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Annexe
Appendix. Incubation reliefs catalogue68
Sanctuary of Amphiaraos in Oropos69
1. NAM 3369, c. 380. Dedication of Archinos; Fig. 10.
LIMC Amphiaraos 63 = Asklepios 111; Comella (2002), p. 132–133, 216, no. Oropos 5, fig. 134; Kaltsas (2002), cat. no. 425; Sineux (2007), p. 203–206; Sineux (2007a), p. 19–21; Despinis (2013), p. 78–79 with n. 261; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 190–193, cat. no. 70 (M. Salta); Renberg (2016), p. 272–274, 650, cat. no. Amph. Orop. 1, fig. 53.
2. 1st Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, without inv. no., c. 375–350.
Despinis (2013), p. 96–97; Renberg (2016), p. 651–652, cat. no. Amph. Orop. 3, fig. 55.
3. Kalamos (Oropos), Amphiaraeion Museum, without inv. no., beginning of the 4th century.
LIMC Asklepios 111; Petropoulou (1985), p. 170, 173, no. 1, pl. 1; Comella (2002), p. 216 no. Oropos 2; Sineux (2007), p. 206–207, fig. 16; Sineux (2007a), p. 24–26, fig. 4; Sineux (2007b), p. 55, fig. 2; Renberg (2016), p. 651, cat. no. Amph. Orop. 2, fig. 54.
Sanctuary of Amphiaraos in Rhamnous70
4. NAM 1397+3141, beginning of the 4th century.
LIMC Amphiaraos 61; Comella (2002), p. 137, 220 no. Ramnunte 4, fig. 139; Despinis (2013), p. 96, 141–144, fig. 88; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 189–190, cat. no. 69 (E. Vlachogianni); Renberg (2016), p. 652–653, cat. no. Amph. Rhamn. 1, fig. 56.
Piraeus Asklepieion71
5. Piraeus, Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 405, c. 400; Fig. 7.
LIMC Asklepios 105, Hygieia 138; Comella (2002), p. 73, 219 no. Pireo 7, fig. 65; Despinis (2013), p. 82 with n. 270, 96; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 181–182, cat. no. 63 (St. Chryssoulaki); Renberg (2016), p. 635–636, cat. no. Ask. Peir. 1, fig. 29.
6. Once walled in a private house in Piraeus, c. 375–350 (?).
Van Straten (1995), p. 282, cat. no. R30, fig. 68; Von Eickstedt (2001), p. 35, fig. 19; Comella (2002), p. 220 no. Pireo 30; Renberg (2016), p. 636, cat. no. Ask. Peir. 2, figs. 30–31.
Athens Asklepieion72
7. NAM 1008, end of the 5th century.
Despinis (2013), p. 95–96, fig. 55; Renberg (2016), p. 643–644, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 8, fig. 41.
8. NAM 1340, c. 410; Fig. 11.
Comella (2002), p. 197 no. Atene 85; Leventi (2003), p. 57, 79, 122, 130, cat. no. R5, pl. 10 (eschara); Despinis (2013), p. 81–84 § 4.8, fig. 42; Renberg (2016), p. 644, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 9, fig. 42.
9. NAM 1841, beginning of the 4th century.73
LIMC Asklepios 54; Comella (2002), p. 200 no. Atene 119, fig. 32; Despinis (2013), p. 90–91, no. 10, fig. 50; Renberg (2016), p. 644–646, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 10, fig. 43.
10. NAM 2373+Storeroom 103, c. 400–375.
LIMC Asklepios 106, Hygieia 139; Comella (2002), p. 200 no. Atene 122, fig. 33; Kaltsas (2002), p. 142, cat. no. 274; Despinis (2013), p. 94–95, fig. 54; Renberg (2016), p. 637, 639, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 2, fig. 33.
11. NAM 2441, c. 375–350.
Comella (2002), p. 201 no. Atene 130, fig. 97; Despinis (2013), p. 85–86, no. 3, fig. 43; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 184–185, cat. no. 65 (Chr. Tsouli); Renberg (2016), p. 639, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 3, figs. 34–35.
