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Epigraphic Bulletin

Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2019 (EBGR 2019)

Angelos Chaniotis
p. 289-321

Texte intégral

In memory of Hasan Malay

1This issue of the Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion presents a significant portion of new epigraphic finds published in 2019 as well as several corpora and other epigraphic collections of that year. For reasons of space, I have limited myself to new finds and very few discussions of already published inscriptions. I have also made some additions to earlier issues of the EBGR (esp. 2016–2018), planning to cover the most significant gaps in the future. In this issue, I discuss a series of important corpora: the first volume of the manumission records from Delphi (80), the corpus of Sardis, which contains a lot of interesting material (89), the corpora of Tomis (10), Nysa (14), Sagalassos (30), and Amorion (67), as well as a valuable addendum to the ‘confession inscriptions’ of Asia Minor (88). This year’s epigraphic harvest includes the oldest document from Olympia, dating to ca. 600–550 (97), an important decree or law from Hierapolis that details the procedure to be followed by fugitive slaves, who sought asylum in the sanctuary of Apollo (49; 2nd century CE), and a Greek/Latin bilingual document concerning the program of the Sebasta Rhomaia in Neapolis (34). I also note new evidence for the cult of Theos Hypsistos (4. 47. 98) and for the existence of boards of (former) priests in Messene (104) and Pogla (53). In the field of magic, I note the evidence for the transmission of incantations for centuries (66) and the discovery of a bronze triangle that was probably used in nocturnal magical rites or in theurgy (17). Finally, as regards ideas of afterlife, an epigram from Moesia or Dacia expresses the expectation of the deceased individual to be placed among the blessed in their eternal symposion (11).

2For periodicals, I use the abbreviations of L’Année Philologique, for epigraphic publications those recommended by the Association Internationale de l’Épigraphie Grecque et Latine (https://www.aiegl.org/​newsreader/​grepiabbr.html) and the abbreviations of SEG. A full list of these abbreviations can be found in G. Tsolakis, “Epigraphic Abbreviations”, in E. Sverkos and G. Tsolakis, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Consolidated Concordances for Volumes XLVI–LX (1996–2010), Leiden, 2021; they are also freely accessible at SEG Online (https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/​entries/​supplementum-epigraphicum-graecum/​abbreviations-aabbr). Additional abbreviations are listed below. If not otherwise specified, dates are BCE. I am grateful to Eric Hensley (UW Madison) for proofreading the English text.

Abbreviations

ANMED

News of Archaeology from Anatolia’s Mediterranean Areas (Open access journal).

AST 36

Araştırma Sonucları Toplantisı 36. 07–11 mayis 2018, Çanakkale, Ankara, 2019.

Boreioelladika

M. Kalaitzi et al. (eds.), Βορειοελλαδικά. Tales from the Lands of the ethne. Essays in Honour of Miltiades B. Hatzopoulos, Athens, 2018.

Epigraphische Notizen

K. Harter-Uibopuu (ed.), Epigraphische Notizen zur Erinnerung an Peter Hermann, Stuttgart, 2019.

IAM 2020

H. Şahin and H.S. Öztürk, “Inscriptiones Asiae Minoris 3, 2020”, Acta Classica Mediterranea 3 (2020), p. 109–259.

KST

Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı.

Panegyrikoi Logoi

M. Nollé et al. (eds.), Panegyrikoi Logoi: Festschrift für Johannes Nollé zum 65. Geburtstag, Bonn, 2019

Stephanoi Stephanos

A.P. Matthaiou and V.N. Bardani (eds.), Στεφάνωι Στέφανος. Μελέτες εἰς μνήμην Στεφάνου ΝΚουμανούδη (1931–1987), Athens, 2019.

