak, “Nemesis in der bithynischen Metropole Nikaia und ein Proconsul der Provinz Asia”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 1–32 [BE 2017, 546; SEG LXVI 1434]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for the governor of Asia L. Venuleius Montanus Apronianus Octavius Priscus (Nikaia, 138/139 CE) set up in the theater by a cult association of worshippers of Nemesis (Νεμεσιασταί). A. discusses the cult of Nemesis in connection with gladiatorial events.

1522) M. Adak, “Die Melas-Brücke bei Kotenna und die Familie des Stanamoas”, Adalya 21 (2018), p. 211–228: A. publishes an inscription that commemorates the construction of a bridge over the river Melas, near Kotenna, under the archonship of Orestes, brother of Stanamoas (late 2nd cent. CE). Stanamoas and his family are well-known through two honorific inscriptions, republished by A. (Bean – Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia II 12–13, late 2nd/early 3rd cent.). Stanamoas served as high priest twice, his brother Neoptolemos as priest of Zeus Soter for life and as high priest, his granddaughter Kbaroues as priestess of Artemis four times.

1533) M. Adak and K. Stauner, “Die Neoi und das Temenos des Dionysas. Eine hellenistische Pachturkunde aus Teos”, Philia 4 (2018), p. 1–25 [BE 2019, 419; IAM 2019, 066]: Ed. pr. of a stele found near the temple of Dionysos in Teos (ca. 175–150). The inscription summarizes the conditions under which a committee of the neoi and the members of the gymnasion leased a precinct (τέμενος) that housed an altar and one or more buildings. The details of the lease agreement were contained in a separate document (συνγραφή). The stele originally stood in the precinct of Dionysos on a base (L. 43: στήσει δὲ καὶ στήλην εἰς τὸ ἄλσος τοῦ Διονύσου ἐν ἐμβατῆρι). The leased precinct had been bequeathed to the neoi by Dionysas, a benefactor, for whom they had established a heroic cult. The celebrations, that included sacrifices, took place in the spring and lasted for three days, as can be inferred from one of the clauses of the regulation: ‘he shall not prevent the prostatai appointed by the neoi from entering the sacred precinct every year through the gate leading to the lampadeion, if they wish to come together in the sacred precinct in the spring for three days and offer sacrifices to the hero and distribute the sacrificial meat’ (LL. 20–25: οὐ κωλύσει δὲ οὐδὲ εἰς τὸ τέμενος εἰσι(έ)ναι κατὰ τὴν θύραν τὴν φέρουσαν ἐπὶ τὸ λαμπαδεῖον τοὺς ἀποδεικνυμένους προστάτας ὑπὸ τῶν νέων καθ’ ἕκαστον ἔτος, ἐὰν βούλωνται τοῦ ἔαρος συνεῖναι ἐν τῶι τεμένει ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ ἐναγίσαι τῶι ἥρωι καὶ διανέμειν τὰς μερίδας). The torches that were kept in a λαμπαδεῖον were probably connected with these celebrations, probably used for torch-races. The neoi were organized as a legal body, with their own officials (προστάται; the same officials are attested for the symmoriai of Teos). The body of the neoi was not a voluntary association but a civic institution. The temenos was leased to a certain Demetrios in perpetuity (L. 5: εἰς ἀεί) for an annual rent of 150 drachmai; the term used for the rent (ἄτμενον, ‘slave’, ‘servant’?) was hitherto unattested in this meaning; perhaps it was used metaphorically, the rent ‘serving’ the capital; the activities for which Demetrios was planning to use the temenos are not known. The text details the obligations of Demetrios, mainly concerning the maintenance of the temenos and its structures and the orderly payment of the rent. The new text attests four months of the Teian calendar: Anthesterion, Demetrion, Heraion, and Leukatheon. [See also the comments of D. Rousset, BE 2019, 419, on the legal aspects of this text and C.P. Jones, “The Lease of a Heroic tέμενος at Teos”, ZPE 212 (2019), p. 109–114, who suggests that Dionysas may have been a prematurely deceased member of the body of the neoi.]

1544) M. Adak and M. Oktan, “Die Stiftung des Hermaios aus Lyrboton kome bei Perge”, ZPE 207 (2018), p. 96–100 [BE 2019, 489]: Ed. pr. of an inscription found in a cemetery at Lyrboton kome, near Perge (2nd cent. CE). Hermaios made a donation to his phratra. The money should be used for a drinking party (πό|[τος ἀ]χ_̣θ̣ήσεται π̣εινόντων) under the supervision of a certain Philotas. This was probably a one-time event connected with the funerary cult for Hermaios [cf. infra no. 75].

1555) S.P. Ahearne-Kroll, “The Afterlife of a Dream and the Ritual System of the Epidaurian Asklepieion”, ARG 15 (2013), p. 35–51: A.-K. examines the lasting impact that the written narratives of healing miracles in Epidauros, in combination with rituals (esp. purifications) and conversations that took place at the sanctuary before and after the incubation, had on the worshippers. He adduces numerous literary sources (esp. Aelian, nat. anim. IX, 33; Aelian, fr. 101), establishing a close relationship between the worshippers and the divine and also promoting the cult. A few inscriptions explicitly state that they served as reminders of Asklepios’ powers for the years to come (IG IV².1.128: καὶ αὐτίκα καὶ εἰς τὸν ὕστερον χρόνον; IGUR 102a: μνᾶμα καὶ ἐσσομένοις). In this context, A.-K. stresses the importance of Mnemosyne in Greek cult. [For a similar role played by records of divine justice, see A. Chaniotis, “Constructing the Fear of Gods: Epigraphic Evidence from Sanctuaries of Greece and Asia Minor”, in Id. (ed.), Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World, Stuttgart, 2012, p. 205–234.]

1566) E. Akgün Kaya, “Phrygia’dan Dionysos için Yeni bir Adak Yazıtı”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 74–80 [BE 2017, 537; SEG LXVI 1581]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Dionysos from Dorylaion (3rd cent. CE). Bakchos, a free man, his brother Demetrios, a slave, and Alekkas made this dedication praying to Dionysos for the well-being of their village and of Bakchos (περὶ τῆς κώμης εὐμενίας καὶ τοῦ Βάκχου σωτηρίας Διονύσῳ εὐχήν); but Εὐμενεία could be the village’s name.

1577) E. Akinci Öztürk, “Some Greek Inscriptions from Caria and Phrygia”, Gephyra 15 (2018), p. 145–151: Ed. pr. of an altar from the Kazanes Valley in Phrygia with relief representation of an animal on the front and a radiate head (Helios or Hosios and Dikaios) on the back (3, Imperial period). The altar was the vow (εὐχή) of a man. The author also republishes a funerary imprecation (Strubbe, Arai Epitymbioi, 130) from Eriza.

1588) C. Antonetti and P. Funke (eds.), Collezioni epigrafiche della Grecia occidentale. Epigraphische Sammlungen aus Westgriechenland. Pars I. La Collezione epigrafica del Museo archaeologico di Agrinio. Die epigraphische Sammlung des archäologischen Museums von Agrinio, Bonn, 2018 [BE 2019, 218]: A.-F and their collaborators present 188 inscriptions from various locations in Aitolia and Akarnania, now in the Museum of Agrinion. I only present the inedita. Alyzeia: A dedication to Artemis Hiereia (2nd cent.). Astakos: A cult regulation (1, 2nd cent.) reads μὴ ΑΠΟΣΤΕΥΕΙΝ ἐν τῶι ἱερῶι. A verb ἀποστεύω is unattested (“to bone”, “to carry away the bones [of a sacrifice]”?); for this reason, the eds. suggest the emendation ἀποσιτεύειν (“do not feed the animals taking food from sacred banquets”). A dedication by a board of prytaneis is addressed to Hestia, Athena, and Artemis (12, 3rd/2nd cent.). Kalydon: A small fragment mentions Artemis and the hiaromnamones (3, ca. 250–200). Trichonion: A dedication to Asklepios (9, 4th cent.).

1599) F. Avcu, “Nallıhan Çevresinden Yeni Yazıtlar: Sulpicii Ailesi”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 116–121 [BE 2017, 550; SEG LXVI 1389]: Ed. pr. of an interesting epitaph from Iuliopolis (4, 3rd cent. CE). Demosthenes speaks from his grave. He was called Θεόπαις (“divine child”) because he had been honored by the god with divinatory powers connected with the ‘reading’ of the stars (πάντως οὖν κα[ὶ] θεὸς μ᾿ ἐτείμα καὶ τὸ μαντείας γέρας [ἔ]δωκεν ἀστρικ⟨ῆ⟩ς ἐν ὅλῳ μοι τῷ βίῳ). [As I noted in SEG, the expression θεὸς ἐτείμα is attested in connection with divinatory abilities; see MAMA VI 152 = SEG XLIII 943 B I LL. 1–3: τιμηθὶς ὑπὸ Ἑκά|της πρώτης, δεύτε|ρον ὑπὸ Μάνου Δάου | [ἡ]λιοδρόμου Διός, τρί|τον Φοίβου ἀρχηγέτο[υ] | χρησμοδότου, ἀ|ληθῶς δῶ|[ρ]ον ἔλαβ|[ο]ν χρησ|[μ]οδοτῖ|[ν] ἀλη|[θεί]ας ἐν | πατρί|δι; cf. EBGR 2016, 1. For the expression μαντείας… ἀστρικῆς, J.‑M. Carbon (SEG) adduces as a parallel Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 3.41]. The funerary altar was set up by Demosthenes’ son.

16010) A. Avram, “Sur les pastophores de Tomis”, in M. Popescu, I. Achim and F. Matei-Popescu (eds.), La Dacie et l’empire romain. Mélanges d’épigraphie et d’archéologie offerts à Constantin C. Petolescu, Bucharest, 2018, p. 121–126: A. republishes an honorific inscription from Tomis (I.Tomis 198; RICIS 618/1007; ca. 200 CE). According to his restoration, the ἱεροναῦται, an association connected with the navigium Isidis (πλοιαφέσια), honored a woman who is designated as μήτηρ παστοφόρων. A female pastophoros is mentioned in an inscription from Rome (IGUR 1150 = RICIS 509/0174). A. suggests that the honored woman was the president of an association of the “bearers of the veil” of Isis [μήτηρ παστοφόρων may be an honorific title and not the designation of an office].

16111) A. Avram, “Tomos, le héros fondateur de Tomis”, Pontica 51 (2018), p. 453–466 [BE 2019, 317]: Two grave epigrams from Tomis (Peek, GVI 1632; SEG LXI 584) and an epigram from the area of Dobrudja (SEG XXV 807, restored in L. 8) call the city of Tomis ἄστυ Τόμοιο. These epigrams must be connected with a mythological tradition that regarded the city a foundation of a homonymous heros. This tradition was popular around the time in which Hadrian gave the city its freedom. A heroon restored under Hadrian (SEG LXIV 641: ἀποκαθ]εσταμένης τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἡ̣[μῶν? - - - π]ρὸς τῷ βωμῷ τοῦ ἡρῴου) probably is a monument for the mythological ktistes.

16212) A. Avram, “Eine neue Inschrift der dionysischen Speira von Histria”, Gephyra 16 (2018), p. 143–154 [BE 2019, 321]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Histria. The dedication was made for the well-being of emperor Caracalla and Iulia Domna (ca. 215 CE). The dedicants are the members of an association of hymnodoi worshipping Dionysos ([ὑμνῳδοὶ] νεώτεροι οἱ περὶ [τὸν μέγαν θε]ὸν Διόνυσον), who had won the choral competition (νεικ[ήσαντες ἀγῶνα] χορῶν) as well as the final competition among the victors of the various disciplines (καὶ τὸν κατὰ π[άντων καὶ στεφανω]θέντες; cf. SEG LXV 569). The agon, possibly organized by the Pontic Koinon, must have taken place in honor of Dionysos.

16313) S. Aybek, B. Dreyer and C. Sponsel, “Der Kultplatz des Zeus Krezimos in Metropolis in Ionien”, Gephyra 15 (2017), p. 71–94 [IAM 2019, 044–63]: The authors (re)publish the inscriptions that have been found in the sanctuary of Zeus Krezimos, located on a rocky projection of the acropolis of Metropolis (early Imperial period). The inscriptions consist of 18 lists of cult officials, who were often relatives: the priest of Μέγας Ζεὺς Κρήζιμος, the priestess (usually the priest’s mother), a female ὑδροβάφος, a male Ἑρμᾶς—a priestly office occupied in one case by the brother of the priest—, one or more male and female διάκονοι (often relatives of the priest), and the οδρογος. The same man, Alexandros, appears in the function of the οδρογος in several inscriptions. He probably was a male slave with some expertise; for this reason, he fulfilled a cultic function in more than one cult and for a longer period of time. Analogous lists, with similar officials, are attested also in the cult of Ares in the same city (see EBGR 2009, 53). The presence of an ὑδροβάφος in this cult shows that a water ritual played an important part in the rituals of this local god. In addition to the lists of personnel, the finds include a dedication to Great Zeus made by a priest during his term in office (ἱερητεύων).

16414) S. Babamova, “Novi antichki natpisi od Makedonija”, in Ad perpetuam memoriam Michaelis D. Petruševski (žAnt Monographs, 10), Skopje, 2012, p. 27–50 [SEG LXVI 517, 548, 570]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from North Macedonia [we present the texts according to the improved editions in SEG]. 10) An inscription found in the southwestern cemetery of Isar-Marvinci (ancient Idomene?), commemorates the performance of a horse race in honor of a heroized man, Taurosthenes ([- - - | Τ]αυροσθένους | ἵππο̄ δρόμος; late 4th cent.; SEG LXVI 548; cf. infra no. 33). 15) A dedication (not epitaph), possibly to Hera Sonketene, was made in expression of gratitude (Radoviš, 2nd cent. CE; SEG LXVI 570). 16) A high priestess dedicated a statuette of Hermes (Bansko, Imperial period; SEG LXVI 517).

16515) S. Babamova, “New Inscriptions from Eastern Macedonia”, žAnt 67 (2017), p. 89–96: Ed. pr. of new inscriptions from eastern Macedonia. They include a dedication to an anonymous deity in expression of gratitude (χαριστήριον; 4, area of Štip, 2nd/3rd cent.).

16616) M.W. Baldwin Bowsky, “Four Inscriptions from Greater Knossos and the Road to its Port at Heraklion (Crete)”, ABSA 107 (2012), p. 313–319 [SEG LXII 638]: B.B. republishes a dedication to Artemis by Diadoumenos, son of Thettaliskos (3 = SEG XXXIII 737; area of Knossos, 1st cent. CE). She associates the dedicant with a wealthy landowner in the territory of Knossos, M. Claudius Thettaliskos, freedman of M. Claudius Marcellus Aeserninus (Pliny, NH 12.12); one of his slaves made a dedication to the Kouretes (SEG LVI 1057) [but Diadoumenos cannot be the son of M. Claudius Thettaliskos, who was a eunuch; he may have been a member of his household].

16717) P. Baker and G. Thériault, “La vie agonistique xanthienne : nouvel apport épigraphique (deuxième partie)”, REG 130 (2018), p. 433–469 [BE 2018, 418]: B.‑T. continue their study of agonistic festivals in Xanthos (cf. EBGR 2014, 14) publishing inscriptions honoring victors at the local contest (θέμις) that was founded by Tib. Claudius Agrippa (ἐκ διαθήκης Τιβ. Κλ. Ἀγρίππα; late 2nd cent. CE). The texts (4–5; no. 4 joins TAM II.308) attest contests only in one discipline, wrestling in the categories of boys and men. The contest, annual or biennial, was held at least five times, and the agonothetes for life was Tib. Claudius Telemachos, a Lykiarches. Four inscriptions (7–10) honor victors at contests whose names are not preserved. The victors competed in wrestling in the age group of boys (7, 1st cent. CE; 9, 2nd/3rd cent.), wrestling or pankration in the age class of boys (10, 2nd/3rd cent.), and wrestling in the age group of men (8, 2nd cent. CE). The agonothetes is known only in two cases; in both cases he served for life (7, a Lykiarches; 8, an anonymous). An unpublished inscription (p. 456) mentions an agonothetes of the Letoa and of a torch race (ἀγωνοθετήσαντα Λητώων καὶ λαμπαδουχίας; cf. F.Xanthos VII 21: δραμόντα ἱερὰν λαμπάδα). Unlike these local festivals, the Antipatreia (see EBGR 2014, 14) was a contest of the Lycian Koinon. It included two disciplines (wrestling and pankration) in the categories of boys and men and was held at least three times.

16818) P. Baker and C. Thériault, “Xanthos et la Lycie à la basse époque hellénistique : nouvelle inscription honorifique xanthienne”, Chiron 48 (2018), p. 301–331 [BE 2019, 464; IAM 2019, 263]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Xanthos in honor of Apollonides who had occupied numerous magistracies both in Xanthos and in the Lycian Koinon (2nd/1st cent.). He served as priest of Dionysos for life, showing a pious and generous conduct (ἱερατεύσαντα διὰ βίου Διονύσου θεοπρεπῶς καὶ ὁσίως καὶ μεγαλομερῶς). He was also in charge of sacred and public finances (προστάντα τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ δημοσίων), providing account for public and sacred revenues and expenses during his term in office (ἐκπληρώσαντα πᾶσαν πρόσοδον καὶ πάντα λόγον πολειτικόν τε καὶ ἱερόν).

16919) A.V. Belousov, “A New Greek Defixio from Nikonion”, ZPE 206 (2018), p. 149–153 [BE 2019, 327]: Ed. pr. of a lead tablet from Nikonion (4th cent.); the tablet was folded three times. The names of 21 men are listed in the nominative; they are cursed to lose their voice (τούτο̣[υς] γενέσ[θα]ι ἀφόν[ου]ς). [The word ἄφωνος is attested in a judicial context (I.Kourion 30: ἀντίδικοι), but the large number of the opponents can be reconciled also with political conflicts or economic competition.]