12. NAM 2462+2472, c. 375–350.
LIMC Asklepios 109; Comella (2002), p. 201 no. Atene 134; Despinis (2013), p. 77–79, fig. 41; Renberg (2016), p. 640, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 4, figs. 36–37.
13. NAM 2488, c. 375–350.
LIMC Asklepios 110; Comella (2002), p. 201 no. Atene 136; Despinis (2013), p. 86–87, no. 4, fig. 44; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 186–187, cat. no. 66 (G. Despinis); Renberg (2016), p. 647, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 5, fig. 38.
14. NAM 2505, c. 375–350.
LIMC Asklepios 112; Comella (2002), p. 201 no. Atene 139; Despinis (2013), p. 87–88, no. 5, fig. 45; Renberg (2016), p. 641–642, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 6, fig. 39.
15. NAM 3325, c. 330.
LIMC Asklepios 108; Comella (2002), p. 202 no. Atene 144; Despinis (2013), p. 88–89, no. 6, fig. 46; Renberg (2016), p. 648, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 14, fig. 49.
16. ΝΑΜ 5045 (side b), c. 400–375.
Despinis (2013), p. 96, 170–171, fig. 124; Renberg (2016), p. 648–649, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 15, fig. 50.
17. Kassel, Staatliche Museen, Kunstsammlungen inv. no. Sk 44, c. 375.
Comella (2002), p. 203 no. Atene 164, fig. 96; Despinis (2013), p. 89, no. 7, fig. 47; Renberg (2016), p. 637, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 1, fig. 32.
18. Acropolis Museum inv. no. 2452 (side b), c. 350.
LIMC Asklepios 113; Despinis (2013), p. 89–90, no. 9, fig. 49; Renberg (2016), p. 649, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 16, fig. 51.
19. Acropolis Museum inv. no. 3005, c. 375–350.
Despinis (2013), p. 89, no. 8, fig. 48; Renberg (2016), p. 649–650, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 17, fig. 52.
20. Library of Hadrian storeroom, inv. no. ΡΑ 282, c. 400–375; Fig. 12.
Despinis (2013), p. 93–94, fig. 53; Renberg (2016), p. 642–643, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 7, fig. 40.
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Notes
For the church and the site of Palio Ligourio, see Vasileiou (2009), p. 301, n. 12; Vasileiou (2021), 32 with n. 70, fig. 8.
Giamalidis (1913) passim; Melfi (2007), inscriptions nos. 2, 31, 62, 97–98, 145, 156, 174, 218, 238, 241, 247, 290, 372, 402, 436A, 437, 442, 475, 485, 489, 574, 602, 633–634; Piteros (2010), p. 426–427, fig. 112; Kritzas — Prignitz (2020), p. 1 with n. 3. The neighboring village of Ligourio is usually identified as the site of the ancient settlement of Λήσσα, mentioned by Pausanias (ΙΙ, 25, 10; see also Papachatzis [1976], p. 197 with n. 1).
Vasileiou (2009), p. 301–303 (tomb 6); Piteros (2010), p. 425 (second half of the 4th cent.; all dates are BCE unless otherwise stated).
Width 0,03m. For the framing cf. Comella (2002), figs. 43, 49, 80, 114.
Cf. Comella (2002), p. 51–53, 201, no. Atene 135, figs. 37–39; Sineux (2007a), p. 25–26, fig. 5 (Telemachos relief; an incubation relief on a pillar base is depicted on side b); Despinis (2013), figs. 30, 36, 42, 53, 105. A votive relief on a pillar base is also depicted on the Archinos relief (1 [all numbers in bold refer to the Appendix catalogue]; Fig. 10).
On the sakkos (and the sphendone), see Leventi (2003), p. 62, with n. 110–111.
Ikaria relief NAM 3076, c. 420: Kaltsas (2002), cat. no. 253. Xanthippos relief, London, British Museum, inv. 1805,0703.183, c. 400: Dohrn (1957), p. 141–142, no. 51, pl. 27b (first quarter of the 4th cent.); Clairmont (1993), no. 1.630 (late 5th cent.).