Selected Topics

Geographical areas (in the sequence adopted by SEG)

3Attica: Athens: 12. 13. 72. 73. 75. 100. 117; Eleusis: 12. Corinth: 94. Argos: 75. Epidauria: Epidauros: 52. 115. Lakonia: 118; Sparta: 63. 90. Messenia: Messene: 54. 103–107; Thouria: 7. Elis: Olympia: 51. 68. 97. 100. Megaris: Megara: 92. Boiotia: Onchestos: 22; Orchomenos: 62; Thebes: 8. 57. Delphi: 80. 100. Phokis: Phanoteus: 44. Thessaly: 64. 86; Eleutherai: 58; Gonnoi: 108. Epeiros: Dodona: 20. 32. Macedonia: 38. 65. 86. 119; Aigai: 30. Thrace: 41; Philippopolis: 74; Serdica: 96. Moesia: Tomis: 10; Zaldapa: 27. Dacia: 11. Lesbos: Klopedi: 93; Therme: 28. Rheneia: 85. Thera: 99. Patmos: 25. Paros: 85. Euboia: Chalkis: 34. Sicily: Halaisa: 91; Himera: 18. Italy: Kaulonia: 6; Neapolis: 79. Asia Minor: 24. 26. Karia: 2; Antiocheia on the Maeander: 14; Bargasa: 70; Halikarnassos: 19; Iasos: 36; Kaunos: 19; Knidos: 61; Mastaura: 14; Mylasa: 101. 121; Nysa: 14. 42; Plarasa: 15; Syneta: 21; Tralleis: 35. Ionia: Didyma: 48; Kolophon: 55; Miletos: 48. Teos: 56. Lydia: 59. 111; Hypaipa: 112; Kollyda (Kula): 108; Maionia: 77; Sardis: 17. 89. Aiolis: Aigai: 71; Kyme: 114. Troas: Smintheion: 82. Mysia: Daskyleion: 98. Bithynia: 2; Hadrianoi: 2; Nikaia: 29. 33. 83; Prousa: 2. Pontos: Neoklaudiopolis: 95; Sinope: 57. Phrygia: 1. 45. 46. 113; Aizanoi: 116; Amorion: 67; Dorylaion: 83. 88; Hierapolis: 49. 81; Laodikeia: 50. Pisidia: Kremna: 76; Olbasa: 77; Pogla: 53; Sagalassos: 31. Pamphylia: Perge: 60. 110. Lykia: Kibyra: 3. 4. 84; Oinoanda: 77. 78; Patara: 120; Sidyma: 9. Syria: Tyros: 69. Palaestina: Jerusalem: 66; Philoteria: 5. 101. Arabia: Gerasa: 23. 40. 43. Kyrene: 37.

4acclamation: 89

5afterlife: 11. 37; see also s.v. heroization

6age class: 64

7agonistic festival: 100; Charmideia: 14 (Antiocheia on the Maeander); Halieia: 89 (Rhodes); Hermaia: 25 (Patmos); Isthmia: 73; Klareia: 31 (Sagalassos); Klaria: 55 (Kolophon); Nemea: 73; Nemesia Severeia: 110 (Perge); Pythia: 96 (Serdica); Sebasta: 34. 79 (Neapolis); in Knidos: 61; in Patara: 120; in Sardis: 89; in Thebes: 57

8agonistic festival, endowed by an individual: 31. 77. 85; in honor of a Roman magistrate: 54

9altar: 2. 14. 21. 29. 36. 42. 67. 111; domestic: 5. 89

10anatomical votive: 77. 87. 111

11Arsinoe II: 5. 19. 101

12association, cult: 72. 89. 112

13asylia: 14

14banquet: 25. 72. 89

15building, funded by priest(s): 53

16cave, cult: 41. 76

17confession inscription: 88. 89

18cult of mortal: 25

19cult officials: agonothetes: 89. 110. 120; archiereia: 14. 89; ‘of the 13 cities’: 89; of Asia: 67; archiereus: 14. 31. 81. 108; of Asia: 48. 89; of Lykia: 120; of Thrace: 74; ‘of the 13 cities’: 89; Asiarches: 48. 89; epimeletes: 49; epistates: 89; hiereia: 46. 67. 89. 111; hiereus: 2. 14. 21. 31. 33. 46. 49. 50. 60. 67. 72. 74. 89. 103. 104. 110; hiereus pro poleos: 78; hierissa: 67; hierophantes: 14; hieros: 14; hymnodos: 15; kistiokosmoi: 106; mystarches: 2; neokoros: 81. 121; penegyriarchos: 89; prophetes: 2. 48; prostates: 106; see also s.v. priest