17020) A. Bencivenni, “Il cippo octagonale di Karkemish”, ZPE 206 (2018), p. 121–130 [BE 2019, 507]: B. republishes a dedication to Apollo from Karkemish (IGLS 1.133, Imperial period). According to the new reading a man made a dedication to Apollo κύριος in fulfillment of a vow (κατ᾿ εὐχήν).

17121) S. Blazevska and J. Radnjanski, “The Temple of Isis at Stobi”, in A. Nikoloska and S. Müskens (eds.), Romanizing Oriental Gods? Religious Transformations in the Balkan Provinces in the Roman Period: New Finds and Novel Perspectives, Skopje, 2015, p. 215–256 [BE 2018, 259; SEG LXVI 576]: Ed. pr. of a dedication made by Oppia to Isis and Sarapis in fulfillment of a vow (Stobi, early 2nd cent. CE); Oppia dedicated a plaque with the representation of an ear in relief. The original position may have been on a step of the temple.

17222) W. Blümel, “Unedierte Pachturkunden aus Olymos”, EA 51 (2018), p. 1–18 [BE 2019, 452]: Ed. pr. of three inscriptions from Olymos that contain contracts for the purchase and lease of real estates on behalf of the sanctuaries of Apollo and Artemis at Kybima [cf. EBGR 1994/95, 37; 2001, 21]. The texts mention among the magistrates the priests of the Daimones Agathoi (1, 2), Dionysos (1), “the kings” (1), Zeus Labraindos (3), Zeus Eleutherios (3), the Dioskouroi (3), and Dikaiosyne (3). One of the contracts permits the payment of the rent in incense, instead of money (2). The date of these transactions is discussed by R. van Bremen, “On the Dating of the Land Transaction documents from Olymos”, EA 51 (2018), p. 19–35 (ca. 160–130).

17323) D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof, “Alte und neue Inschriften aus Kos V”, Chiron 48 (2018), p. 143–158 [BE 2019, 369]: B.-K. continue the publication of inscriptions from Kos, presenting two new finds. 43) A fragmentary opisthographic stele has a sacrificial calendar for the cult of Rhea on one side (ca. 250) and a sacrificial regulation on the other (early 3rd cent.). The sacrificial calendar for Rhea, an excerpt of the official festival calendar of Kos, lists offerings on the following days: a) unknown date (LL. 1–2): at least one grown sheep; b) unknown date (LL. 2–6): a grown sheep, a pregnant cow, food offerings; also a procession to a cypress grove took place on that day; the priest’s perquisite was the skin of the victims; c) on the 9th day of an unknown month (LL. 6–7): a pregnant sheep and the offerings that were mentioned in the lost part of the inscription for the month Metageitnios; d) on the 9th day of Agrianios (LL. 7–9; cf. IG XII.4.274 LL. 2–3): a pregnant sheep and the offerings that were mentioned in the lost part of the inscription for the month Metageitnios; e) on the 9th day of Metageitnios every 9th year (LL. 10–15): a cow and food offerings. The priest had the responsibility for these sacrifices; the animals and additional offerings were provided by the monarchos and the hieropoioi. The cult regulation on the other side of the stone is very fragmentary; it seems to be a calendar, since there are references to the 20th day of a month (L. 5) and biennial offerings (L. 8). One recognizes references to a ritual of throwing something into a space, possibly money into a treasure box (L. 1: ἐμβάλλει), activities of women (L. 4: [γ]υναῖκες) in connection with a μέγαρον (LL. 2–3), attested for the first time in Kos, and offerings wrapped in hide (L. 5: [ἐνδέρ]εται δ[ὲ ἔν]δορα) [the mention of women and the reference to a μέγαρον suggest a connection with the cult of Demeter]. On the 20th day, “die Opfer werden herausgenommen” (L. 5: ἱερὰ ἐξαιρεῖται); the sacrificial meat was not to be removed from the altar (L. 8: [κρ]εῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ οὐκ ἀποφορά). Every second year the skin of a victim and the left leg, without the hip, were offered (LL. 8–10); victims were burned on the altar (L. 12: καρπῶντι ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ) and the fire was extinguished with goat milk and honey (L. 14: σβέννυται μέλιτι καὶ γάλακτι οἰ̣[έωι]. 44) The second inscription is a small fragment of IG XII.4.289, pertaining to the re-organization of the Asklepieia (242 BCE).

17424) D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof, “Alte und neue Inschriften aus Kalymna”, Chiron 48 (2018), p. 171–191 [BE 2019, 372]: Ed. pr. of 8 honorific decrees from Kalymnos (3rd cent.). The decrees were to be inscribed in the sanctuary of Apollo (2, 4, 8).

17525) D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof, Inscriptiones Graecae. Volumen XII. Fasciculus IV. Inscriptiones Coi, Calymnae, Insularum Milesiarum. Pars IV. Inscriptiones Coi Insulae. Tituli sepulcrales demorum. Tituli varii incerti alieni. Inscriptiones Insularum Milesiarum, Berlin, 2018 [BE 2019, 368]: The forth and last installment of the IG volume dedicated to Kos contains epitaphs and texts of various contents. The volume also includes the inscriptions of the Milesian islands (Leros, Lepsia, and Patmos). I mark inedita with an asterisk.

176Kos: Sanctuaries and cults: A graffito urges the visitors of a site not to destroy a niche dedicated to Asklepios: τὴν τοῦ Ἀσληπιοῦ κόγχην μὴ ἐξαλίψῃς· νίκη (*3513). A small fragment mentions εἰκόνες [- -] καὶ τὸ ἱερόν (*3607). A fragment with the text [Κόρ]ης καὶ [Π]λούτωνος may be an altar (3810). A former priest of Apollo dedicated a sanctuary for Hekate Pontia (*3339, 3rd cent.). A fragmentary testament mentions a dedication (ἀνιερῶ) and Agathe Tyche and Agathos Daimon (3299). Hymn: A very fragmentary text may be part of a hymn for Asklepios (*3520: a L. 8: [ἄν]αξ ἀκεσφό[ρος]). Cult personnel: Several epitaphs were set up for individuals who had held religious offices: a priestess (3120), a high priestess (3157), a high priest (3285), two stephanephoroi and high priests (3187, 3190), and a hierokeryx (3222). Also, graffiti with acclamations (νίκη, “victory”, type imperial period) mention priests (νίκη + name + ἱερέως: *3467, *3471, 3492, *3494, 3497; cf. 3512) and possibly an hieronikes (*3498). The most famous man of the imperial period, C. Stertinius Xenophon, the doctor of Claudius and benefactor of Kos, is mentioned in two building inscriptions as priest of ᾿Ασκληπιὸς Καῖσαρ καὶ οἱ συνκαθιερωμένοι θεοί (*3341), and Asklepios, Hygieia, Epione, and the Sebastoi (3342). A testament mentions money distribution to the hieropoioi (3301). Cult associations: Several grave markers belonged to cult associations (θίασος, θιασεῖται). One of them was an association of Bakchiastai (*3133) the other thiasoi were devoted to unknown gods (3182, 3250, 3281, 3282). Two texts record the activities of an association of hieronikai, chaired by a “chief shepherd” (3343: ἀρχιποιμήν). The members repaired their club house (3343: οἶκος) and couches for banquets (*3344: στιβάδες). Gladiatorial events: There are ten epitaphs of gladiators (3365–3374). Oracles: A man asked Apollo of Delphi whether he should ‘distribute’ something (ἀποδελιομένωι τὸν πατρῶιον [….]ον: 3400). Funerary cult and afterlife: A grave epigram for a woman (3101 = Peek, GVI 1158, 1st cent CE) presents the deceased woman praying to Persephone and asking her to protect her children and give glory to her husband ([ἀλλά μ]οι, ὦ βασίλεια, Διὸς πολυώνυμε κούρα, | [ἵλαο]ς ἀντ’ ἐμέθεν σῶζε τέκνων ἀγέλαν | [καὶ παίδ]ω̣ν τὸν ἐμῶν γενέ̣τ̣α̣ν̣ ἐ̣ρατῶ̣ν μοι ἄεξε | [ἔνδο]ξ_̣ον πάτρα̣ι̣, πότνια, Πουλυχάρην) [for prayers addressed from the grave see infra no. 53]. An epigram contains a funerary imprecation, cursing those who would violate the grave (κατάρτος) and his descendants (3243). A testament provides for the payment of a fine to Asklepios for violation of the grave (3303). Defixiones: A long defixio (3401 = SEG XLVII 1291) has been discussed in EBGR 1997, 195.

177Pierres errantes: An inscription from Myndos contains a list of priests (*3842). A dedication, probably from Karia, was made upon a dream (3862: Ἑκαταῖος κατ᾿ ὄνειρον).

178Leros: The sanctuary of Parthenos was the place where honorific inscriptions were set up (3869, 3870, 3872, 3874).

179Lepsia: A dedication was addressed to the Nymphs (*3902). Altars attest the cults of Zeus Genethlios (3904) and Artemis Soteira (3903: Ἀρτέμιδος Σωτείρας ἡμετέρας) [the eds. suspect that ἡμετέρας refers to νήσου (‘savior of our island’). I think that here (and in many other inscriptions) the possessive pronoun is used in order to express a relation of affection between a community or an individual and a patron deity; for examples, see my study, “Power Relations as Emotional Relations: Hellenistic and Imperial Realities and Fictions”, in A. Chaniotis (ed.), Unveiling Emotions III. Display, Arousal, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, Stuttgart, 2021, p. 83f.]. Honors were announced during the festival of Apollo (3895); public documents were set up in his sanctuary (3897–3898).

180Patmos: An association of λαμπαδισταί, probably associated with the gymnasion, honored its benefactor (3911*, Hellenistic). He had dedicated a Hermaic stele, funded the sacrifices at the Hermaia, and offered a banquet. The λαμπαδισταί established a celebration in his honor (ἄγειν ἐπώνυμον ἡμέραν). For a dedication to Artemis Patmia (3912) see EBGR 2016, 99. Probably the most famous inscription of Patmos is the long epigram for a hydrophoros of Artemis Elaphebolos who performed rituals in Late Antiquity (3913). An epitaph contains a funerary imprecation (3921: [ἔχοι]το ἀράν, τιμ[ωρίαν - -]).

18126) K. Caliva, “Speech Acts and Embedded Narrative Structure in the Getty Hexameters, ARG 17 (2016), p. 139–164: C. discusses the hexametrical incantation from Selinous (the “Getty Hexameters” [cf. infra no. 61; see also C. Antonetti (ed.), Gli esametri Getty e Selinunte. Testo e contesti, Alessandria, 2018, which I hope to present in the next issue of the EBGR]. The result of her analysis is that this text is not a compilation of different spells, but a series of speech acts, arranged hierarchically and connected with a homogeneous narrative. The speech acts move from revelation, mythological analogy, and aetiology to the invocation of the authority of three apotropaic divinities, Paian, Hekate, and Herakles. The song was to be performed by three narrators who represented four temporal points. The first narrator (present time, col. i LL. 1–7) attributes the power of this apotropaic charm to Paian. Then Paian (past time, col. i LL. 8–14) names Hekate as the authority and source of his words. The third speaker represents Hekate (even earlier time, col. i L. 15 – col. iii 3) who reiterates her command to Paian to take these words to the mortals. Finally, Hekate (col. iii 4–8) moves to the earliest temporal point, narrating the victory of Herakles over the Hydra with the help of this charm. C. suggests interpreting the Ephesia grammata, repeated twice in different forms (LL. 8–13, and 33–41), as expressions of two different speakers: Paian, who speaks in perfect hexameters, and Hekate, who is given the voice of a foreigner. This perhaps implies that the Ephesia grammata were regarded as more efficacious because they were of foreign origin.

18227) A.H. Calwallader, “Bodily Display and Epigraphical Confession at the Sanctuary of Apollo Lairbenos: an Examination of Emotional Responses”, Journal of Epigraphic Studies 1 (2018), p. 183–201: A record of divine punishment (“confession inscription”) from the sanctuary of Apollo Lairbenos (SEG LIX 1497) [EBGR 2009, 4] mentions the punishment of an individual ἰς τὸν γλουθρόν (“on the buttock”); the individual warns the viewers not to offend the god; a relief represents the afflicted body part; only a leg survives, but the relief must have represented the buttock as well. A punishment “on the buttock” in two other inscriptions has been interpreted as referring to “gynaecological matters”, since the dedicants in both cases were women and the punishing deity was a mother goddess (Meter and Meter Leto; Petzl, Beichtinschriften 75 and 122, from Kula and Örtaköy). However, C. observes that in “confession inscriptions” warnings are almost always given by men; this observation, a lexical analysis of γλουτός, and the relief representations that do not show only a buttock but also a leg lead him to the convincing conclusion that this punishment concerns kinetic problems, possibly lumbago, sciatica, or gout (cf. Malay – Petzl, Lydia 188; SEG XLIX 2367); the new stele was probably dedicated by a man. C. discusses the importance of the topography of a sanctuary, the community of viewers, the interdependence of image, text, and color, the exegesis, and the emotional responses of worshippers for the interpretation of votives of this kind. He observes that the delivery of a warning by a repentant man not only restored his relationship to a deity but also his standing in his community.

18328) L. Campagna and T. Ritti, “Dedica del Ninfeo ad Apollo Archegete, ad Elagabalo, al Senato e al Popolo romano”, in L. Campagna (ed.), Hierapolis di Frigia XI. Il Ninfeo dei Tritoni, Istanbul, 2018, 521–536 [BE 2019, 469; IAM 2019, 334–362]: Ed. pr. of the dedicatory inscription of the Nymphaion of Hierapolis (220/221 CE). The building was dedicated to Θεὸς ἐπιφανὴς Ἀπόλλων Ἀρχηγέτης, Emperor Elagabal, the Roman senate, and the Roman people.

18429) J.-M. Carbon, S. Isager, and P. Pedersen, “An Inscribed Stele Depicting a Horseman, now in the Bodrum Museum”, Philia 4 (2018), p. 26–30 [BE 2019, 405; IAM 2019, 286; SEG LXIV 922]: The authors present an improved edition of an epitaph, now in the Bodrum Museum, but possibly from the Hellespont. The relief shows a rider on a galloping horse moving toward an altar with a flame 1st/2nd cent.). Tryphon dedicated the stele to his heroized son Bassos (Τρύφων Βάσσῳ ἰδ[ίῳ] | τέκνῳ νηπίῳ ἥρῳ).

18530) A.V. Çelgin and M. Kürkçü, “Termessos’ta Yeni Keşfedilen Pan Temenosu”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 238–258 [BE 2017, 560; SEG LXVI 1686]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Termessos. Hieron dedicated a temenos to Pan (2nd or 1st cent).

18631) A. Chaniotis, “The Age of a Parthenos. A New Inscription from Aphrodisias”, in Vir doctus Anatolicus, p. 200–205: Ed. pr. of a posthumous honorific inscription for Melition Tatia, who died “at the age of a parthenos” (τελευ[τήσασ]αν ἡλικίᾳ [παρ]θένον; Aphrodisias, 2nd cent. CE). The word παρθένος may have multiple meanings at the same time: virginity, unmarried status, and youth. But the new text shows that the primary meaning of παρθένος is an age class of girls that corresponds to the age class of παῖδες, i.e. girls of a marriageable age. Many inscriptions that concern the performance of cultic functions by parthenoi (e.g. I.Iasos 4; I.Magnesia 98; CIG 3098; I.Pergamon 360; TAM II 174) primarily refer to their age, not to virginity.

18732) D. Chapinal-Heras, “Artemis Hegemona in Molossia (1)”, Epigraphica 80 (2018), 57–67 [BE 2019, 229]: An oracular response from Dodona (I.Dodone Lhôte 142; cf. EBGR 2015, 27) prescribes offerings to various deities, including Artemis Hagemona, who received one of the most valuable offerings (a statue), and a Heros Archagetas. C.-H. suspects that the consultant was a polis or a community and tentatively suggests that this response may be associated with a sanctuary at Rodotopi, an extra-urban sanctuary of Passaron, the capital of Molossia. A dedication to Hagemona by an agonothetes is attested from this site (Cabanes, L’Épire, no. 29; 2nd cent.).

18833) P. Chrysostomou, “Horse and Foot Races in Macedonia”, in E. Kotsou (ed.), Ἠχάδιν. Τιμητικὸς Τόμος γιὰ τὴ Στέλλα Δρούγου I, Athens, 2016, p. 878–906 [BE 2017, 315; SEG LXVI 506, 553]: Stelai from Macedonia that mention the performance of races by men and horse races were interpreted by M.B. Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites de passage en Macédoine, Athens, 1994, as commemorations of a rite of passage, whereas E.P. Manakidou, “Heroic Overtones in Two Inscriptions from Ancient Lete”, in Inscriptions of Macedonia. Third International Symposium on Macedonia, Thessaloniki 8–12 December 1993, Thessaloniki, 1996, p. 84–95, explained them as races in honor of heroized dead. C. republishes the relevant texts SEG XLIII 395 = I. Kato Maked. II 419; SEG XLIV 537a/b; XLVIII 804; I.Beroia 139), adding two new texts from Kelle (SEG LXVI 552: Δαβρίου | πεζῶν | δρόμο|ς; 553: Αἰρόπου | ἵππο̄ | δρόμος). He favors the view that these stelai commemorate the performance of races to honor deceased individuals (ἐπὶ + name in the genitive, or just a name in the genitive), members of the elite, who had probably died in battle (ca. 350–300). [This interpretation is now confirmed through the discovery of a further stele of this type in a cemetery; see supra no. 14. By contrast, M.B. Hatzopoulos, BE 2017, 315, interprets the names as those of eponymous magistrates (ἐπὶ + name in the genitive or dative, or just a plain name in the genitive).]