The style lingers in Epidauros, as attested by the architectural sculpture of the temple of Asklepios (c. 400–390: Kaltsas [2002], cat. nos. 338–352; Prignitz [2014], p. 184–202 [contracted primarily to Attic workshops, perhaps those who had worked on the Erechtheion [see n. 9], as inferred from the style and the fact that payments to sculptors were calculated in Attic drachmae, whereas Aigenetean drachmae were otherwise used for the other parts of the construction]).
Boulter (1970), esp. pls. 1–2, 19–20; Prignitz (2014), p. 203–205 (cf. esp. pls. 57.1 and 61).
Karousou (1967), p. 144, no. 1841, and Comella (2002), p. 200 no. Atene 119, fig. 32, date the relief to the end of the 5th cent.
The god follows no specific iconographic type. Cf. the relief of unknown provenance, now in Rome LIMC Asklepios 73 (c. 300?; Asklepios seated, fully covered right arm, except for the hand, fully uncovered left arm, staff on the left).
Cf. also 5, and NAM 1402 (originally from Athens, found in Loukou in the Peloponnese: Kaltsas (2002), cat. no. 428, c. 360). The anakalypsis gesture (Leventi [2003], p. 67–69) is also present in the Attic reliefs from Epidauros NAM 1392 (Kaltsas 2002, cat. no. 270, early 4th cent.), and Van Straten (1995), cat. no. R33 (4th cent.).
Cases of secure identification: LIMC Epione 1–10; Leventi (2003), p. 47–48 (her overall conclusion that Epione emerged in art after c. 340–330, coinciding with the full development of the “Asklepian cult circle” in Attic votive reliefs, seems to be true only for Athens). In Epidauros, as recently documented (see n. 14), the cult of Epione has a much earlier history, and her rare depiction in art must be due to local predilections for perishable wooden votive tablets (see n. 39).
Lambrinoudakis (2018), p. 107–108, pl. 66.19–20.
Leventi (see n. 13) argues for the identification of Epione only in seated female figures in scenes with the simultaneous presence of Asklepios’ extended family.
LIMC Asklepiadai, p. 863, Epione, p. 809; Droste (2001); Katakis (2002), p. 227–229; Leventi (2003), p. 53–54; Jouanna — Lambrinoudakis (2011), p. 233–235 (J. Jouanna). The same is true for the minor Attic healing deity of Amphiaraos (cf. e.g. 1, 3–4, 9?; LIMC Amphiaraos, Asklepios 111), and the obscure hero deity of Deloptes (LIMC Asklepios 211 = Deloptes 2; Lawton [1995], cat. no. 47).
Pausanias II, 11, 6; Stafford (2000), p. 153; contra Krantz (2010), p. 4–11.
For the deity see Shapiro (1977), p. 125–126; Aleshire (1989), p. 11–12; Parker (1997), p. 175; Stafford (2000), p. 151–153; Kranz (2010), p. 12–15; Meyer (2017), p. 28–30.
LIMC Hygieia, p. 555; Leventi (2003), p. 111–119.
Krantz (2010), p. 60. Contra Leventi (2003), where it is argued that the cult of Hygieia was imported to Attica from Epidauros already fully developed and closely related to Asklepios, and not deriving from the local cult of Athena Hygieia (for a critical review of her conclusions see Kranz [2010]). On the issue see also LIMC Hygieia, p. 554–555; Clinton (1994), p. 24, n. 22; Stafford (2000), p. 147–171; Melfi (2007), p. 48–49; Kranz (2010); Jouanna — Lambrinoudakis (2011), p. 217–220 (J. Jouanna).
Melfi (2007), inscription nos. 105–106 (beginning of the 4th cent.); cf. also the hymn to Hygieia, tentatively dated to c. 400 (IG IV2 1, 132 = Wagman [1995], p. 159–172).
Melfi (2007), inscription no. 243.
Kolde (2003), p. 302–333.
= Peek (1969), no. 9.
LIMC Asklepios, p. 863, Machaon, p. 777. In Epidauros their cult is already attested in the 5th cent. (Machaon: altar IG IV2 1, 152, c. 500–450. Podaleirios: altar tentatively related with the prothysis [see n. 30]; Peek [1972], no. 28, 5th/4th cent.).