20cult transfer: 46

21curse: see s.v. defixio, funerary imprecation

22death: 15. 37; cf. s.v. afterlife

23deities: Apollo: 2. 4. 17. 36. 67. 78. 80. 83. 89. 93. 120; Akraios: 2?; Araios: 78?; Delios: 85. 105?; Gorzaios: 83; Klarios: 31. 55; Lykeios: 75; Melios: 105?. Patroios: 78. Aphrodite: 62. 92; Dolo: 65?; Ourania: 81; Pandemos: 85. Ares: 62. Artemis: 21. 89. 89. 110. 111; Thermia: 28. Asklepios: 14. 33. 52. 74. 85. 94. 115. Athena: 18. 71; Asia: 90. 118; Kyparissia: 106. Charites: 81. Darron: 86. Demos: 81. Dionysos: 89; Bakchos: 89; Kathegemon: 114; Patroios: 31; pro poleos: 114. Dioskouroi: Anaktes: 111. Eileithyia: 68. Eirene: 14. Ennodia: 86. Eros: 14. 31. 81. Hekate: 17. 89; Dione: 17; Euantetos: 15; Lykia: 17; Phoibe: 17. Helios: 4. 58. 67. Hephaistos: 27; Heros Dabatopios: 27. Herakles: 14. 72. 89. 99. Hermes: 14. 25. 99; Chthonios: 58. 108; Tychon: 86. Hestia: 110. Hosios (kai) Dikaios: 67. 89. Hygieia: 85. 94. Kala Thea: 86. Kore: 14. 89. Leto: 78; Meter: 59. Mes: 14. 67. 89. 108. Meter: 2. 67. 89. 94; Oreine: 67. Meter Theon: 67. Nike: 62. 116. Nymphs: 41. 110. Parthenos: 86. Pasikrata: 86. Persephone: 66; Mounogenes: 86; Nympha: 86. Plouton: 14. 86. Poseidon: 22. 61; Hedraios: 78?. Praxidika: 86. Thea Rhome: 14. 31. 89. Sozon: 87. Theoi Samothrakes: 8. Theos Hypsistos: 47. 98. Tyche: 16. 32. 81; Sebaste: 110. Zeus: 2. 6. 14. 31. 42. 46. 50. 67. 78. 83. 89. 97; Basilikos: 83; Eumenes: 35; Glaukas: 111?. Ithomatas: 103. 104; Ktesios: 50; Larasios: 35; Megistos: 112; Olympios: 51; Patroios: 36; Polieus: 89; Sebastos: 35; Soter: 50. 60. 67. 84

24deities, Anatolian: Artemis Anaitis: 89; Kakasbos: 26; Mes Artemidorou: 89; Mes Axiottenos: 89. 108; Mes Ouranios: 89; Mes Selmeenos: 67; Mes Tiamou: 89; Meter: 67; Meter Andirene: 94; Meter Motyllene: 89; Meter Taurene: 2; Papias: 67; Potamos: 1. 45; Thea (I)spelouniene: 67; Tyriose: 76; Zeus Abozenos: 67; Zeus Akreinenos: 46; Zeus Amorianos: 67; Zeus Bourienos: 67; Zeus Bronton: 67. 83; Zeus Kersoullos: 2; Zeus Narenos: 46; Zeus Oreinos: 67; Zeus Orochorites: 67; Zeus Sabazios: 14; Zeus Sarnendenos: 46; Zeus Solymeus: 31; Zeus Spaloxos: 14; Zeus Synetenos: 21; Zeus Tibourios: 67; Egyptian: 10. 19. 91; Oriental: Angdistis: 89; Thea Syria: 10; Roman: Mars: 62; Venus: 62; Victoria: 62; Thracian: 27

25deity, as eponymous magistrate: 36; named after founder of cult: 111; named after a power: 86; patron of water: 89

26dedication, for health: 89; for the well-being of a benefactor: 67; of an emperor 29. 78; of a family member: 2. 45. 85. 89; of an individual: 23. 67. 89; of a king: 19. 70; of livestock: 46. 67; of a master: 67; of a mistress: 1; of a village: 67; upon divine command: 2; upon oracle: 15

27dedication, by officials: 13. 14. 25. 31. 81; by priest: 23. 46. 53. 60. 67; by soldiers: 70