18934) F. Cordano and G. Rocca, “Una defixio ellenistica trovata a sud della casa”, in H. Tréziny, Mégara Hyblaea. 7. La ville classique, hellénistique et romaine, Rome, 2018, 181–187 [BE 2019, 143]: Ed. pr. of a defixio from Megara Hyblaia (late 3rd/early 2nd cent.). The text is written on a lead tablet folded three times and pierced with a nail. The optative βάλλοι is written three times (cf. βάλλ᾿ ἐς κόρακας). Several men and their collaborators are cursed (L. 2: μετ᾿ Ἀθάνιος; L. 8: μετὰ τήνων), so that their actions remain ineffective (L. 4: ἀτελὲς τὰ πάντα). The eds. assume that this is a judicial defixio. [The cause of the conflict is described as συγκατάγε[ν]… [κ]ατάγεν [ἐ]κ τᾶς οἰκίας (not [ἐ]κ τὰς οἰκίας; the text is written in the Doric dialect). The people who are cursed had jointly attempted to expel someone from a house. Κατάγω can have the meaning of “bring down”, “draw out”.]

19035) T. Corsten, “Die Inschriften: eine Auswahl”, in S. Doğan and F. Fatma-Findik (eds.), Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazilari 1989–2009, Istanbul, 2018, p. 329–352 [IAM 2019, 268, 272, 273]: The inscriptions found during excavations at the St. Nikolaos church in Myra include three inscribed sarcophagi with funerary imprecations that use the formula ἁμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς καταχθονίοις (5, 9, 10; Imperial period).

19136) J. Curbera and Z. Papakonstantinou, “Six Legal Curse Tablets from Athens”, in W. Riess (ed.), Colloquia Attica. Neue Forschungen zur Archaik, zum athenischen Recht und zur Magie, Stuttgart, 2018, p. 211–224 [BE 2019, 169]: The authors present improved editions and commentaries of six defixiones from Athens (late 4th cent.). A defixio concerns a δίκη βλάβης (1 = SEG LI 328). The other defixiones are addressed against: adversaries in law courts and their σύνδικοι (2 = IG III App. 129; 4 = IG III App. 103; SEG XXXVII 220) [see also infra no. 77]; those who support them and the judges (3 = IG III App. 67: τὰ ῥήματα ψυχρὰ [καὶ ἐπαρί]στερα γέν[οι]το καὶ τῶν μετ᾿ ἐκ[είνου πάντων] καὶ τῶν δικα[στῶν μν]ήμην
ἐν[- -]); witnesses, judges, and supporters (μάρτυρες, δικασταί, συνήγοροι; 5 = IG III App. 120); and judges (6 = IG III App. 124).

19237) P. Debord and P. Fröhlich, “Aigai d’Éolide et Colophon-sur-Mer”, REA 120 (2018), p. 339–365 [BE 2019, 421]: The discovery of a fragment of a decree of Aigai in honor of judges from Kolophon (cf. SEG XLIX 1502) permits the restoration of this text, which mentions the festivals of the Dionysia in Aigai and of the Megala Klaria and the Dionysia in Kolophon (see EBGR 1999, 81). The decree of Aigai is dated with reference to an eponymous prytany, which in that year was held by the god Dionysos for the second time (L. 1; partly restored); an eponymous priest in Aigai is mentioned in L. 20. The judges of Kolophon were sent at the initiative of Attalos I (late 3rd cent.).

19338) Y. Doğan, “Sezgin Köksal Koleksiyonu’ndan (Mudanya/Apameia Myrleia) Yeni Yazıtlar”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 269–277 [BE 2017, 542; SEG LXVI 1374]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription from Apameia (1st cent. BCE/CE; 1). A cult association of worshippers of Isis (οἱ συναγόμενοι ἐν τῷ Εἰσιδήῳ δωδεκατισταί), who gathered on the 12th day of every month, honored their priest with a golden crown [J.-M. Carbon in SEG observes that an association (κοινόν) from Tebtynis (P.Mich. V 243, 1st cent. CE) held gatherings on the 12th of every month, for which members were expected to pay 12 drachmai as monthly dues]. The stele is decorated with a bull with folded front legs under a crescent moon.

19439) A. Dreliosi-Herakleidou and K. Hallof, “Eine neue Grenzziehungsurkunde aus Lepsia”, Chiron 48 (2018), p. 159–170 [BE 2019, 375]: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary inscription that concerns the re-inscribing of a delimitation of land on the island of Lepsia (early 2nd cent.). Originally, the delimitation was written on a board (πίναξ) in the sanctuary of Apollo, but the text had become unclear. According to the surviving section of the delimitation, the land above the nine boundary markers at Kydimidai was sacred land of Apollo.

19540) S. Durugönül, “Korykos’tan (Dağlık Kilikia) bir Mezar Steli”, Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 303–307 [BE 2017, 571; SEG LXVI 1852]: Ed. pr. of an epitaph with a funerary imprecation (Korykos, 2nd cent. CE). The dedicants of the grave invoke Selene of the underworld (ὁρκίζω… κατακτονίαν [i.e. καταχθονίαν] Σελήνη_̣[ν]).

19641) A. Ecker, H.M. Cotton, S. Ganor and D.J. Wasserstein, “A Dedication of a Naos to Skorpon’s Ourania in Ascalon (Ashkelon)”, Kernos 31 (2018), p. 111–118 [BE 2019, 527]: Ed. pr. of an inscribed pediment from Askalon. Several brothers dedicated a temple to Ourania of Skorpon, fulfilling their father’s command (τῇ Οὐρανίᾳ θεῷ Σκόρπωνος | ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων τὸν ναὸν σὺν παντὶ κα|[…]ργῳ ἐξ ἐντολῆς Διονυσίου πα|τρός αὐτῶν). The eds. restore σὺν παντὶ κα|[ινού]ργῳ [H.M. Cotton informed me per litt. that M. Wörrle suggested the restoration κα|[τέ]ργῳ (“together with all the wages for the labor”). But the correct hyphenation is κατ|έργῳ not κα|τέργῳ. I suggest σὺν παντὶ κα|[λῷ ἔ]ργῳ, which exactly fits in the lacuna]. The dedicants are designated as ἐγερσίθεοι Διονυσίου, probably religious officials in the service of a ‘Dionysion’, a sanctuary of Dionysos (cf. IGLS XXI.229: ἐγερσε[ίθεος τοῦ Ἡρακλε[ί]ου); they were somehow involved in the ‘awakening’ of the god. Aphrodite Ourania was the patron goddess of Askalon, and Skorpon must have been the founder of the cult. The dedication is dated with reference to a priest.

19742) B. Eckhardt, “The Eighteen Associations of Corinth”, GRBS 56 (2016), p. 646–662: It is generally assumed that early Christian groups can be understood as voluntary associations. Without rejecting this view, E. urges to critically review the existing evidence for voluntary associations in cities with early Christian communities. His review of the evidence in Corinth, a Roman colony, is revealing. It is generally believed that voluntary associations are attested in 18 inscriptions. In reality, 14 inscriptions have nothing to do with associations and three texts refer to associations of athletes and Dionysiac artists. Only one inscription (Corinth VIII.3.308) explicitly mentions a thiasos, in connection with activities before sunset (L. 2: [ἄχρι] ἡλίου δύσ̣[εως], in his restoration) and the role of an agoranomos, but E. notes that it is not clear whether the word thiasos refers to a private association or a sort of a gathering. To the limited Corinthian evidence, E. adds two inscriptions, both from the harbors of Corinth: a θίασος of Aphrodite in Lechaion (SEG XXIII 170) and a θίασος ἀρτοκρεωνικός in which a girl served as λικναφόρος in Kenchreai (SEG XL 329); E. does not exclude a revelry in a civic cult. [E. conclusions are convincing, but in two cases his skepticism is unjustified. Corinth VIII.3.308 certainly concerns a voluntary association. Apart from the term θίασος, in L. 4 (εὐκο[- -]) one can restore a form of εὐκοσμέω or εὐκοσμία; good order is a very common subject discussed in decrees and other documents of private associations; see I.N. Arnaoutoglou, “Θόρυβος, εὐστάθεια καὶ τὸ κανονιστικὸ πλαίσιο τῶν ἀθηναϊκῶν λατρευτικῶν σωματείων”, Ἐπετηρὶς τοῦ Κέντρου Ἑρευνας τῆς Ἱστορίας τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Δικαίου 46 (2016), p. 23–78; agoranomoi are attested in private associations; see I.Beroia 22: ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ θιάσου. In the case of the text from Kenchreai, both θίασος and λικναφόρος leave no doubt that this was an association in honor of Dionysos; on this association see now S. Zoumbaki, “Thiasos artokreonikos in Kenchreai”, in F. Camia et al. (eds.), Munus Laetitiae. Studi miscellanei offerti a Maria Letizia Lazzarini, Rome, 2018, II, p. 109–120, to be presented in EBGR 2019.]

19843) E. Erten, “Dorylaion’dan Yeni Bir Hosios kai Dikaios Adağı veAtlı Tanrı Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler”, Phaselis 4 (2018), p. 199–217 [IAM 2019, 322]: Ed. pr. of a stele from Dorylaion (early 3rd cent. CE) with the representation of a naked rider god and a dedicatory inscription addressed by a man to Hosios kai Dikaios for himself and his household (ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ κὲ τῶν εἰδίων πάντων Ὁσίῳ καὶ Δικίῳ εὐχήν). E. identifies the rider god as Helios and discusses the representation of rider gods in Lydia and Phrygia.

19944) E. Erten, “Seyitgazi/Nakoleia’dan Yeni Bir Asklepios Yazıtı”, Cedrus 6 (2018), p. 265–271 [IAM 2019, 383]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Asklepios in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν; Nakoleia, 2nd cent. CE). E. associates the cult of Asklepios with the presence of hot springs in this area.

20045) E. Erten and H. Sivas, “Eine neue Weihinschrift für Meter aus Dorylaion”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 330–335 [BE 2017, 536; SEG LXVI 1580]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Dorylaion (Imperial period). A priest and his family made a dedication to Meter Som[.]ene upon divine command (Σταβεριανὸς Δορυφόρου ἱερεὺς Μητρὶ Σομ.ηνῇ ἐξ ἐπιταγῆς ἀ[ν]έθηκεν μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων) [P. Hamon, BE 20187, 536, reads Σομ̣α̣ηνῇ, an epithet derived from a place name].

20146) C.A. Faraone, “Sarapis Invoked as Zeus Dodonaios on a Magical Gem Used for Divinatory Purposes”, Romanitas. Revista de Estudos Grecolatinos 9 (2017), p. 138–146 [BE 2019, 144]: F. discusses a gem of white agate in the antiquities market (J. Vinchon in Glyptique, Monte Carlo, 13 nov. 1982, n^o 506; R. Veymiers, Ἵλεως τῷ φοροῦντι. Sérapis sur les gemmes et les bijoux antiques, Brussels, 2009, 287 n^o II AB 32), with Zeus Sarapis on the obverse and an inscription on the reverse (2nd/3rd cent). The god has a kalathos on his head and a thunderbolt in his hand; he gestures towards an eagle, while Kerberos is at his feet. The inscription reads: ὦ Ζεῦ Δωδωνῆ (i.e. Δωδωναῖε), Δαώνα (i.e. Διώνη), ἱερὰ νάουσα (‘who causes the sacred springs to flow”) or να⟨ί⟩ουσα (“who inhabit sacred places”), followed by magical words (ΜΩΘΕΤΕΜ | ΕΝΤΑΟΡΤΕΤΙ | ΙΑΧΦΑΡΧΟΥ | ΦΗΤΑΧΟΥ). Sarapis and Zeus Dodonaios are connected as patrons of divination. Adducing magical recipes that instruct the use of gems with the image of Sarapis for dream incubation in one’s private home (e.g. PGM V 447–458), F. suggests that this gem and similar gems were used for divination. [É. Lhôte, BE 2019, 144, presents the text of the catalogue in majuscules (ΟΖΕΥΔΩ|ΔΩΝΗΔΑΩ|ΝΑΙΕΡΑΝΑΩΣ|ΑΜΩΘΕΤΕΜ| ΕΝΤΑΟΡΤΕΤΙ|ΙΑΧΦΑΡΧΟΥ|ΦΗ|ΤΑΧ|ΝΩΜ) and proposes a different reading and interpretation: ὀ͂ Ζεῦ Δωδωναῖε (cf. Il. 16.233), Διώνa, ἱερὰ ἄνασσα, followed by the imperative ὠθε῀τε. The oracular function of Zeus Dodonaios was only known to intellectuals in the period in which the gem was used. Its function was probably protective (against disease)].

20247) A. Filippini, “Epigramma onorario per l’alto funzionario Martinianus”, in L. Campagna (ed.), Hierapolis di Frigia XI. Il Ninfeo dei Tritoni, Istanbul, 2018, p. 537–548 [BE 2019, 470; IAM 2019, 364]: Ed. pr. of an honorific epigram for Martinianus, praefectus urbi, rather than vicarius Asiae (Hierapolis, ca. 378 CE). The epigram concludes with the verses [οὐδ]ὲ̣ πόλος μερόπεσσιν ἔην βατός, ὄφρα σ᾿ ἐκεῖθι στήσαμεν ἔν γε θεοῖς, Ζηνὶ χαριζόμενοι, implying that the council, which honored Martinianus, would have wished to place his statue among the gods [“the sky was not accessible to the mortals, in order that we might set you up there, among the gods, making an agreeable gift to Zeus”]. F. discusses the possibility that the reference to Zeus and the gods is not a display of education with no religious significance, but an allusion to Martinianus’ (and the council’s) sympathies for the old religion.

20348) B. Forsén, “Artemis Lykoatis and the Bones of Arkas: Sanctuaries and Territoriality” in M. Melfi and O. Bobou (eds.), Hellenistic Sanctuaries: Between Greece and Rome, Oxford, 2016, p. 40–62 [SEG LXVI 252–253]: F. summarizes the results of recent excavations in a sanctuary at Agia Paraskevi (Arachamitai) in Arkadia. Stamped tiles identify the sanctuary as belonging to Artemis Lykoatis (p. 53f.). Two stamped tiles name Δέσποινα Ἀ[κραία?] (p. 54f.; cf. SEG LVIII 399–401).

20449) J. Fouquet and P. Kató, “Gefallen im Krieg: ein späthellenistischer Rundaltar aus Troizen”, ZPE 207 (2018), p. 47–53 [BE 2019, 194]: Ed. pr. of an altar from Troizen (2nd or 1st cent.) dedicated by the members of the gymnasium to Ariston, who had fallen in a war (οἱ ἀλειφόμενοι· | Ἀρίστωνος τοῦ Θίωνος, | ἐν πολέμ[ωι τελ]ευτάσα[ν]τος). Since the name of Ariston is in the genitive, the altar was used for offerings in a heroic cult established for Ariston. F.-K. adduce further evidence for heroic cults in Hellenistic gymnasia.

20550) S. Geisseler and P. Koch, “Diebstahl am Zürichsee. Eine Fluchtafel aus dem Magna Mater-Heiligtum in Kempraten (Kt. St. Gallen, Schweiz)”, ZPE 207 (2018), p. 298–307: Ed. pr. of a lead tablet from Kempraten (Switzerland, ca. 2nd cent. CE) with a ‘prayer for justice’. The defigens invokes the Mother of the Gods (mater deorum) against the person who had stolen his/her tunic. The thief should starve, limp, and be frail, until he/she brings the stolen item to her temple (donec eum […]s in templo tuo ponat). [The cession of stolen property to a deity is common in both Greek and Latin “prayers for justice”.]

20651) N. Gökalp Özdil, “Antalya Müzesi’nden Yeni Adak ve Mezar Yazıtları” in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 388–396 [SEG LXVI 1707–1709, 1715]. Ed. pr. of inscriptions of unknown provenance in the Antalya Museum (2nd/3rd cent.). Three altars are dedicated to Zeus Keraunios (1), Demeter (2, represented as a veiled woman standing in a niche), and the Dioskouroi ἐπήκοοι (3, εὐχ_̣ήν), represented in relief, with a crescent moon between them. An epitaph threatens anyone who might violate the grave with divine punishment (8, ἔνοχος ἔστω τοῖς θεοῖς).

20752) O. Gülbay, “Ein neuer Hausaltar aus Metropolis für Hadrian mit den Epitheten Olympios und Zeus Soter”, Phaselis 4 (2018), p. 231–237 [IAM 2019, 042]: Ed. pr. of an altar from Metropolis. On one face it has a dedication to Hadrian; the other face is decorated with a thunderbolt and mentions Zeus Soter Sebastos in the genitive (Α: Ἀγαθῇ Τύχῃ· Αὐτοκράτορι Ἁδριανῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ σωτῆρι καὶ κτίστῃ, Β: Διὸς Σωτῆρος Σεβαστοῦ). G. interprets this as a house altar for the worship of Hadrian as an Olympian god, assimilating him with Zeus. G. argues that Hadrian tried to show that the father of the gods was the source of his power and thus promoted the idea of a co-existence of Greek and Roman traditions. [The honorific epithets of Hadrian were not chosen by him, but by the cities that honored him. These texts cannot be taken as direct sources for Hadrian’s policies. For similar house altars from Athens see IG II² 3324–3380. The difference between the texts on the two faces (dative vs. genitive) is striking. The altar was dedicated to Hadrian but belonged to Zeus Soter; stricto sensu, the sacrifices were offered to Zeus, with whom Hadrian was associated.]