LIMC Machaon, p. 778; Droste (2001), p. 69–111.
Cf. also 4 (Amphiaraos); NAM 1402 (Asklepios; see n. 12).
According to the traditional interpretation, the healing power of Asklepios is personified as young women riding horses (Aurai; i.e. Breeze) serving as the acroteria of the west pediment of the temple of Asklepios, c. 400–390 (LIMC Aurai 16a–b; Yalouris [1992], p. 31–33, nos. 26–27, pls. 27–31; Kaltsas [2002], cat. nos. 344–345). They are alternatively identified as Nereides (LIMC Nereides 484; Mostratos [2013], p. 319–324). Nikai (“Victories” over illness or death), sometimes holding partridges (symbols of Asklepios’ healing capacity; see Yalouris [1992], p. 31, no. 25; Mostratos [2013], p. 302–303; Lambrinoudakis [2020], p. 149, 154–155) also served as the temple’s acroteria (Kaltsas [2002], cat. nos. 340–341, 352; Lambrinoudakis [2020], p. 155–156).
Incubation and dormitories: Von Ehrenheim (2015); Renberg (2016). For the dormitory in Epidauros see n. 56–57. Hypnos (the personification of sleep) was worshipped in Epidauros as one of the Theoi Epidotai in a separate shrine whose first architectural phase is dated to the late 4th/early 3rd cent. (Katakis [2002], p. 304–305; Lembidaki [2003], p. 68–145).
Preliminary blood [holokautesis] and bloodless sacrifice: Petropoulou (1991); Melfi (2007), p. 28–30, 37–38, 40, 44, 49, 495–496, 498; Renberg (2016), p. 254–255. See also n. 51.
Iamata A14?, A17?, B3 (Troezen Asklepion); IG IV2 1, 125, l. 7 (c. 200) = Girone (1998), no. II.3. The enumeration of 4th-century iamata follows Lidonnici (1992). See also n. 36.
Iamata A17, B19, B22, C1, C15. Sacred animals not mentioned in the context of dream narration: (a) dogs: iamata A20, B6; see also 2; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 58–59, 184, (b) geese: iama B23, (c) snakes: iama B13.
Ιamata B15, C22.
Iama B1; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 96; Renberg (2016), p. 615. For the controversial issue of scientific medicine during incubation see Renberg (2016), p. 226–229, esp. n. 280; Lambrinoudakis (2019).
Iamata C5, C21. Cf. also IG IV2 1, 126 (c. 160 CE) = Girone (1998), no. II.4 = Prêtre — Charlier (2009), p. 189–197.
Iamata (Lidonnici [1992]; Girone [1998], cat. nos. II.1–5; Renberg [2016], p. 168–182; Prêtre [2018]) fall into five distinct categories: (a) fantastic “miracles” of an advertising nature (see also Dillon [1994]), (b) realistic although exaggerated cures, (c) realistic cures (cases of practical medicine?), (d) tales of an intimidating, didactic nature, and (e) dream divinations. For the placement of the iamata stelai in the sanctuary, see recently Mavrommatidis (2021), p. 839–852.
See also n. 68.
Comella (2002), p. 210–211. For a small number of additional fragments see Konstantinidis forthcoming.
Lidonnici (1992), p. 41–42, 43 n. 15, 44–45, 50–52, 60–61; Van Straten (1995), p. 58–59, 63; Comella (2002), p. 159–160, 180–185 (Attic exports [including to Epidauros] and various local workshops); Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 105–109, 134, 141 with n. 166, 184–185, 189–190, 197–198. As B. Holtzmann (LIMC Asklepios, p. 891) has convincingly argued, it was only in Athens, where the Acropolis building program had given rise to a large number of sculptors specialized in marble reliefs, funerary and votive, that the transfer of painted votive offerings (πίνακες) in stone came to dominate.
See also n. 32.
Pollitt (1986), p. 200ff.
Cf. also the relief NAM 1426 (Kaltsas [2002], cat. no. 478; Despinis [2013], p. 101).