28dedication, dedicatory objects: anatomical votive: 77. 87. 111; weapons: 6

29defixio: 39. 66. 69

30disease: 77. 111. 119

31divination: 89

32divine honors for mortal: 31

33ear, represented in dedication: 38

34endowment: 31. 77. 85. 89. 121

35epiphany: 55

36fortune: 32

37founder, of city: 36. 61; of cult: 111

38funerary cult: 11

39funerary imprecation: 67. 78. 89. 95. 113

40gymnasion: 25. 56. 85. 99

41healing: 77

42hero: 36 (Agelaos)

43heroic cult: 10 (Irsaios). 30

44heroization: 3. 9. 15. 31. 56. 67. 81

45hymn: 52. 115

46imperial cult: 14. 24. 31. 48. 50. 54. 67. 74. 77. 89. 106. 112. 116. 120; associated with Apollo: 78; with Dionysos: 89; with Theos Hypsistos: 98; with Zeus: 50; domestic: 89; endowment for the imperial cult: 89

47incantation: 66. 119

48incense: 36

49incense burner: 14

50inventory: 63

51Isyllos: 52. 115

52ktistes: see s.v. founder of city

53Late Antiquity: 31

54magic: 17. 43. 119; erotic m.: 43; sympathetic m.: 39; see also s.v. defixio

55manumission, in sanctuary: 80

56mysts: 67. 114

57myth: 36. 61. 89

58nymphaion: 40

59oath: 89

60oracle: 15; and legal disputes: 20

61personification: 14 (Eirene Diamonos Sebaste)

62polytheism in Late Antiquity: 31

63priest, board of: 53. 104; building funded by p.: 46. 53; couple of: 46. 53. 67; eponymous: 89. 103. 111; family of: 33. 89; for life: 31. 74. 78. 81. 104. 110; hereditary: 14; public: 78; see also s.v. dedication

64priesthood, accumulation of: 89; held on special occasion: 89; iteration: 89

65procession: 63. 72; processional road: 12

66punishment, divine: 89. 94

67regulation, cult: 44. 63. 115

68Rider, Thracian: 27

69rite of passage: 64

70river-god: 1. 45

71ruler cult, Hellenistic: 5. 19. 101. 117; domestic: 5

72sacrifice: 34. 36. 44. 72. 89. 116; share of victim: 36

73sanctuary, control of village: 29. 89; property: 22; recipient of fines: 49; see also s.v. asylia, supplication

74slavery: 49

75statue, of one god dedicated to another: 94

76supplication: 14. 49

77theurgy: 17

78transfer of cult: 46

79torch-race: 25. 79

80trophy: 62

81vow: 1. 15. 46. 47. 59. 67. 76. 84. 87. 88. 111

82war, epiphany during war: 55; interruption of festival during war: 55; see also s.v. trophy

83water, holy: 89

84woman: 64; in athletic contest: 79

Greek Words (a Selection)

85afterlife: εὐωχία 11; ἥρως/ἡρωίς 3. 9. 15. 31. 67. 81

86cult objects: θυμιατήριον 14

87cult officials: ἀπὸ προγόνων 14; ἱερεὺς πρὸ πόλεως 78; μυστάρχης 2

88dedication: εὐλογῶν 89; εὐξάμενος/νη 89; εὐξάμενος καὶ ἐπιτυχών 89; εὐχαριστήριον 10; εὐχή 67; εὐχήν 1. 15. 46. 67. 76. 84. 87. 88. 111; εὐχὴν ἀνίστημι 89; εὐχὴν ἀποδίδωμι 89; εὐχῆς χάριν 47; κατὰ προφητείαν 15; κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν 2; στηλογραφέω 89; ὑπὲρ βασιλέως 19. 70; ὑπὲρ βοῶν σωτηρίας 46. 67; ὑπὲρ δεσποτῶν σωτηρίας 67; ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίας 67; ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ/ῆς/ῶν 67; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας σωτηρίας καὶ τοῦ δήμου 67; ὑπὲρ τῶν ἰδίων 2; ὑπὲρ τῆς κυρίας 1; ὑπὲρ ὁλοκληρίας 89; ὑπὲρ τῆς συνβίου 89; ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ 85