20853) H. Güney, “New Epigraphic Documents from Northeast Phrygia”, Philia 4 (2018), p. 55–66: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary epitaph found near the village of Kozlu (northeast Phrygia, Imperial period), in which the verb εὔχομα[ι] is preserved. [The first preserved lines perhaps read Σεμνή οὔ[πω - - ὡς? ἔπρ]|επεν· εὔχομα[ι - -]. It seems to be a blessing addressed by Semne (or her husband) from her grave for her children; for this phenomenon see EBGR 2017, 1 and supra no. 25.]

20954) H. Güney, “New Inscriptions from Northeast Phrygia: The Cult of Hosios and Dikaios”, Gephyra 15 (2018), p. 101–117 [IAM 2019, 315–319]: Ed. pr. of 4 inscriptions found in Kayı and Otluk (area of Choria Considiana in Phrygia. [I tacitly correct mistakes in accents]. 1) An altar with a relief representation of Helios holding bridles of four horses was dedicated to Hosios Dikaios by the Ktaenoi for the well-being of the dedicants and their households (Ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ· Κταηνοί, Βαχῖον τὸ περὶ Τύραννον Ὁσίῳ Δικέῳ ὑπὲ[ρ] ἑατῶν κὲ τῶν ἰδ[ίων] εὐχήν). G. translates “the Ktaenoi Bachion around Tyrannos performed a vow for Hosios Dikaios”. The Ktaenoi were a local community. [The Βαχῖον, i.e. Βακχεῖον, was a cult association of worshippers of Dionysos presided by Tyrannos. For groups of mystai named after the village that they inhabited cf. two dedication from the area of Dorylaion mentioning Κ̣ηιουερηνοὶ μύσται and μύσται Κοροσεανοί (A. Avram, “Propriétaires et citoyens à Dorylaion : enquête sur les citoyens romains et les villages sur le territoire”, in F. Lerouxel and A.-V. Pont [eds.], Propriétaires et citoyens dans l’Orient romain, Bordeaux, 2016, p. 66f.]. 2) An altar was dedicated to Apollo, Hosios, and Dikaios by an imperial slave and the villagers (Χρυσέρως, αὐτοκρατόρων δοῦλος· Ἀπόλλωνι Ὁσίῳ κὲ Δεικέῳ Χρυσέρως κέ κωμῆ[τ]αι ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας ἀνέστ[η]σαν εὐχάς) [“Chryseros, slave of the emperors; Chryseros and the villagers set up these prayers for their salvation to Apollo, Hosios, and Dikaios”]; Hosios kai Dikaios (or Hosion kai Dikaion) are associated with Apollo in Phrygia [and are referred to as his ‘messengers’ (ἄγγελοι) in SEG XLI 1185]. 3) A similar dedication by the same Chryseros
([- - - Ἀπ]όλλων[ι, Ὁσίῳ] κὲ Δικέ[ῳ Χρυσέρ]ως κὲ κ[ωμῆται ὑπ]ὲρ τ[ῆς] κώ[μης ἀ]νέσ[τησαν εὐχ]ά[ς]). 4) A fragmentary dedication to Hosios and Dikaios. G. also republishes a dedication to Hosios kai Dikaios (5; J.G.C. Anderson, “Exploration in Galatia cis Halym”, JHS 19 [1899], p. 80 no. 44; M. Ricl, “Hosios kai Dikaios. Première partie: Catalogue des inscriptions”, EA 18 [1991], no. 86). The text reads: [Ἀ]γαθῇ τύ|χῃ· [Ὁσί]ῳ καὶ Δικέῳ Παρ|[…]διατε ὑπὲρ ἑαυ[τ]ῶν κὲ τῶν ἰδίων πάντων εὐχήν. [For the enigmatic Παρ|[…]διατε Anderson suggested παρ[αγω]διᾶτε; Ricl suspected an ethnic. It probably is an ethnic composed with πεδιᾶται, from a place name containing the word πεδίον; cf. Ἰνδειπεδιᾶται (I.Ephesos 13 II LL. 3–4) and Ἰνδειπεδίον (MDAI(A) 27 [1902]); Μιδαπεδίον (MDAI(A) 32 [1907], p. 446 no. 328); Μανοπεδίον (MAMA IV 349)].

21055) M. Hallmannsecker, “News from the Xenoi Tekmoreioi”, Philia 4 (2018), p. 67–73 [BE 2019, 473; IAM 2019, 391]: H. presents an improved edition of a dedication made by the association of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi for the wellbeing of the emperors (Yalvaç, territory of Antioch in Pisidia, mid-3rd cent. CE; IGR III 298). The association dedicated a bronze statue of Tyche; the new edition improves the readings of personal names.

21156) R.A. Kearsley, “An Imperial Freedman’s Dedication in Phrygia”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 523–528: K. republishes two dedications to Zeus Bennios (SEG XL 1232/1233; 79 CE) and attributes them to the Hermos Valley or Aizanoi.

21257) D. Knoepfler, “Le financement des Basileia et l’histoire du Koinon Boiôtôn à la base époque hellénistique : à propos de la nouvelle apologia de Lébadée et d’un fragment resté inédit”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 193–270: K. reviews the history of scholarship on the agonistic festival of the Basileia of Lebadeai and reconstructs the way this festival was funded by the Boiotian Koinon in the late Hellenistic period (cf. infra no. 69). He also publishes a small fragment of an inscription recording amounts owed by Boiotian cities to the sanctuary of Zeus Basileus.

21358) E. Laflı, “Roman Funerary Steles and Byzantine Inscriptions in the Museum of Şanıurfa”, Philia 4 (2018), p. 74–95 [BE 2019, 501]: The inscriptions in the Museum of Şanıurfa include an already published dedication from Edessa (1, 176/7 CE); the lord of a village dedicated an altar; the relief shows two men flanking an incense-burner.

21459) E. Laflı and H. Bru, “Hair Dedication in Caria: An Inscribed Blade from Stratonikeia”, GRBS 58 (2018), p. 47–54 [BE 2019, 457]: Ed. pr. of an inscribed bronze blade, allegedly from Alabanda, now in a private collection in Izmir (ca. 2nd/1st cent.). The blade is inscribed with the name of a Paionios from Hierokome (Hierakome) on one side and with the name of Stratokles from Koliorga on the other; the latter name is followed by the abbreviation ΝΕΚ. Both Hierakome and Koliorga were part of the territory of Stratonikeia, where young men are known to have cut their hair and dedicate it to Zeus Panamaros in the Komyrion during the festival of the Komyria (see EBGR 2003, 57). L.-B. suggest that this blade was used for this ritual and interpret the letters ΝΕΚ as ν(εανίσκος) ἐ(ν) Κ(ομυρίοις).

21560) M. Lilimbaki-Akamati, “Δημόσιο Λουτρό Πέλλας. Ἐργασίες συντήρησης καὶ νέα ἀνασκαφικὰ στοιχεῖα”, AEMTh 27 (2013) [2018], p. 213–220 [BE 2019, 266]: Ed. pr. of a bowl dedicated to Zeus Meilichios (Διεὶ Μιλικίοι) from Pella (p. 215; undated).

21661) C.M. Lucarini, “Il nuovo peana misterico-pitagorico di Selinunte”, ZPE 205 (2018), p. 24–37: L. presents a new critical edition of the hexametrical incantation from Selinous (the “Getty Hexameters”; SEG XLIV 830; XLVI 1067; EBGR 2015, 21, 25, 43–45, 47, 67–70, 110, and 125; 5th cent.) with comments on its content (cf. supra no. 26). He stresses as peculiar features of this text the insertion of a magical formula related to the cult of the Idaean Dactyls into a paian that was not intended for singing in a cult. Such paians were used by the Pythagoreans, who are also associated with the mysteries of the Idaean Dactyls. For these reasons L. suggests that this text is of Pythagorean origin.

21762) H. Malay, “A Provisional Publication: Some Copies of Inscriptions from P. Herrmann’s Papers”, EA 51 (2018), p. 98–104 [BE 2019, 431]: M. presents texts and translations of five records of divine justice (or ‘confession inscriptions’) that were copied by T. Drew-Bear and C. Naour between 1978 and 1982 in Lydia and were found among the papers of the late P. Herrmann. I present M.’s translations with a few comments. 1) “… Kallistos, after having made a vow to the Gods of Nea Kome and having brought back (or “up”) the object of the vow (εὐξάμενος εὐχὴν θεοῖς Νεακωμήταις καὶ ἀναγαγὼν τὴν εὐχήν), he gave orders as he wished (διετάξατο ὡς ἠθέλησεν αὐτός), without the katoikia. In consequence of that, the gods punished him and ordered him to write down on the stele the manifestations of their power (στηλογραφῆσαι τὰς δυνάμις)” (146/7 CE). [This is a case of punishment for neglect to fulfil a vow. The expression εὐξάμενος… καὶ ἀναγαγὼν τὴν εὐχήν probably corresponds to εὐξάμενος καὶ ἐπιτυχών; I suggest translating “having received the subject of his vow”.] 2) “Great Zeus from Twin Oaks punished Rufilla, concerning a child (or “slave”), in order that she, as a priestess, proceeds to an ablution. After he had put her many punishments, he helped her to prudence; she followed the truth” (Μέγας Ζεὺς ἐγ Διδύμων Δρυῶν κολαζόμενος ἀπὸ παιδίου Ῥούφιλλαν, ἵνα καταλούσαται ἱέρεια· πολλὰς κολάσεις περιθὼν σωφροσύνην ἐπέδωκε· τῇ δὲ ἀληθείᾳ ἠκολούθησεν). M. assumes that Rufilla’s punishment consisted of her child’s or slave’s distress (cf. Petzl, Beichtinschriften 85: κολα[σθεῖσα] ἀπὸ τῶν [ὀφθα]λμῶν). The god wanted to force her to perform a cultic ablution as priestess (cf. SEG LVII 1193). [The syntax of the text is unclear. An alternative is to understand ἀπὸ παιδίου in a temporal sense: “from childhood”: the god punished Rufilla from childhood on, in order that she performs the ablution as a priestess.] 3) A man was punished (κ[ολασ]θείς) by Mes Axiottenos, ἐπήκοος θεός, but the cause of the punishment cannot be inferred from the fragmentary text. 4) A woman was punished on her left eye for not fulfilling her vow and not setting up a stele (γενομένης μου τῆς εὐχῆς καὶ παρελκύσασα καὶ μήπως ἀποδεδωκούσης τὴν στήλην). The god “reminded me of the vow; and he healed me without a doctor. I asked the god and restore the vow and from now on I praise the god (ἀπὸ νῦν εὐλογῶ τῷ θεῷ)” (162/3 CE). 5) The fragmentary text reports that the punished individual fulfilled the vow by setting up a stele. The most notable feature of the text is the verb παρεκλήτευσεν (“he was my/his/her advocate”) [this is the meaning, if we have the verb παρακλητεύω (from παράκλητος) and not παρεκκλητεύω (“to call as a witness”)].

21863) H. Malay and M. Ricl, “A Roman Senator ‘Redivivus’ and a New Asiarch: Two New Inscriptions from Thyateira and Hierokaisareia”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 657–662 [SEG LXVI 1290]. Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for the hitherto unattested Asiarch Valerius [---]tos from Hierokaisareia (2nd/3rd cent.). His statue was set up by the supervisor of the tribe Hephaistias, named after Hephaistos. It is the first tribe known from this city.

21964) H. Malay, M. Ricl and D. Amendola, “The City of Tralleis Combats Immorality: Measures Taken Against οἱ ἐν κίναιδείᾳ βιοῦντες in a New Civic Decree”, EA 51 (2018), p. 91–97 [BE 2019, 446]: Ed. pr. of an important and highly rhetorical decree from Tralleis prohibiting access to the sanctuaries and the gymnasium to οἱ ἐν κίναιδείᾳ βιοῦντες, i.e. passive homosexuals. The relevant lines read: ἐπεὶ τὴν σώφρονα καὶ δικ̣α̣ί̣αν ἀγωγὴν | ὁ δῆμος ἀεὶ τετείμηκεν τῶν πατέρω[ν] | ἔν τε νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν καθαροῖς δια|κεκοσμηκότων τὴν πόλιν· πολλὰ δὲ νεώτερα δι᾿ ἀναισχυντίας τε|τόλμηται, ὥστε μήτε τῶν ἱερῶν μήτε τῶν γυμνασίων ἀπέχε̣σθαι τοὺς οὐδὲ λαθεῖν δυναμένους, ὅτι πᾶσαν ἄρρητον ὕβριν πεπόνθασι[ν], | ἀ̣λλ᾿ ὡς μήτε περιραντηρίων μήτε | ν̣όμων κειμένων εἰσβιάζονται | ὅπου μὴ καλὸν μηδὲ ὅσιον αὐτοὺ̣[ς] | ὁρᾶσθαι (“whereas the people have always revered the prudent and just conduct of our fathers, who adorned the city with pure laws and customs, and whereas, due to the shamelessness, many offensive things are attempted now, so that the ones who cannot even conceal that they have suffered every unspeakable insult do not keep away neither from the sanctuaries nor from the gymnasia, but as if no basins for lustral water nor laws are set up, they force their way into places wherever it is not good nor proper for them to be seen”). [Apart from being an important source for sexual morality in Asia Minor in the Imperial period (see also infra no. 81), this text is a rare testimony for a purity regulation that targets homosexuals. The same text also mentions measures against prostitutes. Elsewhere (“Too Shameless, Even for the Gutter! Prostitutes in Tralleis”, Eulimene 21 [2020], p. 147–150), I have suggested the following restoration for lines 18–22 (ὁ δὲ δῆμος οὕτως ἔρρωτ[αι] | πρὸς εὐκοσμίαν ὥστε καὶ τὰς ἑτ̣[αι]|[ρο]ύσας ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπ’ ἀμφοδίων ἐλα[ύ|ν]ε̣ι τόπ̣ων ἵνα μηδὲ μέχρις ὀχ_̣[ετῶν | τ]ὸ σεμνὸν ἐνοχλῆται τῆς π[όλεως], “the people has such vigorous zeal towards good order that it even removes the prostitutes from the places adjacent to the sewers that flank the streets, so that the city’s sense of decency is not disturbed, not even as far as the gutters”; the eds. restore ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπ’ ἀμφοδίων ἐλά[σαι | ἀ]ε̣ὶ τόπ̣ων ἵνα μηδὲ μέχρις oὗ [τι δόξῃ | τ]ὸ σεμνὸν ἐνοχλῆται τῆς π[όλεως]); the association of prostitutes with the gutters is attested in patristic sources (e.g. John Chrysostom, PG 60.626.33–35: καὶ τὴν πηγὴν ἀφέντες τὴν καθαράν, ἐπὶ τοῦ βορβόρου τὸν ὀχετὸν τρέχετε. Ὅτι βόρβορος τὸ τῆς πόρνης σῶμα).]

22065) H. Malay and C. Tanrıver, “The Cult of Apollo Syrmaios and the Village of Parloai near Saittai, North-Eastern Lydia”, in M.-P. de Hoz, J.P. Sánchez Hernández, and C. Molina Valero (eds.), Between Tarhuntas and Zeus Polieus. Cultural Crossroads in the Temples and Cults of Graeco-Roman Anatolia, Leuven, 2016, p. 171–184 [BE 2017, 482; SEG XVI 1293–1297]: Ed. pr. of five inscriptions from Yardere (ancient Parloai), in the territory of Saittai. A sanctuary of Apollo Syrmaios, a hitherto unattested epithet, existed in this location in the late Hellenistic and early Imperial period. 1) Honorific inscription for Apollophanes, who served as priest of Helios Soter (or Helios and another god with the epithet Soter, 82 BCE), Apollo Lykios (80 BCE), and finally Apollo Syrmaios (78 BCE). [In SEG, I suggested restoring στεφα[νῶσαι αὐτὸν] τ̣[ῶι] ἱερῷ, sc. στεφάνωι; for ἱερὸς στέφανος, cf. IG XI.4.697, 766, 784.] 2) Honorific inscription for Menandros, who served as priest of Apollo and τῶν Καισαρήων (6 BCE). The eds. suggest that τὰ Καισάρηα is a designation of the temples of Augustus; P. Hamon, BE 2017, 482, wonders whether there is a mistake for τῶν Καισάρων (“équivalent maladroit de οἱ Σεβαστοί”); this is unlikely, since in 6 BCE there was only one Sebastos. P. Thonemann, Gnomon 89 (2017), p. 431, suspects that Kaisareoi is an idiosyncratic way of designating the imperial family. I suggest seeing in τὰ Καισάρηα a festival for Caesar (and Augustus?) celebrated in connection with the cult of Apollo. Menandros combined the two functions, i.e., the priesthood of Apollo and the organization of the Kaisareia (γενόμενον ἱερῆα τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τῶν Καισαρήων); the expression ἀναστραφέντα μεγαλομερῶς can be explained in view of his generosity during a festival. 3) Thrason was honored for his generosity as agonothetes of the festival for Tiberius (24 CE). 4) Diogenes was honored for serving as priest of Apollo and the Sebastoi (18 CE). 5) Honorific inscription for Sokrates, agonothetes for a festival in honor of Claudius (mid-1st cent. CE).