Cf. iama A17. See also Despinis (2013), p. 78–79 with n. 262.
See also n. 5.
See n. 31.
Sineux (2007a), p. 18; see also Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 126, 129.
For vows and prayers see Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 73–74. In 15 a female suppliant is depicted kneeling, touching the hem of Asklepios’ himation (cf. Versnel [2011], p. 411–412: proskunesis).
In the case of 12 and 14 the kind of the bed cannot be discerned. In 2, two incubants lie on the same bench. See also Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 92–94.
See n. 30. In Epidauros no source documents incubation on animal skins, and no animal skin is depicted on the Epidauros relief either. For sheepskins in the Oropos and Rhamnous Amphiaraeia (2–4), and sleeping on the skin of the sacrificed animal in general, see Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 41, 66, 88–92.
Wool (κνέφαλλα) or soft plants (γναφάλια) was commonly the filling of pillows and mattresses (Stampolidis — Tasoulas — Kosmopoulou [2009], cat. no. 176 [D. Bosnakis]).
Contrary to other healing sanctuaries (Von Ehrenheim [2015], p. 75–79; Renberg [2016], p. 259), mandatory ritual garb or wreaths are not documented in Epidaurian iamata inscriptions, although members of the procession described in the hymn of Isyllos are dressed in white and sport laurel wreaths and olive branches (IG IV2 1, 128, lines 19–21; Kolde [2003], p. 83–85; Melfi [2007], p. 51–54). According to the prothysis inscription found in the Kynortion sanctuary, wreaths are among the necessary provisions for the prothysis before incubation that are to be purchased by the incubants from the priests of Apollo and Asklepios (in the case they hadn’t already brought them with them; Peek [1969], no. 336, lines 6, 10–11; Petropoulou [1991], p. 26). The incubant on the Epidauros relief doesn’t wear a wreath, although it could have been rendered in paint.
For secrecy and seclusion during incubation see Lidonnici (1992), p. 19; Riethmüller (2005), vol. I, p. 385; Lambrinoudakis (2014), p. 23–24; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 79–86, 112–125; Renberg (2016), p. 126, 127, n. 34, 131 (ibid. 8, 15–16 with n. 42 for the term abaton); Lambrinoudakis (2019), p. 138; Kritzas — Prignitz (2020), p. 50–51, esp. n. 299 (ibid. for the term abaton).
See also Dillon (1994), n. 50 for a comparable case in Eleusis.
See n. 52.
Despinis (2013), p. 127.
In Epidauros, incubation outdoors should probably only be considered at the first stages of the development of the cult, i.e. before the construction of the first 6th-century stoa next to the sacred well (see n. 60). The only iama that specifically mentions a cure on the road (the tale of Sostrata of Pherai; Β5[25]), doesn’t refer to a dream, but to a waking experience—the epiphany of the god looks or appears like a vision (Lidonnici [1992], p. 32, 67 with n. 62, 78).
Kritzas — Mavrommatidis (1987), p. 15–20 (I. Mavrommatidis); Epidauros 1999, p. 28–33 (I. Mavrommatidis); Riethmüller (2005), vol. I, p. 285; Melfi (2007), p. 42–43; Von Ehrenheim (2009), p. 239–243; Renberg (2016), p. 126–133, 629; Kritzas — Prignitz (2020), p. 50–51; also recently Mavrommatidis (2021).
The “deposit slips” (graffiti on potsherds), found during the excavations of the foundation fill of the upper stoa of the enkoimeterion (Kritzas [2018]), come from other areas of the sanctuary and, therefore, do not indicate yet another function housed at the 5th-cent. incubation complex (headquarters of the sanctuary’s economic management).
For a different identification of Pausanias’ “Bath of Asklepios” see Melfi (2007), p. 102–106, 140; Trümper (2014), p. 212–216.
The 5th-century stoa (in use until c. 375) replaced an older one (second half of the 6th cent.): Lambrinoudakis (2002), p. 219–220; Lambrinoudakis (2006), p. 48; Jouanna — Lambrinoudakis (2011), p. 243, fig. 6D (V. Lambrinoudakis); Lambrinoudakis (2018), p. 100, 104, pl. 8.