89divination: διοσημία 89

90divine punishment: ἐπιζητέω 89

91epithets (a selection): ἀκραῖος (Apollo?); ἄνακτες 111 (Dioskouroi); ἀραῖος 78 (Apollo?); βασιλικός 83 (Zeus); βροντῶν 67. 83 (Zeus); δεσπότης 86 (Plouton); δολώ 65 (Aphrodite); ἑδραῖος 78 (Poseidon); εἷς 4; ἐπήκοος 38. 76 (Tyriose). 88 (Zeus). 89; εὐάντητος 15 (Hekate); εὐήκοος 28 (Artemis); εὐμενής 35 (Zeus); καθηγεμών 114 (Dionysos); κτήσιος 50 (Zeus); μέγας 89 (Mes); μέγιστος 112 (Zeus); νικητής 2?; νύμφα 86 (Persephone); ὀρεινή 67 (Meter); ὀρεινός 67 (Zeus); οὐρανία 81 (Aphrodite); οὐράνιος 89 (Mes); πάνδημος 85 (Aphrodite); πάτριος 14. 31. 112; πατρῷος 31 (Dionysos). 36 (Zeus). 78 (Apollo); πολιεύς 89 (Zeus); πρὸ πόλεως 114 (Dionysos); σεβαστός 35 (Zeus); σώζων 87; σωτήρ 24 (Hadrian), 50. 60. 67. 84 (Zeus). 94 (Asklepios); τύχων 86 (Hermes); χθόνιος 58. 108 (Hermes)

92funerary cult: καθιερόω 11

93funerary imprecations: ἀσεβείας λόγον ὑφέξει 99; αὐγῆς φάος λίποιτο κ᾿ ἡλίου τὸ φῶς 67; αὐτὰς [sc. χεῖρας] παραδοῖτο βεβρωμένας ὑπὸ θηρίων 67; γένοιτ᾿ ἄφαντος, ἐστερημένος βίου 67; γῆ καὶ θάλασσα οὐ δώσι καρπὸν οὐδὲ τέκνων ἐλπίδα 95; ἐξώλης 89; ἐπάρατος ἔστω θεοῖς 78; ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν θεόν 67; ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ Θεοῦ 89; Ἥλιε Τιτάν, τὴν αὐτὴν χάριν ἀνταπόδος 67; καὶ ζῶν δεινὰ πάθοιτο καὶ θανεὼν ἔτι δεινά 67; μήδε γάμους τελέσει μηδέ τέκνων θαλάμους 89; ὀρφανὰ τέκνα λίποιτο, χῆρον βίον, οἶκον ἔρημον 67; τὶς/ὃς ἂν προσοίσει χεῖρα τὴν βαρύφθονον τέκνων ἀώρων περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς 67. 113

94imperial cult: καθιερόω 89

95mystery cult: μύσται Διὸς Ὀροχωρείτου 67; μυστάρχης 2

96sacrifice: βουθυσία 34; δυωδεκαΐς 44; ἑκατόμβη 89; θυσίαι χαριστήριοι 116

971) M. Adak, “Eine Weihung an Potamos mit der Darstellung des Flussgottes Tembris”, Journal of Epigraphic Studies 2 (2019), p. 63–76 [BE 2020, 435; IAM 2020, 027]: Ed. pr. of a dedicatory relief representing a reclining river god from a private collection (2nd cent. CE). The relief was dedicated by Didon to Potamos in fulfilment of a vow for the well-being of his ‘mistress/lady (ὑπὲρ τῆς κυρίας Ποταμῷ εὐχήν)’. The provenance of this relief and another 13 similar monuments is northeast Phrygia (I.North Galatia 1–10, 55, 56; a recently discovered dedication [see infra no. 45]). These dedications were made by members of the same household. The sanctuary of this river-god, who can be identified as Tembris, must have been in the vicinity of Parsibey.