22166) M. Manov, Seleschnijat zhivot v dolinata na Sredna Struma spored zhivot antichnite epigrafski pametnitsi ot IV/III v. pr.Chr. – III v. sl.Chr., Sofia, 2008. This collection of inscriptions from the Strymon Valley has not been accessible to me. I present three inscriptions of religious interest for which A. Avram (BE 2010, 430) and N. Sharankov (AE 2008) have provided improved editions. 130): Dedication to Demeter from Herakleia Sintike (2nd/1st cent.) [AE 2008, 1236; SEG LXVI 531]. Annaia made the dedication for her well-being and that of her son and his children. 194) Dedication to Artemis Elaphebolos from the Strymon Valley (2nd/3rd cent.) (AE 2008, 1240; SEG LXVI 580). 199) Dedication to Heros Arbisenos ([κυρί]ῳ Κερδυπυρῳ Ἥρωι Μεγάλῳ [τ]ῷ Ἀρβιση[νῷ]) from the Strymon Valley (Imperial period; SEG LXV 564; EBGR 2015, 117).

22267) C. Marek and E. Zingg, Die Versinschrift des Hyssaldomos und die Inschriften von Uzunyuva (Milas/Mylasa) (AMS 90), Bonn, 2018 [BE 2019, 447–451]: A long and puzzling literary text is inscribed on a stele (height: 2.25 m) found in Mylasa (late 3rd/early 2nd cent.), near the so-called ‘Proto-Mausoleum’ or ‘Hekatomnid Grave’ [on this monument see C. Işık, Die Wandmalereien in der Grabkammer des Hekatomneions: Beobachtungen zu Figurentypen, zur Komposition, Ikonographie und zum Stil, Bonn, 2019; A. Diler (ed.), Mylasa Uzunyuva Hekatomneionu, Istanbul, 2020)]. 125 verses, composed by a certain Hyssaldomos, survive, but the beginning and the right half of the first ca. 80 verses are missing; the remaining verses are either completely preserved (LL. 89–123) or can be restored. M.‑Z. present an edition with copious commentary and an attempt to offer a general interpretation of this text, which uses a very rare meter (catalectic trochaic tetrameter), rare words, and hapax legomena. The poem praises an anonymous god, addressed as ἄναξ, for saving a certain Pytheas and members of his family (his sister and her children) from difficult situations in a period of continuous wars. The adventures of Pytheas and his family include his miraculous liberation from imprisonment (LL. 16–29), assistance offered to him by the anonymous god and Artemis Kindyas, the god’s πάρεδρος, called θηρόδαμνος in L. 44, possibly the supplication of Pytheas’ sister and her children in a sanctuary (LL. 36–45) and their rescue in a friendly city. Apparently, most of the divine epiphanies occurred during the night. In a long passage the anonymous god is compared with Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Hermes, Dionysos, Ares, Asklepios, and Hephaistos (LL. 48–75). Other passages are dedicated to “the sacred” island of Kos” (L. 70: Kῶν τ᾿ ἐπ᾿ ἱερὰν πόλισμα θῶ̣[κον?]) and to the foundation of Knidos (LL. 108–115) [see now M. Zingg, “Apollon in Knidos”, MH 75 [2018], p. 25–55]. The eds., who collect other narratives of epiphanies in Hellenistic Karia (p. 47–49) cautiously present various possibilities for the historical context and the nature of the poem (hymn, paian, or aretalogy). The anonymous god may be a traditional god, more probably Sarapis, rather than Zeus, Zenoposeidon, Apollo, Helios, Hades, or Asklepios, a ruler whose power is assimilated to that of gods, or a divinized deceased individual. The poem may refer to recent events or events in the past, at the time of the construction of the monumental Hekatomnid grave, in whose vicinity the stele was discovered. [This text will certainly inspire many studies; see the comments of P. Hamon, BE 2019, 447.]

223The eds. also present the inscriptions that were found at the same site, at Uzunyuva, in the area of the monumental Hekatomnid grave [cf. the comments of W. Blümel, “Zu den Inschriften der Uzunyuva-Grabung”, EA 51 (2018), p. 37–41]. I only mention the inedita: 2) An inventory of objects used in a banquet (2nd cent.). 6) A fragnentary decree that mentions a temple, a priest, and Zeus Patroios (2nd/1st cent.) 7) A fragmentary decree concerning the priesthood of Zeus after the death of the priest who was in office (1st cent.). 14) A document concerning the purchase and leasing of land on behalf of Zeus Aganiteon. The document mentions the priest of Zeus Ktesios (Hellenistic). 22) Dedication of an altar to Zeus Eumenes (2nd cent.). 22) Aristonymos dedicated an altar to Sarapis and Isis, in fulfillment of a vow for the well-being of Attalos, the brother of Eumenes II (ca. 170). 24) A neokoros dedicated an ἀφύδρευμα (“Kultbild”) to Sarapis (1st cent.). 25) The same neokoros of Sarapis dedicated a sacred house (ἱερὸς οἶκος) and the adjacent διακονητήριον for the reception of the worshippers (εἰς τὰς ὑποδοχὰς τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ θεραπευ[τῶ]ν). The ἱερὸς οἶκος was probably the place where ritual banquets took place, the διακονητήριον was a “service room” [the place where diakonoi did their service]. 26) A priest of Sarapis dedicated a statue of Harpokrates (1st cent.). 27–28) Two Hellenistic dedications to Zeus Labraundos (28, εὐχήν). 29) A priest of Poseidon dedicated a statue of his son to the gods (Hellenistic). 30) The family of the same priest of Poseidon Isthmios dedicated his statue to the gods. 31) A Hellenistic dedication to Hermes (Ἑρμάωνι). 32) A fragment mentions the dedication of an incense burner (θυμιατήριον, Hellenistic). 33) A Hellenistic dedication to Hermes. 34) A fragment mentions a priest (Imperial period). 41) A fragment mentions a priest (ca. 1st cent. BCE/CE) [the eds. read [ἱ]ερεὺς Ἡρ̣ᾶ̣[ς?], but Ἡρ̣α̣[κλέους] or Ἥρ̣α̣[ς] are also possible]. 67–69, 73) Epitaphs are dedicated to the Agathoi Daimones of deceased people [probably the Greek equivalent of Dis manibus]. 112) A syngeneia dedicated an altar (Imperial period).

22468) A.P. Matthaiou, “Τὸ ψήφισμα τῶν Λυκουρασίων πρὸς τιμὴν τοῦ Δαμοφῶντος”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 133–157: M. presents an improved edition of the honorific decree of Lykosoura for the sculptor Damophon (Messene, SEG XLI 332; EBGR 1993/94, 239). Lykosoura invited Damophon to appear before the council, where he accepted a request made by the priest of Despoina and all the citizens to release the city from the burden of a heavy debt owed to him for previous work (i.e. the construction of the cult statues in the temple of Despoina). He also agreed to make a statue of (Artemis) Hegemone. Lykosoura honored Damophon with the dedication of his statue in Despoina’s sanctuary and with honors that were to be announced at the Nemea, the Lykaia, the Aleaia (for Alea in Tegea), and the Ithomaia. Damophon, his sons, and their descendants were given the privilege to be initiated (in the mysteries of Despoina) first, after those who had been appointed by the city (LL. 25–28: εἶναι… μύησιν ἱερῶς γίνεσθαι πρώτοις μετὰ τοὺς ὑπὸ τᾶς πόλιος ⟨κ⟩αθισταμένους). Another privilege connected with a contest at the festival of Despoina is unclear: γίνεσθαι δὲ δύο ἐν τῶι ἀγῶνι ἱεροὺς ΑΝΤ̣Ε̣[^2–3]ΙΕΡΑΣ (LL. 29–30). Damophon and his descendants enjoyed all the privileges of the hieroi (LL. 30–31: μετέχειν δὲ ἁπάντων ὧν μετέχουσι καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἱεροί). M. discusses in detail the thorny question of Damophon’s date, concluding that his work should be dated to ca. 200–160 BCE.

22569) A.P. Matthaiou and N. Papazarkadas, “ Ἀπολογία ἀγωνοθέτου τῶν Βασιλείων ἐκ Λεβαδείας”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 159–192: Ed. pr. of an important inscription from Lebadeia (ca. 50) that contains a list of the victors at the Basileia, the account of the agonothetes, and a review of the account by representatives (ἐνκριταί) of the Boiotian cities. The disciplines of the contest, already attested through other inscriptions, included wrestling, boxing, and pankration in the age categories of boys and men, running in armor in the category of men, the equestrian disciplines of apobasis in the stadium, and horse races both with young and adult horses, and with a pair of horses. The account lists the contributions paid by the districts of the Boiotian Koinon—55 drachmas paid by each district—and the revenues from the leasing of land (ἱππάφεσις and ἱππόδρομος) to individuals [cf. supra no. 57]. The expenses were made for the procession (not previously attested), the sacrifice, the contest, the personnel, and materials used in the contest. The account was confirmed by representatives of Lebadeia, Orchomenos, Chaironeia, and Tanagra, in accordance with the law of the Basileia (issued by the Boiotian Koinon?). According to this law, the agonothetai were obliged to deliver to their successors interest in the sacred money of Zeus Basileus which they received from their predecessors (τόκος πεντάβωλος). The inscription also contained a list of ῥαβδοφόροι, responsible for order during the festival. Only one name is preserved.

22670) G. Mitrev, “Antichni Nadgrobni Pametnitsi Ot Petrichkiya Raion”, in G. Mitrev and S. Ivanov (eds.), Prouchvaniya v dolinata na Strumeshnitsa, Bon, 2011, p. 18–60 [SEG LXVI 532]: M. publishes a dedication from Herakleia Sintike. A woman dedicated to Artemis Elaphebolos a relief depicting Nike (2nd/3rd cent.).

22771) P.M. Nigdelis, “The Nonae Capratinae in Dion and Religious Associations and Public Festivals in Roman Macedonia”, GRBS 56 (2016) 663–678 [BE 2017, 317; SEG LXVI 525–526]: Ed. pr. of an inscribed marble base that supported a statue of an eagle with folded wings, grasping the head of an ox with its talons (Dion, ca. 200–250). The dedication was made by Aroura, the slave of Ploutiades, who had served as an ἀγορανόμος during the festival of Nonae Capratinae (Ἀγαθῇ Τύχῃ· Διὶ Ὑψίστῳ Ἄρουρα Πλουτιάδου παιδίσκη ἀγορανομήσασα Νώναις Καπρατείναις ἀνέθηκεν δι’ ἐπιμελείας Φρούκτου); as such she was responsible for the presence of sufficient supplies at affordable prices. She was probably appointed to this office by a ‘quasi-official association of devotees of Zeus Hypsistos’. Fructus was the supervisor of the sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos. Other cases of ἀγορανόμοι/aediles representing associations that contributed to the organizing of public festivals are known from Greek and Latin inscriptions found the sanctuary of Dionysos in Dion (cf. I.Beroia 22: ἀγορανομήσας τοῦ θιάσου). The festival of Nonae Capratinae (July 7) is attested for the first time outside Italy. It was a festival of reversal, in which slaves assumed for one day roles usually reserved for free men, commemorating the contribution of female slaves to the rescue of Rome from its Latin neighbors. In Dion, this Roman festival was associated with the cult of Zeus Hypsistos probably because of the perception of Zeus as a patron of weather and fertility and his conflation with Iupiter Capitolinus.

22872) E. Ogüs, Columnar Sarcophagi from Aphrodisias (Aphrodisias, IX), Wiesbaden, 2018: Some of the inscribed sarcophagi from Aphrodisias (late 2nd/early 3rd cent.) threaten violators of the burials with punishment as impious, cursed and tomb-robbers (ἔστω ἀσεβής τε καὶ ἐπάρατος καὶ τυμβωρύχος: 7, 132, 228). Τwo inscriptions provide for the payment of fines to the sanctuary of Aphrodite (126) and for the erection of statues of the emperors (22: εἰς τιμὰς τῶν Σεβ[αστῶν]).

22973) T. Özhan, “A Dedication to Βασιλεὺς Ὄσιρις from the Inner Troad”, Gephyra 15 (2018), p. 95–100 [IAM 2019, 445]: Ed. pr. of a dedication of statues of Ourania Aphrodite and Nephthys to Osiris Basileus (unknown provenance in the Troad, Imperial period). Nephthys is called Osiris’ sister (ὁμάδελφος).

23074) H. Öztürk, E. Demirhan-Öztürk, H. Nikolayidis and A. Gündüz, “Nikaia’dan yeni yazitlar VII”, TÜBA-AR 22 (2018), p. 231–243 [BE 2019, 479; IAM 2019, 12–13]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from the territory of Nikaia (Imperial period). 1) A dedication addressed to Zeus Patrikos by a group of men, to whom the precinct of the god belonged (Διὶ Πατρικῷ τοῦ Συ[νγε]νικοῦ, ὧν καὶ τὸ τέμ[ενός] ἐστιν). The eds. comment on the cult of ancestral gods and on Συνγενικός, which they interpret as an epithet of Zeus [the text does not mention an epithet (ὁ Συνγενικός) but a noun (τὸ συνγενικόν). Τὸ συνγενικόν, often attested in inscriptions, designates a kinship group (e.g. MAMA VI 24; VII 515), in this case the kinship group that worshipped an Ancestral Zeus and owned the god’s precinct; for another dedication by a syngenikon to a god in Nikaia see I.Iznik 1035 (Ἀπόλλωνι Λυκείῳ τὸ συνγενικόν)]. 2) A man dedicated a statue (ἀνδριάς) and an altar to an anonymous god for himself, for his children, and for fertility in his village (ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ [κ]αὶ ἰδίων τέκνων κὲ εὐκαρπίας τῆς κώμης).

23175) M. Oktan, “Lyrboton Kome Yerleşimi’nden Bir Phratra”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 651–656 [BE 2017, 565; SEG LXVI 1725]: Ed. pr. of a funerary foundation from Lyrboton kome, near Perge (2nd/3rd cent.). P. Attius Rufus promised his phratra 100 denarii for the purchase of a piece of land (ἐπανγειλά̣|μενος τῇ φράτρᾳ | [γερ]εῶν δηνάρια | ἑκατόν, ἅτινα ἐχώ|ρησεν εἰς χωρίον) [cf. supra no. 4]. A memorial day for him was to be funded from the revenue on the first day of every month (ἐκ τῆς ἀναφορᾶς | ἄγεσθαι αὑτῷ ἡ̣[μ]έ̣|[ρα]ν Καλάνδαις εἰς | ἐῶνα).

23276) L. Ozarowska, “Lost in Quotation: The Curious Case of Kleo’s Dedication Quoted in the Epidaurian Iamata”, ZPE 206 (2018), p. 57–67: The first story in the collection of healing miracles in Epidauros reports on the pregnancy of Kleo, which lasted for five years (IG IV².1.121, A1). This entry contains a quotation from Kleo’s dedication upon delivery of a child: οὐ μέγε[θο]ς πίνακος θαυμαστέον, ἀλλὰ τὸ θεῖον, πένθ’ ἔτη ὡς ἐκύησε ἐγ γασ[τρ]ὶ Κλεὼ βάρος, ἔστε | ἐγκατεκοιμάθη καί μιν ἔθηκε ὑγιῆ. O. analyzes this text in the light of ancient beliefs on prolonged pregnancies and discusses its function in this collection of miracles, as an expression of Kleo’s piety and propagation of Asklepios’ power. In her view, the authenticity of this dedication is disputable. [This is not convincing. The main function of the quotation is to provide credibility to the narrative. The compilers of the collection had no reason to include a quotation from a votive offering that was not accessible to the visitors of the sanctuary. Exactly as the narrative of Hermodikos (A15) was confirmed by his dedication (IG IV².1.125), Kleo’s dedication must have existed in the sanctuary thus providing confirmation to an incredible story. O. correctly observes, “the laconic character of the text and the expression used to describe the result of the cure (simply leaving the sanctuary sound: μιν ἔθηκε ὑγιῆ) seem rather peculiar when used in reference to pregnancy” (p. 59). This is not the only problem with the traditional understanding of Kleo’s dedicatory epigram, which is based on the assumption that the subject of ἔθηκε is τὸ θεῖον (Asklepios); i.e. “Kleo was pregnant with a burden in her stomach for five years, until she slept here and he made her well” (in L.R. LiDonnici’s translation). However, first, the expression ἔθηκε ὑγιῆ is never used in the iamata to describe a cure; the standard expression is ἐποίησε ὑγιῆ. Second, and more importantly, when two verbs are connected with καί (ἐγκατεκοιμάθη καί μιν ἔθηκε), they either have the same subject (Kleo) or the change of subject is made clear (ἐγκατεκοιμάθη [Kleo] καί [Asklepios] μιν ἔθηκε ὑγιῆ). I tentatively suggest a different interpretation. Kleo is the subject of both ἐγκατεκοιμάθη and ἔθηκε, and μιν refers to her child. In this reading, the painting depicted the child to which Kleo gave birth after the incubation. The image speaks: “Admirable is not the size of this painting, but the divine power. For Kleo was pregnant in her belly with this burden for five years, until she slept here and laid me down healthy”.]

23377) Z. Papakonstantinou, “Disputes, Magic, and the Athenian Navy”, in B. Biscotti (ed.), Kallistos Nomos. Scritti in onore di Alberto Maffi, Turin, 2018, p. 121–131 [BE 2019, 171]: The men mentioned in a curse tablet from Athens (IG III App. 103) [cf. supra no. 36] were trierarchs serving in 323/2 BCE. The context of this curse tablet is probably a dispute among elite Athenian families during or immediately after the Lamian War.

23478) N. Papazarkadas and I. Rossiou, “ Ἐκ τῶν χρυσῶν Νικῶν. Νέο θραῦσμα τῆς IG I³ 469”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 51–62: Ed. pr. of a new fragment belonging to an Athenian account or inventory of metal objects (IG I³ 469). The old fragment mentions silver bowls and coins, the new fragment refers to at least two golden statues of Nikai. P.-R. argue that IG I³ 469 records the metal votives (golden Nikai and silver phialai kept in the Parthenon) that the Athenians decided to melt down in 407/6 BCE, in order to mint coins in the last phase of the Peloponnesian War.