Pistacia lentiscus is a very common plant all over Greece (for its medicinal properties see Krug [1985], p. 115).
Riethmüller (2005), vol. Ι, p. 384; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 86–88, 94; Renberg (2016), p. 258–259.
Habicht — Wörrle, no. 161, l. 15; Graf (1992), p. 189 and n. 156; Renberg (2016), p. 194–195.
Architecturally monumentalized in the 4th-century Tholos, just opposite the dormitory, and its predecessor building (late 7th cent., being excavated since 2017; Lambrinoudakis [2018], p. 108–110; Lambrinoudakis et. al. [03.02.2020]). Both wings of the 4th-cent. dormitory (see n. 57) have beaten-earth floors. For the earth as a chthonian symbol see Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 151–152, 155–156, 174. According to Lambrinoudakis (2014), p. 24, the same “transfer” of Asklepios’ magical power (healing from his subterranean residence—chthonian hero—after being struck by Zeus’ lightning bolt), is alluded architecturally in Epidauros by the same height level between the basement of the Tholos (Asklepios’ symbolic chthonian dwelling) and the ground floor of the late 4th-century addition to the early 4th-century neighboring incubation stoa.
C. 400–250: Melfi (2007), p. 31–63; Prignitz (2014), p. 184–249. See also n. 8.
All surviving reliefs date to the period c. 400–330.
Although standard Attic incubation vocabulary is used (e.g. in the case of Epione in the guise of Hygieia), the scene—destined for the sanctuary of Epidauros—must be interpreted under the light of local cult tradition and practice (cf. the relief NAM 1426—see n. 42; in general Comella [2002], p. 177–178; Renberg [2016], p. 659). For Attic exports in Epidauros see n. 39.
An incubation relief on a pillar base is also depicted on side b of the Telemachos relief (early 4th cent.: see n. 5; also Renberg [2016], p. 187, fig. 11). The following Attic reliefs were excluded from the catalogue because they don’t depict incubants: (a) the marble thymiaterion NAM 2455+2475+Akropolis Museum 2665 (now lost): Despinis (2013), p. 201–206, figs. 159–167; Stampolidis — Tasoulas (2014), p. 183–184, cat. no. 64 (E. Vlachogianni); Renberg (2016), p. 646–647, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 11, figs. 44–46, (b) relief fragment NAM 2489: Despinis (2013), p. 91–92, fig. 51; Renberg (2016), p. 647, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 12, fig. 47, (c) relief fragment NAM 2925: Despinis (2013), p. 92–93, fig. 52; Renberg (2016), p. 647, cat. no. Ask. Ath. 13, fig. 48. Similarly, reliefs nos. VI.t (= Stampolidis — Tasoulas [2014], 178–179, cat. no. 60 [A.M. Nielsen]; Renberg [2016], p. 190, n. 177), VII.u (= Richter 1954, cat. no. 67) and VII.v (= Renberg [2016], p. 658–659, fig. 58) in Van Straten’s catalogue (Van Straten [1995], p. 68, n. 180) should also be excluded as their scenes are equally not related to incubation (see also Renberg [2016], p. 654–659). For incubation reliefs in general see Renberg (2016), p. 218–226 (ibid. 634–653 for illustrations of all reliefs in the catalogue).
Petrakos (1992); Riethmüller (2005), vol. Ι, p. 366–369; Sineux (2007), p. 97–109; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 191–192, 195–196; Renberg (2016), p. 272–292.
Petrakos (1999), p. 306–319; Sineux (2007), p. 109–115; Von Ehrenheim (2015), p. 191–192, 195–196; Renberg (2016), p. 293–295.
Von Eickstedt (2001); Riethmüller (2005), vol. II, p. 25–35; Lamont (2015).
Riethmüller (2005), vol. I, p. 241–273; Melfi (2007), p. 313–432; Renberg (2016), p. 133–138.
Despinis (2013), p. 91, argues in favor of a minor healing deity sanctuary as the original place of dedication of the relief.
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