982) N.E. Akyürek Şahin and H. Uzunoğlu, “New Inscriptions from the Museum of Bursa”, Gephyra 17 (2019), p. 239–285 [IAM 2020, 048, 273, 369–371]: Ed. pr. of 36 inscriptions, mostly of unknown provenance, in the Museum of Bursa. They include five dedications. 1) A dedicatory relief shows a seated goddess flanked by two lions. The relief is dedicated to Meter Taurene and Mes Tauropoleites; both epithets suggest a provenance from the south-west Taurus Mountains. Tauropolis is known to Stephanos of Byzantion (s.v.) as a city of Karia. The epithet Taurene is attested for Ma in Hadrianoi (SEG XLVIII 1526), Tauropolites for Ares in Oinoanda (Heberdey — Kalinka, Südwestliches Kleinasien, 76). 2) A dedication to Zeus Kersoullos was made by Apollonios of Ankyra upon divine command (κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν), when Rufus, a μυστάρχης, was prophet. The provenance of this text is the sanctuary of Zeus Kersoullos in the territory of Hadrianoi (cf. I.Hadrianoi 1–4, 6–8, 21; SEG LVI 1436; LIX 1418; LXIII 1026, 1028–1031). The function of a μυστάρχης is mainly attested in Kyzikos. 3) A couple dedicated a sekos to an anonymous god, probably Zeus Kersoullos, as one may infer from the mention of a prophet (προφητεύσαντος), which is a common feature of dedications to this god. The prophet also served as a priest. 3a) The mention of a prophet (προφητεύσαντος) allows the attribution of another dedication to Zeus Kersoullos. A man dedicated an altar for the well-being of his household (ὑπὲρ τῶν ἰδίων … εὐχήν), apparently in a period of hardships [lines 4–7: Ε̣ὐ̣ρ̣αίων | Νεικήτης δυσ|κόλων και|ρῶν (eds. pr.); in line 4, only ΩΝ, is visible on the ph.; in line 5, one reads ΝΕΙΚΗΤΗΔΥΣ; as the eds. observe, ‘the position of δυσκόλων καιρῶν in the genitive plural without any preposition before it, is bizarre’. I wonder whether we have here a reference to an attribute of the god: Νεικητῇ δυσκόλων καιρῶν (‘victorious over hard times’); for this expression cf. Libanios, Epistle 670.2.4: καιροῦ δυσκολία νικᾶται)]. 4) An altar from the area of Prousa was dedicated to Apollo [- -]raios ([Ak]raios?) upon divine command (κατ᾿ ἐπιταγήν).

993) E. Alten-Güler, “Kibyra’dan Yeni Onurlandırma Yazıtları”, Libri 5 (2019), p. 335–340 [IAM 202, 226]: In a posthumous honorific inscription from Kibyra (Imperial period) the deceased woman is called ἡρωίς.

1004) E. Alten-Güler and M. Şimşek, “Kibyra Doğu Nekropolis’inden Bir Grup Mezar Yazıtı – II”, Libri 5 (2019), p. 275–297 [IAM 2020, 215]: Ed. pr. of a very interesting grave epigram from Kibyra (late 2nd cent. CE; p. 283–287). The text reports that a sarcophagus was made by a certain Niketes, an architect, who had built bridges over Indus river (a local river near Kibyra). An interesting feature of this epigram is the reference to the land ‘where the one god causes fire/light to sping up’ (ὅθι που πῦρ ὁ εἷς θεὸς ἐξανατέλλει). The authors suspect that the god in question is Apollo or Helios [because of the reference to fire, the sunrise, and the god’s singularity (ὁ εἷς θεός), I suspect that the author refers to Theos Hypsistos: the theosophic oracle of Klaros (SEG XXVII 933) describes him as ‘dwelling in fire’ and asks the worshippers to ‘pray at dawn, gazing on him and looking towards the sunrise’].

1015) W. Ameling, “Zum Kult der Arsinoe Philadelphos in Philoteria (Palaestina)”, ZPE 211 (2019), p. 123–127: A. discusses a recently published inscription concerning the cult of Arsinoe II in Philoteria (see infra no. 101). The inscription Ἀρσινόης | Φιλαδέ[λφου] is written on a plaque that covered an altar for the domestic cult of Arsinoe II; such altars, that stood in front of houses, are mentioned by Satyros of Kallatis (P.Oxy. 2465 fr. II col. 1) and have been found in Egypt, Palaestina, Asia Minor (Miletos, Halikarnassos, Kaunos), and Euboia [one may add Samos (IG XII.6.496) and Cyprus (EBGR 1993/94, 172; 2014, 9); for a minature altar from Egypt, see EBGR 2013, 105]. A. does not exclude the possibility that the altar was erected before Arsinoe’s death and questions the view that her cult is connected with navigation and sea trade.