23579) N. Papazarkadas and E.P. Sioumpara, “Νέο θραῦσμα τῆς στήλης τῆς Χαλκοθήκης IG II² 120+1465”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 63–75: Ed. pr. of a fragment belonging to the inventory of metal objects kept in the Chalkotheke of the Athenian acropolis (IG II² 120+1465, 353/2 BCE). The new fragment lists badly preserved objects of iron and bronze.

23680) R. Parker, “Crops and Envy in Cilicia”, Gephyra 16 (2018), p. 167–172: See infra no. 100.

23781) R. Parker, “The New Purity Law from Thyateira”, ZPE 205 (2018), p. 178–183: A recently published cult regulation from Thyateira (2nd cent.) concerns purity (EBGR 2017, 68). P. comments on its most important features. The word ἁγνεύεται (L. 1) designates a state of impurity, in which the mourner stays for nine days; P. translates “ritual avoidance is practiced for nine days”. The new text shows clearly that pollution is not only caused through physical contact; also, a relative’s death causes impurity, even when someone is absent at the time of death and the funeral. The regulation offers a threefold grading of periods of pollution through death. The reference to garlic (LL. 7f.) can be understood in two ways depending on the articulation: “after a carrying out (of the corpse, one is pure again) after washing and eating garlic, on the third day; if one touches, etc.”, or “after a carrying out (of the corpse, one is pure again) after washing; if one has eaten garlic, (one is pure again) on the third day; if one touches garlic, etc.” P. favors the latter option; in this case, this is the most emphatic restriction on garlic in any cult regulation. The regulation also clearly distinguishes between different types of homicide. A striking novelty is the public purification of a prostitute in the presence of the neopoioi; violation of this rule resulted in the payment of a fine by the free prostitute and the flogging of a slave. This is the first purity regulation that mentions penalties for a violation; this regulation (or this section) probably derived its authority from a civic body concerned with morality [on prostitutes and homosexuals regarded as impure, see supra no. 64]. By contrast, other violations seem to have been left to divine punishment.

23882) S. Peels, “Notes on IG IX 1 (2) 3: 718 (Foundation Decree of Locrian Colony at Naupactus”, ZPE 201 (2017), p. 110–116: The Lokrian decree concerning the foundation of Naupaktos (IG IX².1.718, early 5th cent.) contains a puzzling provision: Λοϙρὸν ⁝ τὸν hυποκναμίδιον ⁝ ἐπεί κα Ναυπάκτιος ⁝ γένεται ⁝ Ναυπάκτιον ἐόντα ⁝ hοπο ξένον ⁝ οσια λανχάνειν ⁝ καὶ θύειν ⁝ ἐξεῖμεν ⁝ ἐπιτυχόντα ⁝ αἴ κα δείλεται· ⁝ αἴ κα δείλεται ⁝ θύειν καὶ λαγχάνειν ⁝ κἐ(δ) δάμο κἐ(ϙ) ϙοινάνον ⁝ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ γένος ⁝ κατ᾿ αἰϝεί. It is usually though that ὅσια is the object of λανχάνειν (permitted to “receive by lot hosia”); τὰ ὅσια were understood as portions of the sacrificial meat or rites. P. objects that ὅσια are abstractions, never concrete objects. For this reason she prefers the readings ὁσία and hόπο = ὅπω and translates: “It is allowed that a Hypocnemidian Locrian, when he has become a Naupactian, as one who is a Naupactian, receive by lot and sacrifice in the way (hόπο) that is pleasing to the gods (ὁσία) that a stranger (receive by lot and sacrifice), when he happens to be present (in his old city), if he wants. If he wants, (it is allowed to) sacrifice and receive by lot from (cults of the) whole city and the subgroups, he and his descendants, forever”.

23983) M. Petritaki, “ Ἐνεπίγραφο ὄστρακο ἀπὸ τὸ τέμενος τῆς Μητέρας τῶν θεῶν στὸ Νέο Φάληρο”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 111–120: Ed. pr. of an inscribed sherd from the sanctuary of Meter Theon/Kybele (deme Echelidai, near Piraeus, late 5th cent.). The inscription consists of a list of at least 21 women, without patronymic, and the small amounts of money that they contributed. As one can judge from the personal names, the women belonged to the lowest social strata (probably prostitutes) and came from Asia Minor, the Black Sea, and the Propontis.

24084) G. Petzl, “Zu einem Ehrenbeschluss aus Loros (oder Loron) in Lydien”, EA 51 (2018), p. 163–165: Ed. pr. of a decree of an association of syngeneis at Loros (near Gordos) in Lydia (55 BCE). The association, organized under the presidency of Attinas, honored Demetrios because of his good service as agonothetes of the contest organized by this group.

24185) R.L. Phillips, “A Prayer for Justice on the Epitaph of Caecinia Bassa (CIL VI 7898)”, ZPE 205 (2018), p. 96–101: In a Latin epitaph from Rome (CIL 7898, 1st cent. CE), Bassa, a ten-year old girl, speaks from the grave and expresses her sorrow for her untimely death and that of three house-born slaves. The last lines are addressed against those who might rejoice at Bassa’s death: “If anyone by chance rejoices over my unjust death (gaudet de morte iniqua), may Ceres be unjust to this person and destroy him with hunger (huic sit iniqua Ceres perficiatque fame)”. P. associates this text with “prayers for justice” that request divine intervention against people who rejoice in the suffering of others.

24286) I. Piso, “Kleinasiatische Götter und Kolonisten in Dakien”, Gephyra 15 (2018), p. 37–70: P. collects the evidence for the cult of deities introduced to Dacia (mainly Apulum and Alburnus Maior) by colonists from Asia Minor, mostly from Galatia and Bithynia. P. distinguishes between deities of Asia Minor that were generally introduced into the Roman Empire (e.g. Magna Mater, Kybele, Sabazios, Men, Asklepios Pergamenos), mostly in an early period, and cults that were introduced by colonists—soldiers, slaves, craftsmen, and workers in the gold mines of Alburnus Maior and Germisara. Most new cults were introduced from Galatia (Iupiter Optimus Maximus Tavianus, Zeus Narenos, Zeus Sarnendenos, Zeus Boussourigios, Iupiter Optimus Maximus Erusenus, i.e. Erosenos, Iupiter Cernenus, Zeus Heptakomikos, perhaps Meter Troklimene). Zeus Syrgastes, Zeus Kimistenos, and Glykon came from the northern coast of Asia Minor, the Nemeseis from Smyrna, and Adrasteia possibly from Phrygia. The origin of Iuno Semlia and Deus Saromandus cannot be determined. Most dedications were made by individuals and associations.

24387) K. Preka-Alexandri, “Λατρεῖες στὰ Γίτανα. Ἡ λατρεία τῆς Θέμιτος”, in Τὸ Ἀρχαιολογικὸ Ἔργο στὴ βορειοδυτικὴ Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὰ νησιὰ τοῦ Ἰονίου. Ἰωάννινα, 10–13 Δεκεμβρίου 2014. Πρακτικά, Athens, 2018, p. 309–318 [BE 2019, 129]: The discovery of tiles stamped with the inscription Θέμιτος attest the cult of Themis in Gitana (Epeiros).

24488) K.J. Rigsby, “Asclepius in Illyria”, ZPE 207 (2018), p. 56–57 [BE 2019, 230]: R. republishes an inscribed lead tablet from Apollonia (SEG LXIII 408; EBGR 2014, 28) that concerns the cult of Asklepios. He defends the reading κλάδ̣[ον], i.e. the suppliant’s branch (instead of κλᾶρ̣[ον], an oracle given by lot). He suggests that the Apolloniates consulted a seer after an incident that concerned supplication. He speculates that someone attempted to approach the god with a suppliant’s branch and offered a higher fee. He translates: “Give to the Apolloniates: The seer has prohibited that Asclepius receive the branch, (as well as/and) and additional one-half…” (δ[οῦν]|αι τοῖς Ἀπολλονιά[ταις]· | hἁ μ̣ά̣ντις τὸν κλάδ̣[ον] | ἀπαγόρεσε τὸν Ἀσχ[λα]|πιὸν δέκησθαι κα[θώς - ^ca. 4 -]| καὶ ἡ[μι]ολίαν κ̣α̣ὶ̣ [- -]). [This is not convincing. If the seer wanted to restrict supplication (ἱκεσία) and the payment of higher fees, she would have said so, instead of using the formulation “accept a branch and accept one and a half”. And more importantly, the seer had the authority to say “Asklepios does not accept” something, but not the authority to prohibit Asklepios from accepting something. D. Rousset, BE 2019, 230, rejects R.’s suggestion, because a ph. shows that the letter following ΚΛΑ is neither Δ nor Ρ.]

24589) A. Robu, “Cultes et groupes de pêcheurs en Propontide : note sur une dédicace de Chalcédoine”, Il Mar Nero 9 (2012–2018) [2019], p. 159–165: R. discusses a marble statuette of a seated Kybele that was dedicated by a group of fishermen in Chrysopolis (territory of Kalchedon, 2nd cent. CE; SEG LX 1335; EBGR 2011, 46). C. Lollius Cato and his slaves dedicated a δίκτυον χειμερινόν (winter fishing net) in the year in which Poseidon held the eponymous magistracy of basileus in Kalchedon (not in Byzantion, as mentioned in EBGR). Cato belongs to the family of the Lollii in Byzantion, who are attested as members of an association of worshippers of Dionysos Kallon, whose epithet derives from the place name Kallon in the Propontis (I.Byzantion 30–35). [The name of the god is only attested in the genitive (Διονυσίου Κάλλωνος). Whether the epithet derives from mutatio Callum, between Selymbria and Athyram or (less likely) from the founder of the cult (Kallon), the nominative is Διονύσιος Κάλλωνος.] The fishing with fishing nets in the see of Marmara is attested through a cult association of worshippers of Διονύσιος Παράβολος (I.Byzantion 37) and by the association of the Διονυσοβολεῖται (I.Byzantion 38), from βόλος (“net launch”, or “fishing net”). The recipient of the dedication is not named in the inscription. R. suggests that it may be Aphrodite Pontia and discusses the connections between Poseidon, Aphrodite Pontia, and Meter Pontia in Kalchedon, Kyzikos, and Dionysopolis.

24690) H. Sancaktar, “Arykanda Antik Kenti’ndeki Athena Tapınağı’nın Lokalizasyonuna İlişkin Öneriler”, Cedrus 6 (2018), p. 359–375 [IAM 2019, 245]: S. discusses the possible location of the temple of Athena in Arykanda that is mentioned in I.Arykanda 108 (2nd cent. CE) and publishes a small altar for the cult of Athena (Ἀθηνᾶς, p. 363), decorated with a representation of the goddess in relief. The altar was not found in situ, and the temple’s location (possibly the Podium Temple or the Great Basilica) remains unknown.

24791) K. Savvopoulos, “The Gold Foundation Deposit Plaque of Ptolemy IV from the Temple of Aphrodite Ourania at Koussai”, ZPE 28 (2018), p. 117–120 [BE 2019, 551]: S. republishes an inscribed gold plaque bearing a dedication of Ptolemy IV to Aphrodite Ourania, only known from a short report (SEG VIII 360; ca. 221–204 BCE). This plaque, the only one made of gold, is part of a group of five inscribed plaques from the temple of Aphrodite Ourania (Hathor) in Koussai (Hermopolite Nome).

24892) E. Schwertheim, N. Güllü Schwertheim and G. Petzl, Epigraphica der Sammlung Yavuz Tatış. Lydien, Mysien, Türkei, Izmir, 2018 [BE 2019, 404, 409, 424, 430, 434, 436, 438]: The collection of Yavuz Tatış consists of 126 inscriptions from Lydia and Mysia, mostly inedita (1–20, 22, 25–29, 33, 36–38, 43–44, 46–49, 5262, 65, 66, 68, 71, 82–88, 90, 92–104, 107–111, 114, 116–126). Here, I focus on the unpublished texts. The published texts include dedications and confession inscriptions that were presented in EBGR 2007, 66 nos. 66 (23), 67 (35), 71 (24), 87 (21), and EBGR 2017, 68 no. 115 (34). If not otherwise mentioned, they date to the Imperial period.

249The cult of Anaitis in Lydia: 20 dedications from Lydia (only 17 is Hellenistic) are addressed to Meter Anaitis (Anaitis: 1, 17, 20; Megale Anaitis: 16; Thea Anaitis: 2, 3, 11; Meter Anaitis: 5, 8–10, 12, 13; Meter Aneitis: 14; Meter Enaeitis: 19; Artemis Anaitis: 18); nos. 7, 15 are dedicated jointly to Artemis Anaitis and Mes Tiamou. Nos. 4 and 6 seem to refer to the “Mother of Anaitis” (4: Μητρὶ Ἀνάτιος; 6: Μητρὶ Ἀνάτεος; cf. TAM V.1 450 and 575: Μητρὶ Ἀνάτιδος) [cf. references to the “Mother of Mes” (SEG LIII 1344: μεγάλη Μήτηρ Μηνὸς Ἀξιοττηνοῦ]. The reliefs that occasionally decorate the stelai depict a crescent moon (1, 14, 17), a raised hand (2), worshippers (15: with raised hand; 20), a ploughing farmer (3), and wreaths and garlands (4, 6, 8, 9). The dedications were made by women (1, 2, 4, 5, 9, 10, 12, 15, 18, 20), men (3, 6, 7, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19), and couples (9) in fulfillment of their vows (εὐχήν: 1–18) and in expression of gratitude (8: εὐχὴν εὐχαρ⟨ι⟩στοῦσα). One text mentions the praise of Anaitis and Mes (15: εὐχὴν εὐλογοῦσα). The vows were made for the wellbeing of the dedicants or family members (5: ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ; 7: ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ) and for the healing of diseased body parts (10: ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν; 15: ὑπὲρ τῶν μαστῶν). One text is more detailed: a man made the dedication “in fulfillment of a vow that he made upon a dream for the wellbeing of his daughter Ammia” (εὐχὴν… ἣν κατ᾿ ὄνειρον εὔξετο ὑπὲρ Ἀμμ[ί]ας τῆς θυγατρός). No. 10 depicts the eyes of a healed woman. The most interesting text (20, from Silandos) narrates in bad Greek the punishment of a woman for perjury: Ἐ̣π̣ίνυα Ἀναείτι τῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μητρώ· ὅτι ὤμοσεν, οὐκ ἔλαθεν κολασθοῦσα αὐτήν, εὐλογοῦσαν τῇ Ἀναείτι ὅτι ἔζησεν αὐτὴν ἐν τῷ [.]ΤΟΛΩ ἐξυρη[σάμ]ην; Ἀναείτις ἡ ἐγ Μητρώ is mentioned in a ‘confession inscription’ (Petzl, Beichtischriften 57). [The eds. understand the text as follows: “sie lobpries die Anaitis, weil sie (d.h. Epinoia) lebte—sie in dem [- - -]. Ich habe mich geschoren”. I suspect that ἔζησεν is used as a transitive verb (ὅτι ἔζησεν αὐτήν, “because she kept her alive”), as in Psalm 118.50: ὅτι τὸ λόγιόν σου ἔζησέ με; therefore, I put an interpunct after αὐτήν: “Epinoia, dedicated this to Anaitis from the Metro(on?). Since she took an oath, it did not remain unnoticed that she was punished. She praised Anaitis, because she kept her alive. I shaved myself in [- - -]”.]

250A miracle?: Among the other inedita from Lydia, the most interesting is a long but fragmentary narrative (26, 153/4 CE), which the eds. tentatively interpret as a mythical episode (“eine mythisch-religöse Episode”). [A miracle is more likely, since the episode occurred recently, i.e. five years before the erection of the stele (L. 2: πρὸ ἐτῶν ε΄). Only fragments of phrases are recognizable, concerning the fate of an unmarried girl. L. 4: καὶ τὸ ἀτόπημα τὸ γενό[μενον]. The eds. interpret ἀτόπημα as a “strange occurrance” (“dem geschehenen Unglaublichen”), but the word is also used in the meaning “offence” (IG V.2.515 Bb1 L. 5: [τοῦ] γ[ιγνομέν?]ου κατὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἀτοπήματος; cf. P.Tebt. 303 L. 1); cf. P. Hamon, BE 2019, 430. In this case, the text may be a record of divine punishment, a common inscription type in Lydia: “the offence that had occurred”. L. 5: μικρὸν ΤΗСΜС κτεῖσμα ἔ̣κτισεν (“he/she built a small construction”). L. 6: τὴν παρθένον ἀνήρπασεν ἀ[- - -]Ο̣ΥΡΟΥ κὲ προσέζευξεν δράκο[ν- -]; perhaps ἀ[πὸ - -]θ̣ύρου (e.g. πρόθυρον, ὑπέρθυρον et sim.); the eds. restore δράκο[ντι] and translate “und vermählte sie einer Schlange”; obwohl sexual encounters between women and snakes are attested (e.g. Olympias), προσζεύγνυμι means “to attach”, “to yoke”, and the text later refers to ἑρπετά in the plural (L. 8). So, δράκο[ντας] is more likely; in that case, the text may refer to a cart or a chariot pulled by snakes; this is the way the chariots of Medea and Ceres/Demeter are represented in Greek and Roman art. Therefore, someone “seized the girl”, perhaps from the construction that is mentioned earlier, and carried her away on a chariot pulled by snakes. Zeus ordered (?) that she stays somewhere for seven days (L. 8: Ζ̣εὺς μ̣ῖναι ἡμέρας ἑπτά). The parents (of the girl?) came together (L. 10: συνερχομένων δὲ γονέων). From the rest of the text only ἐνκλινόμεν[- -] (L. 13) can be clearly read.]

251Inscriptions from Lydia: The other texts from Lydia are as follows: 22) Dedication to Hekate from Philadelphia (εὐχήν); the goddess is only represented in relief. 25) Dedication to the gods from (Silandos); a crescent moon in relief alludes to Mes; this dedication was made κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν. 27). A dedication to Apollo Tarsi (Kollyda?). 29) An honorific inscription from Thyateira for a high priest. 37) An honorific inscription for a man who served as agonothetes [of an agon organized by a syngeneia] (56/55 BCE). 38) An epitaph was set up by a neokoros of a goddess (Anaitis?).

252The cult of Thea Peismatene, Mysia: A large group of late Hellenistic dedications from the area of Daskyleion are addressed to Theos Peismatene (69–87; mentioned in EBGR 2012, 182, except for 71 and 82–87 that are inedita). The dedications were made in fulfillment of vows (εὐχήν: 69, 70, 72–77, 79, 80), in three cases for the wellbeing of family members (75, 79, 80). In a dedication, a woman expresses her gratitude for her rescue, probably from illness (78: σωθεῖσα χαρι[στ]ήριον). In a Hellenistic dedication, a man attributes his success in court to the support of the goddess (84: συναγωνισαμένῃ ἐπὶ τοῦ δικαστηρί[ου] καὶ νικησάσης αὐτῆς δῶρον ἔθηκ[ε]. The stelai are decorated with reliefs that show the goddess seated on a throne and offering a libation on an altar in the presence of worshippers; a dog is in front of her throne (69, 70, 72, 73, 75–87; cf. 71); in one case, a dead or sleeping person lies on a kline to the left of the goddess (74).

253Inscriptions from Mysia: [Among the other texts I single out an epitaph from the area of Miletoupolis with a funerary imprecation; the eds. read [- -]φ_̣ρουση ταύτην κακο[.]|[- -]κακως ἀπόλοιτον; probably [ὅς ἂν περι]κ̣ρούσῃ ταύτην κακὸ[ς | ὢν] κακῶς ἀπόλοιτον; περικρούω is used in another epitaph from the same area (I.Melitoupolis 120); for κακὸς κακῶς ἀπόλοιτο cf. SEG XVIII 561 L. 8). A parasitic nu at the end of the verb is not uncommon in late inscriptions (e.g. BE 1939, 464: πάθοιτον; CIG 3990k: λίποιτον; Ramsay, Phrygia 270 and 271: τύχοιτον). A round altar (104, ca. 4th cent. CE) is interpreted as Christian: Μᾶρκος θεῷ εὐχήν. However, there is no Christian symbol on it, and εὐχήν (accusative) is typically used in polytheistic texts, whereas Christian (and Jewish) texts use εὐχή (nominative).]

254An aretalogy for Theos Hypsistos: An important monument (Daskyleion, 2nd cent. CE) is a relief plaque with a representation of a group of gods and the zodiac cycle; the zodiac signs are not in a correct order; except for Kybele and possibly Zeus, the gods cannot be securely identified, because of the stone’s damage. A partly preserved inscription (read and discussed by G. Petzl) praises the “Highest God” for his cosmogonic role:

[πάντ]α̣ ὁρῶν καὶ ἀκούων ὕψιστος θεὸς θεοὺς ἔδιξε πατ̣[- -]

[πεί?]ρ̣ατα ἄστρα, βρυ̣γμὸν δρακόντων, φόβον δέ βροντῆς ΑΖ̣[- - -]

[… ο]ὐ̣ρανὸν θεὸν διδόντα παντὶ κόσμῳ τὴν καλὴν γεωμ̣[ετρίαν? - -]

4 [….] σκέψιν λαβὼν Τ̣[…]Υ̣ΟΣΚΑΙ ΠΕΑ̣[..] διαιρεῖ καὶ σῴζει Τ̣[- - -]

[….] Ἀντωνείνῳ δὲ β̣α̣σιλεῖ διὰ βίου νείκην καὶ κ[ράτος? - -]

[In L. 1, in fine, πασ̣[- -] is more likely; in L. 2, in fine, I read ΑΣ[- - -].]

255Petzl translates: “Der alles sehende und hörende höchste Gott hat Götter ernannt [- - -] als äußerste Grnzen (?) Gestirne, das Klappern der Schlangen. Die Furcht vor dem Donner aber [- - -] den Himmel als Gott, der der ganzen Weltordnung eine schöne [gleichmäßige Struktur?] gibt Beachtung bekommend [- - -] teilt und bewahrt er [- - -] dem Kaiser Antoninus lebenslang Sieg und Macht”). In 139 CE, the year after Antoninus Pius’ ascend to the throne, a Sothis cycle of 1460 years ended; this ment the beginning of a new era. P. interprets the text as a cosmogony, with the Highest God (Zeus?) appointing new gods, the gods who are represented on the relief. [Petzl’s interpretation is very attractive, but based on the assumption that the text refers to the recent creation of new gods and a new order (p. 200: “es geht um dis Schaffung eines neuen Götterhimmels bzw. damit im Zusammenhang um eine [neue?] Weltordnung”). However, ἔδ(ε)ιξε does not necessarily refer to a recent development; this verb is typically used in aretalogies of Isis to describe the goddess’ role in determining the course of the heavenly bodies (e.g. I.Kyme 41 L. 16: ἐγὼ ἄστρων ὁδοὺς ἔδειξα). In L. 1, in fine, one may possibly restore πᾶσ̣[ι θνητοῖς] rather than πατ̣[ράσι]. The god in question had a higher hierarchical position than the other gods. The text identifies him as ὕψιστος θεός; therefore, there are good reasons to identify him with Theos Hypsistos. According to a theosophical oracle of Apollo Klarios (SEG XXVII 933), the other gods were the “angels” of this supreme god. I, therefore, regard this text as an aretalogy for Theos Hypsistos and tentatively translate: “The highest god, who sees and hears everything, has determined gods [for all mortals?] and has [- -] the stars and the rattle of snakes. He [- -] the fear of thunder. [He made?] the heaven a god that gives a nice geometry to the entire kosmos. Giving careful consideration [he - -] separates in parts and preserves [- -] and gives to Antonine, our king, victory and might throughout his life”. This is the first text that associates the Theos Hypsistos with the imperial rule and, together with the discovery of a temple of Theos Hypsistos in Nikopolis (see EBGR 2015, 129), provides new important evidence for the understanding of this (probably not homogeneous) cult.]

256Inscriptions from other areas of Turkey: A statue of a mother goddess, seated on a throne and flanked by two undetermined animals (126, Kyzikos), is dedicated to Meter. A fragment from a monument for an athletic victor (Ionia) mentions a victory in long run in the category of the boys at the Chrysanthina of Sardeis (111). A marble sprout of a well or a fountain from Ephesos mentions T. Flavius Hierax, who served as Asiarches; he was not previously attested as holder of this office. Finally, I single out a grave epigram from the area of Kotyaion (106), because of the reference to a precinct of Zeus: Ἡδονῆι Ἀντίοχος ξείνηι τόδ᾿ ἔθηκεν ἑταίρηι | ξείνωι τε Ἀρτεμέηι, μνῆμα φιλοξενίης. | Ζηνὸς δ᾿ εὐρύχορον τέμενος ξεινοῖσι φυλάξει | κῦδος ἐν εὐφροσύναις μνησαμένων ἑτάρων. The grave monument had been erected by Antiochos for two foreign friends; the poem concludes: “Zeus’ weiträumiges Temenos wird für Fremde den Ruhm derer bewahren, die wohlgemut ihrer Gefährten gedachten” [“the spacious precinct of Zeus will guard for foreigners the glory of those who remembered their friends with glad thoughts”. Since a grave monument could not have been erected in a sanctuary of Zeus, the reference to Zeus’ precinct (εὐρύχορον for εὐρύχωρον metri causa) seems to be metaphorical, i.e. the heaven].

25793) F.V. Šelov-Kovedjaev, “Ancient Greek Poetic Production in the Bosporos”, Vestnik Nižnegorodskogo universiteta im. N.I. Lobačevskogo 6 (2018), p. 204–215 [non vidi; see BE 2019, 336]: Ed. pr. of a metrical graffito on a vase (Pantikapaion, early 5th cent.), possibly a writing exercise of a student: [Δ]ιόνυσομ πολ[υγαηθῆ τὸ]μ φιλόμολ[πον ἀείδω/κικλήσκω/μήλω) [the beginning of a hymn for Dionysos].

25894) N. Sharankov, “Notes on Greek Inscriptions from Bulgaria”, in Monuments and Texts in Antiquity and Beyond. Essays for the Centenary of Georgi Mihailov (1915–1991) (Studia Classica Serdicensia V), Sofia, 2016, p. 305–361: S. presents improved editions, corrections, and new readings of numerous inscriptions in IGBulg. I mention the most significant contributions to texts of religious interest.

259Abritus: IGBulg II 869: A dedication to Theos Dabatopeios (Imperial period) was made by a μαγίστωρ, i.e. the magister of a cult association.

260Augusta Traiana: IGBulg III.2.1666; SEG LXVI 648. S. restores this dedication to Apollo (ca. 150 CE): [? τὸν ναὸν] | κατεσκεύα[σε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλ]|μα ἀ̣ν̣έθηκ[εν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων]. Deultum: IGBulg III.2.1854; SEG LXVI 663. The epithet of the god in this dedication is Στυροτερηνός, not Συροτερηνός (p. 333). IGBulg V 5589; SEG XLVII 1049; LXVI 651: A family dedicated an altar and an offering table ([τὸ]ν̣ β̣ωμὸν σὺν [τῇ τραπέ]ζῃ), making a prayer for the well-being of their household (ὑπὲρ ὅλου τοῦ οἴκου ἑ[αυτ]ῶν ἀνέθηκ̣αν εὐξάμεν̣οι, Imperial period).

261Dionysopolis: IGBulg I² 22 bis; SEG LXVI 839: The cult association, whose members are listed in the text, may have been dedicated to the cult of Meter Theon Pontia [cf. EBGR 2015, 84], rather than Dionysos.

262Draganovets: IGBulg V 5311; SEG XXX 835; LXVI 668; CCET II.2.521. S. recognizes that this dedication to the Thracian Rider (2nd/3rd cent.) is a Latin text written in Greek letters: [- - -]ο̣υ̣μ̣ σάνκτου Φλάβις | [- - -]ος ἐξ ουώτου πόσι (i.e. [sacr]um or [don]um sanctu Flavi(u)s | [- - -]os ex votu pos(u)i).

263Glava Panega: IGBulg II 530; SEG LXVI 669. S. restores the name of Asklepios Saltobousenos (θ[εῷ Ἀ]σ̣[κληπι]ῷ; Imperial period). IGBulg II 553; V 5189; SEG LXVI 671. The improved edition of a dedication to Kyrios Theos by a soldier reads: κοιρίῳ θεῷ ἐπὶ π⟨ρ⟩οκοπήν· Κλαύδις Μάξιμος β(ενε)φ(ικιάριος) εὐχαριστήριον (Imperial period).

264Hadrianopolis: IGBulg III.2.1805; V 5644; SEG LXVI 672. The epithet of Zeus can be restored as Κλοβρηνός (p. 332; undated). IGBulg III.2.1816; SEG LXVI 673. The recipient of this dedication is Geigon Aulousedas (p. 332; undated). IGBulg III.2.1832; SEG LXVI 676. The local epithet of Apollo in this text is K]..]spindenos (undated).

265Herakleia Sintike: IGBulg V 5925; SEG XLVII 1107; LXVI 530: New edition of a dossier of documents concerning an endowment to the gerousia (ca. 181–188; cf. N. Sharankov, Archaeologia Bulgarica 20 [2016.2], p. 61–66 no. 2 and AE 2016, 1417). Demetrios made an endowment to the gerousia for the annual performance of rosalia in honor of the donor and his ancestors (LL. 13–17: ἐφ’ ᾧ τῶν προγεγραμμ[ένων χρημάτων ἐπὶ τοῖς μν]ημονικοῖς καὶ ῥόδοις οἱ γε[ρουσιασταὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κα]ὶ τῶν προγόνων αὐτῶν [- - - ἑκάστου ἔτ]ους τὸν τόκον διδῶ[σιν]).

266Markianopolis: IGBulg II 862; SEG LXVI 845: S. restores this text as a dedication to Asklepios. Nikopolis ad Istrum: IGBulg II 686; SEG LXVI 856. The dedicant of this text made his dedication after his rescue from brigands (ἀ[λύπ]ως ἐκ λῃστηρίου ἀ[θ]λ̣ίου σωτηρίας
νει[σθ]είς; 2nd/3rd cent.). IGBulg II 704; SEG LXVI 859: This dedication to Heros Pyrmeroulas (Imperial period) was made after a dream ([ἐπιτα]γ_̣εὶς καθ’ ὕπν[ον]).

267Nikopolis ad Nestum: IGBulg IV 2338; V 5928; SEG LXVI 688. S. reads the word
ὀ⟨ρ⟩νεο⟨σ⟩κοπήσαν⟨τ⟩[ες] (L. 17) in a dedication to Artemis (1st cent. CE). This term refers to the augury taken during the dedication.

268Odessos: IGBulg V 5004 bis; SEG LXVI 868: This dedication to Heros Machioplis is probably from Odessos and not from Kaliakra. IGBulg V 5387; SEG LXVI 871: S. offers a new restoration of this metrical dedication to Hekate (3rd cent. CE): Λαμπαδηφόρε καὶ νυκτοφανῆ, δεί[μ]ου ὀπάδ’, ἀφαν[τ- - -]ε. IGBulg V 5069; SEG LXVI 872: According to S.’s restoration, Sokrates dedicated a place to Zeus Soter (Δι̣ὶ̣ σω̣[τῆρι] Σωκράτη[ς] Σωκράτου[ς] τόπον ἐχαρ[ίσ]ατο). IGBulg I² 262; SEG LXVI 873: S. restores the name of the recipient of this dedication as Theos Kardebrenos.

269Parthikopolis: IGBulg IV 2305; V 5919; SEG LXVI 560. New edition of a dedication to Theos or Heros Salenos (221 CE). S. confirms the reading Σαληνῳ and proposes the following restorations for LL. 3–5: [- - ἀρχιερεῖ?]ς Νεικοπολεῖται ὑπὲρ ἑ|[αυτῶν καὶ τοῦ τέκνου?] Αὐρ(ηλίου) Ἀσκληπιοδότου σω|[τηρίας ἀνέθηκαν τὸ ἄγ]α̣λμα. IGBulg V 5898; SEG XLVII 1080; LXVI 559: In a dedication to Asklepios, Hygieia and Telesphoros (2nd/3rd cent.), the epithet of Τελεσφόρος is σωτήρ (col. IV L. 3).

270Pautalia: IGBulg IV 2057; SEG XV 454; LXVI 695. This inscription commemorated the dedication of a basilica (τὴν βασιλικὴν κ̣αθιέρω̣σ̣[αν]) to Hadrian (135 CE). IGBulg IV 2073; SEG I 305; LXVI 699. In a dedication upon command of the Olympian gods (Imperial period), S. reads [οἱ] ὅ̣σιοι περ̣ίο̣ικοι τῶν οἰκευτῶν; ‘the Dwellers’ may be interpreted as ‘the gods worshipped on the Hisarluka hill’. The priest named in L. 4 was a priest of Heros or Ares, not Zeus. IGBulg IV 2175 + 2163; SEG LXVI 696. S. joins two fragments of an inscription and presents a composite text (1st cent. CE). A man made a dedication to Zeus and Hera, making a prayer (κυρίῳ Διὶ καὶ Ἥρᾳ ἰς Κ[αριστορον] εὐξάμενος ἀνέθηκεν). IGBulg V 5778; SEG XLVII 1084; LXVI 700: The recipients of this dedication are the Theoi Basilikoi (Imperial period). IGBulg V 5924; SEG XXXI 635; LXVI 698: S. gives an improved edition of a dedication of an altar (ca. 200–250): Ἀγαθῆι · τύχηι· ἱερατευομένου · Ἀντ(ίου) · Γρηγορί̣ου βου(λευτοῦ), Ἄντ(ιος) · Εὐάνγελος γερουσιαστὴς ἐπιμελούμενος τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων εὐτυχῶς.

271Philippopolis, sanctuary of Asklepios at Batkun: S. joins a series of fragments of dedications. IGBulg III.1.1115 (= V 5478) + 1116 (= V 5479); SEG LXVI 738: This dedication to Trajan of a statue of Asklepios Zylmyzdrienos (early 2nd cent. CE) appears to be the earliest dedication at the sanctuary of Asklepios at Batkun. The dedicant, the governor of Thrace Dizalas, may have been the founder or reorganizer of the sanctuary. The dedication of the god’s statue was jointly funded by the governor and his brother (συνε̣[ισε]νενκάντων εἰς τὴν [ἀνάθεσιν τ]οῦ ἀγάλματος κυρίωι [Ἀσκ]ληπιῶι Ζυλμυζδριη[ν]ῶι ὑπὲρ τε τῆς ἑαυτῶν σω[τη]ρίας καὶ ὑγείας καὶ ὅλης τῆς [πα]τρίδος καὶ στρατηγίας [τὸν θε]ὸν ἀνέθηκαν). IGBulg III.1.1124 + 1125; SEG LXVI 740: The statue of the god was dedicated by the high priest Demophilos (ca. 200–250). A veteran took care of the erection of the statue (ὑπὲ[ρ τοῦ Δημ]ο̣φίλου τὸ ἄ[γαλμα ἀνέ]σ̣τησα). IGBulg III.1.1128 + 1129 + 1130; SEG LXVI 741: Dedication to Asklepios Zylmyzdrienos, θεὸς ἐπήκοος εὐχάριστος, by a soldier (Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1136 + 1137; SEG LXVI 743: Dedication to Asklepios and Hygeia Zylmyzdrenoi, ἐπιφανέστατοι θεοί (Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1143 + 1169; SEG LXVI 744: A councilor made a dedication to Asklepios and Hygeia in expression of gratitude for the well-being of his family (ὑπὲρ [αὑ]τοῦ καὶ τῆς συνβίου [καὶ τέ]κνων [χα]ριστήριον; Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1144 + 1170; SEG LXVI 745: Dedication to Asklepios and Hygeia in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν) by a Thrakarches (3rd cent. CE). IGBulg III.1.1149 + 1152; SEG LXVI 746: Thanks-giving dedication ([χαριστή]ριον) to Asklepios and Hygeia by a soldier (Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1150 + 1151; SEG LXVI 747: Dedication by a councilor Asklepios and Hygieia (Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1194 + 1213; SEG LXVI 749: Dedication to Asklepios Zylmizdrenos (δῶρον, Imperial period). IGBulg III.1.1205 + 1259; SEG LXVI 739. Dedication to Asklepios (Αἴλιος Ζωΐλος θεῷ Ἀσκηπιῷ εὐχήν, 2nd cent. CE).

272Philippopolis, other sanctuaries: IGBulg III.1.936; V 5420 ter; SEG LXVI 735. Improved edition of a dedication to Serapis (Imperial period): Αὐ̣[ρ(ήλιος)] Δημ̣όφ[ι]λ̣ος [ἔ]στησαι τὸν τελ̣(αμῶνα) Σέραπι, σοί. IGBulg III.1.937; V 5421; SEG LXVI 736: Improved edition of a dedication to Theos Hypsistos (Imperial period): Θεῶι ὑψίστῳ ͵ατπγʹ; S. interprets the numeral as isopsephia concealing the name of the dedicant. IGBulg III.1.947; SEG LXVI 737: In S.’s restoration, this is a dedication to κύριος Ἥρως by a sacred slave (⟨ἱ⟩ερόδ[ου]|λο[ς]) as expression of his gratitude (εὐχαριστήριον, Imperial period). IGBulg III.2.1692; SEG LXVI 765: S. presents an improved edition of this inscription that was rediscovered. It is a dedication to Paian Pizenos (late 2nd/3rd cent.) by a soldier on behalf of another man; the poetic text expresses gratitude for the fact that the god listened to the dedicant’s prayer. The identification of Paian as Apollo rather than Asklepios is confirmed by a statue and a relief found at Pizos: Ἀγαθῆι τύχηι· | Σέ, Παιὰν Πιζηνε, Ῥοιμηταλκης | στράτωρ ἐνέθανε Σευ̣[ή]ρῳ, | [ἐπ]ε̣ὶ εὐξαμένου ’πήκουσα̣[ς] | [- - -] ἐνιαυτ̣[- - -]. IGBulg V 5438 bis; SEG LXVI 732: Republication of a dedication to Hera from Philippopolis (348; Imperial period): Δασους κυρίᾳ Ἥρᾳ {ΗΡ} δῶρον̣ εὐχήν̣.

273Philippopolis, tribes: IGBulg V 5412; SEG LXVI 784: S. argues that the place inscriptions of tribes in the theater, to which he adds several new texts, belong to three different phases (early 2nd cent. CE, ca. 100–150 CE, and after 212 CE). The names of the tribes derive from the city’s founder Philip II (Φιλιππηείς), gods (Apollo Kendreisos> Κενδρεισηΐς, Artemis> Ἀρτεμισιάς, Asklepios> Ἀσκληπιάς, Dionysos> Διονυσιάς, Herakles> Ἡρακληΐς), local mythological figures (Orpheus> Ὀρφεείς, Eumolpos> Εὐμολπηΐς,) and personification of geographical entities (Hebros> Ἑβρηΐς, Rhodope>Ῥοδοπηΐς).

274Serdica: IGBulg V 5853: A dedication to Asklepios (Imperial period) was made after the dedicant had been rescued or healed (σωθεὶς ἐκ μεγά[λου κινδύνου], or μεγά[λων κινδύνων], or μεγά[λης νόσου]).

275Strymon Valley: IGBulg IV 2248; SEG LXVI 581: New edition of a dedication to Dionysos in fulfillment of a vow (Imperial period).

27695) P. Siewert, “Fragment einer hocharchaischen Bronzetafel aus Olympia mit Nennung der Eleer und des Mantis-Amtes”, Tyche 33 (2018), p. 177–182 [BE 2019, 201]: Ed. pr. of an Archaic inscription from Olympia, written on a bronze tablet (ca. 550–525). The fragmentary text refers to a delivery or payment (L. 1: ἀποδιδο[- -]) and mentions the Eleeians (L. 3) as well as the offices of ὀ μάντις κ᾿ ὀ πρ[όξενος] (LL. 5f.). It is the earliest attestation of a μάντις in Olympia. [S. Minon, BE 2019, 201, briefly discusses the possible interpretations of the sequence of letters ΤΑΠΟΚΑΥΟΘΟ, possibly τ᾿ ἀπὸ καυο͂, “the part originating in what the fire burns”.]

27796) C. Şimşek, “Geç Antik Çağ’da Laodikeia”, in C. Şimşek and T. Kaçar (eds.), Geç Antik Çağ’da Lykos Vadisi ve Çevresi - The Lykos Valley and Neighbourhood in Late Antiquity, Istanbul, 2018, p. 81–116 [IAM 2019, 380]: The molding of a base for a statue of Sarapis (θεὸν Σάραπιν) was found in Laodikeia (Imperial period); crosses were added by Christians (p. 97).

27897) B. Söğüt, “Geç Antik Çağd’da Stratonikeia”, in C. Şimşek and T. Kaçar (eds.), Geç Antik Çağd’da Lykos Vadisi ve Çevresi — The Lykos Valley and Neighbourhood in Late Antiquity, Istanbul, 2018, p. 429–458 [IAM 2019, 142]: S. mentions a plaque re-used in a Christian church (Stratonikeia); the stone was originally dedicated to Zeus Keraunios [ca. 2nd/3rd cent.; a large cross covers the inscription].

27998) R.A. Sucharski, “Once Again on the Pella Curse Tablet”, Graeco-Latina Brunensia 21 (2016), p. 311–315 [BE 2017, 323; SEG LXVI 564]: In a famous prayer for justice from Pella (ca. 350 BCE; SEG XLIII 434; EBGR 1993/94, 113; 1998, 290), Phila invokes the power of a deceased individual to prevent Dionysophon from marrying another woman. The sequence of letters ΔΑΓΙΝΑΓΑΡΙΜΕ (L. 6) in this context had been interpreted by L. Dubois as a dialect form: a dialect form of ταπεινὴ γάρ εἰμι (δαπ̣(ε)ινὰ γάρ ἰμε). S. associates this sequence of letters with Hesychios s.v. †θήγεια· θαυμαστὰ, ψευδή and interprets in Δαγινα as a female name; she also tentatively suggests that δαγύς, a doll used in a magic ritual in Theokritos 2.110, may be a Macedonian word. [This is rejected by S. Minon, BE 2017, 323. As I remarked in SEG, an interpretation must consider the context in which these letters appear; this makes L. Dubois’ suggestion convincing.]

28099) G. Staab, “Zwei neue Würfelorakel aus Lykien”, EA 51 (2018), p. 81–90 [BE 2019, 461]: Ed. pr. of two fragmentary dice oracles from Oinoanda and Tlos (Imperial period); their content is similar to other oracles of the same type.

281100) G. Varinlioğlu and E. Varinlioğlu, “Priapus in Rough Cilicia?”, in Vir Doctus Anatolicus, p. 906–916 [BE 2017, 572; SEG LXVI 1855]: Ed. pr. of an apotropaic inscription on a doorpost of a house in Seleukeia on the Kalykadnos (3rd/4th cent.). The text reads Δ̣εσπ̣ό̣ταις καρ|ποὺς κ̣ομ̣ί̣ζω τ̣ο̣ῖ̣ς | δὲ β̣ασ̣κάνοις | vacat πέος (“I watch over the farmers’ crop, and fuck the perfidious plunderers”, i.e. bandids in Isauria). An erect phallus and scrotum are depicted under the inscription, which the eds. associate with Priapos. [P. Hamon, BE 2017, 572, translates κομίζω as “provide” or “procure”; the βάσκανοι were not bandits but ‘malicious powers’. R. Parker (see also supra no. 80) examines various lines of interpretation. If the speaker is Priapos, as a patron of fertility, the text reads: “To my masters I bring produce, to the envious a phallus”. But if the speaker is the building (a warehouse), as suggested to Parker by G.O. Hutchinson, κομίζω has its old meaning (“I watch over”, “I care for”). I wonder, however, how a building can bring a phallus. It is also not necessary to translate δεσπόται as “my masters”; the δεσπόται are the owners of the estate: “to the owners of the estate I bring crops; those who envy them get my prick!”.]

282101) E. Vlachogianni and A.P. Matthaiou, “Ψήφισμα ὀργεώνων ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 77–94: Ed. pr. of a decree of an association of orgeones (Athens, late 4th cent.). The association honors a man with the very rare name Θεόκωμος for his services to a sanctuary of Zeus and to the orgeones. The stele is richly decorated with a relief that depicts, from left to right, a family of worshippers (parents, a boy, and a girl), a female servant, a slave with a sheep, an altar, and a group of three gods. The standing god is Zeus Meilichios holding a libation bowl; a snake coils around his scepter; the small girl touches his tunic. A Meter/Kybele is seated on a throne next to him, with her hand resting on the head of a lion. A standing young goddess (Kore rather than Artemis) holds a torch and a cake with stamped decoration. Given the provenance of the stone from the area of Ilissos, the sanctuary of Zeus must be that of Zeus Meilichios in Agrai, where the festival of the Diasia was celebrated (SEG XXI 541); a Metroon is attested in Agrai (cf. IG I³ 234 L. 5). The relief, with the group of Zeus, Meter, and Kore, invites to a reconsideration of the cults in Agrai and the mysteries ἐν Ἄγραις.

283102) E. Voutiras, “The Cows of Asklepios and Cattle Breeding in Hellenistic Macedonia”, in L. Maksimović and M. Ricl (eds.) Τῇ προσφιλεστάτῃ καὶ πάντα ἀρίστῃ Μακεδονιαρχίσσῃ: Students and Colleagues for Professor Fanoula Papazoglou, Belgrade, 2018, p. 209–220: V. republishes the honorific decree of Morrylos for Paramonos (M.B. Hatzopoulos and L.D. Loukopoulou, Morrylos, cité de la Crestonie, Athens, 1989, no. 1), with minor changes and detailed discussion of the background of this text. Paramonos donated to the city sanctuary a cow (βοῦν ἀγελαίαν) for Asklepios. He was honored 15 years later, “after the cow bore numerous offspring (ἐξ ἧς καὶ ἐπ[π]γενομένης ἐπιγονῆς πλείονος). The “cow belonging to a heard” was left to graze, was not employed as a working animal, and her main service was reproduction. The animals that this cow birthed were probably sold, producing significant revenue for Asklepios’ sanctuary.

284103) E. Voutiras, “ Ἀνάγλυφο Θεοῦ Θεοδαίμονος”, in P. Karanastasi, T. Stefanidou-Tiveriou, and D. Damaskos (eds.), Γλυπτικὴ καὶ κοινωνία στὴ ρωμαϊκὴ Ἑλλάδα: Καλλιτεχνικὰ προϊόντα - κοινωνικὲς προβολές, Thessaloniki, 2018, p. 125–134 [BE 2019, 269]: Ed. pr. of a votive relief from Lete dedicated to the otherwise unattested god Θεὸς Θεοδαίμων (116/7 CE). The god is depicted as a bearded mature man, with a phiale in one hand and cornucopia in the other; his legs have the form of snakes. A rising snake turns its head towards the cornucopia. In front of a god, a chariot is drawn by two cocks without touching the ground; the cocks are possibly associated with the sun, while the chariot indicates the god’s epiphany. V. recognizes in this god a demon with divine properties, probably a chthonic deity. His appearance is somewhat similar to an anguipede demon with a cock’s head that appears on magical amulets, usually identified as Abrasax, and to a snake-legged Dionysos on a relief from Egypt (D.M. Bailey, “A Snake-Legged Dionysos from Egypt and Other Divine Snakes”, JEA 93 [2007], p. 263–270). The relief was found near the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Lete, and Theos Theodaimon may be associated with the Eleusinian deities. The relief was dedicated by a priest, possibly in connection with the introduction of the cult of Theos Theodaimon in Lete.

285104) S. Yeni, F. Avcu and N.E. Akyürek Şahin, “Mysia bölgesi’nden beş yeni mezar epigrami”, Olba 26 (2018), p. 369–386 [IAM 2019, 288 and 290]: Ed. pr. of five grave epigrams from Mysia. In one of them (2, area of Prousa, Hellenistic), the deceased young man, Philoxenos, addresses Persephone and expresses his sorrow for his short life:
[Π]ερσεφόνη, τί μ᾿ ἔφιδες ἐνάν|[τ]ισιν ἀρτιφύεντα, οὔπω πλησά|[με]νον ἐτέων δισσὰς δεκάδας; [The eds. undersand the first verse as “why did you look upon a newly grown with enemy eyes”. I suggest restoring ἐν ἄν[θ]ε̣σιν ἄρτι φυέντα: “Persephone, why did you look upon me, as I was newly growing up among the flowers, not having filled two decades of age?” Φυέντα is medium, not active; for a young man as ἄρτι φυόμενος cf. Theophrastos, Historia Plantorum 4.6.5: ἰσχύει δὲ μᾶλλον τὸ ἔλαιον ἐν τοῖς νέοις καὶ ἄρτι φυομένοις. The imagery of flowers is very common in grave epigrams for young people (see A. Chaniotis, “Display, Araousal, and Performance of Emotions: Introduction”, in Id. [ed.], Unveiling Emotions III. Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, Stuttgart, 2021, p. 17 note 35. Cf. an epigram for a thirty-year-old man in Egypt; I.Egypte métriques 12: ἄρτι φῦον τι ἀκμᾶς ἄνθος ἔκυρσ᾿ Ἀίδαν (“when the flower of age was newly growing, why did it encounter Hades”?).] Another epigram from the same area (4, 4th cent. CE?) praises a young woman for her faith: Ἀσκληπιοδότης ὅδε τύμβος σῶμα καλύπτει | τῆς ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ δόξαν ἀειραμένης, | ἥν θεϊκῇ πίστει φάος ἠελίου προλιποῦσαν | θάψεν [Μα]κρεῖνος ὁ πατὴ[ρ] μόχθον ἀμειβομέν[ην]. [In fine, read ἀμειβόμεν[ος]. “This tomb covers the body of Asklepiodote, who won glory for her prudence; her father Macrinus buried her, when she left the light of the sun first, filled with faith in god, rewarding her for her toil”. Asklepiodote and Macrinus were probably Christians, to judge from the expression θεϊκῇ πίστει.

286105) M.E. Yıldız, “Tlos’tan iki yeni mezar yazıtı”, Olba 26 (2018), p. 405–414 [BE 2019, 463; IAM 2019, 284–285]: Ed. pr. of two epitaphs from Tlos (2nd/3rd cent.), written on funerary altars and prescribing funerary offerings to two heroized men (ἥρωες). Both texts use similar formulations: θύσουσιν δέ οἱ ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ καθ᾿ ἔτος μηνὶ Ξανδικῷ διετῆν καὶ πλακοῦντα and θύσουσιν δέ κατ᾿ ἐνιατὸν μηνὶ Ξανδικῷ διετῆν καὶ πλακοῦντα. According to Y. the offering consisted of a sacrificial cake to be offered “for a period of two years” after the individual’s death. [The texts mention two separate offerings: “they (or the members of the household) shall sacrifice every year in the month Xanthikos a two-year old victim and a sacrificial cake”; the sacrifice of a two-year old kid is already attested as a funerary offering in Lykia: TAM II.2.636 (θύσει… [κα]τ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τῇ ιβ΄[το]ῦ Ξανδικοῦ ἔριφον [δ]ι⟨ε⟩τῆ); cf. TAM II.2.715); cf. D. Rousset, BE 2019, 463. These offerings took place in the same month (Xanthikos/Xandikos), probably in connection with a spring memorial celebration for the dead and not on the deceased individual’s birthday or day of death; on funerary offerings see Robert, Et. anat. 391.]

287106) M. Zellmann-Rohrer, “Two Greek Amulets”, ZPE 207 (2018), p. 105–114 [BE 2019, 354]: 1) Ed. pr. of a gold lamella (Christian?) with the palindromic phrase αβλαναθαλαβ[α] followed by the utterance of the amulet “For I am sealed by the Lord and his angels”. 2) Ed. pr. of a Christian silver lamella with the invocation of the angels.

288107) N.V. Zavojkina, A.M. Novičikhin and V.A. Konstantinov, “New Dedicatory Inscription of King Aspurgos in Gorgipia”, VDI 78 (2018), p. 680–692 [BE 2019, 340]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Hermes and Herakles by King Aspourgos in the gymnasion of Gorgippeia (6/7 CE).

289108) A.N. Zeyrek, Hierapolis - Kastabala: I.S. 1.–3. yüzyilda kentsel gelisim, Istanbul, 2018 [IAM 2019, 0164, 0168, 0170, 0171]: Ed. pr. of inscription from Hierapolis-Kastabala: an honorific inscription for Antigonos, who served as priest of Caius Caesar and gymnasiarchos, (1st cent. CE; p. 207 no. 15), two altars dedicated to the Sebastoi (2nd/3rd cent.; p. 211 nos. 3–4), and an altar dedicated to the gods (Imperial period; 211 no. 6) [texts read in IAM].