1026) C. Ampolo, “Nuovi documenti del sacro a Kaulonia”, in M.C. Parra (ed.), Kaulonía, Caulonia, Stilida (e oltre), IV. Il santuario di Punta Stilo. Studi e ricerche, Pisa, 2017, p. 45–54 [SEG LXVII 656]: Ed. pr. of a helmet dedicated to Zeus (Ηιαρ{ι}ὰ το͂ Διός) in Kaulonia (late 6th/early 5th cent.) [mentioned in EBGR 2015, 6 and SEG LXIV 852]. The helmet belongs to a group of weapons destroyed and sealed in a deposit near a Doric temple, after they had been removed from the original place of display.

1037) X. Arapogianni, “Ἀρχαία Θουρία”, AD 70 B 1α (2015) [2019], p. 239–242: A graffito on a vase dedicated to Asklepios was found in the santuary of Asklepios in Thouria (p. 240: [- -]ης Ἀσκ[λαπιῶι]; Hellenistic period).

1048) V. Aravantinos and A. Charami, “Ἀνασκαφὴ μυκηναϊκοῦ ἀνακτόρου Θηβῶν”, AD 69 B 1β (2014) [2020], p. 1103–1106 [BE 2020, 185]: Ed. pr. of a marble phiale dedicated by Sarapion to the Samothrakian Gods (Thebes, Imperial period).

1059) F. Avcu and H. Uzunoğlu, “The Ancient Roads and Routes around Sidyma and New Inscriptions from its Vicinity”, Adalya 22 (2019), p. 319–344 [IAM 2020, 266–269]: Ed. pr. of epitaphs from Sidyma (Imperial period), in which the deceased individual is characterized as ἥρως (3–6), suggesting a private heroic cult.

10610) A. Avram, M. Bărbulescu, and L. Buzoianu, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Scythie Mineure. Volume VI. Suppléments. Fascicule 2. Tomis et son territoire, Bucharest/Paris, 2018: This volume assembles addenda and corrigenda to I.Tomis (p. 1–107), 277 inscriptions not included in the corpus (p. 109–386, nos. 469–745), and inscribed seals and weights (p. 387–531). The most important texts of a religious interest have already been presented in recent issues of EBGR (2010, 12; 2011, 8, 11; 2012, 17, 120; 2014, 12, 15; 2015, 14, 17; 2016, 10; 2017, 10). I only note three thanks-giving dedications (εὐχαριστήριον) of the 2nd cent. CE to the Egyptian gods (486), Thea Syria (488; by a Sidonian), and Heros Irsaios (594).

10711) A. Avram and D. Hălmagi, “Inscriptions funéraires de Scythie Mineure”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 108–115: Ed. pr. of 12 epitaphs of unknown provenance in the Museum of Bucharest (probably from Dacia). The word εὐωχεία in a fragmentary text (6: [- -]τ̣αξον εἰς εωχείαν; 2nd cent. CE) is interpreted as ‘bien-être’. [I suggest reading [- -] τάξον εἰς εωχείαν; the deceased individual speaks from the grave. After he has referred to his qualities (line 1: [ἀπ]έ̣δειξα δὲ ἑα̣υ̣τ̣ὸν [- -]), probably to his piety, he requests that he is placed among the blessed, whose afterlife is often compared with a symposion; a Cretan epigram from Itanos (I.Cret. III.iv.39; 1st cent.) is a close parallel: ἀλλ᾿ Ἀΐδα λυπηρέ … τάξον ἐπ᾿ εὐσεβέων.] I note the use of καθιερόω for the dedication of a funerary monument (4; 2nd cent. CE).

10812) E.S. Banou, A. Ioannou, and C. Kontochristos, “Γ’ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. 2013”, AD 69 B 1α (2014) [2020], p. 125–126 [SEG LXVII 37]: Ed. pr. of a boundary stone of the sacred road that led from Athens to Eleusis (hόρος τε῀ς ὁδο͂῀ τε͂῀ς Ἐλευσίναδε; ca. 450–400).

10913) V.N. Bardani, “Ἀνάθεση ἱππάρχων καὶ φυλάρχων”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 99–129 [BE 2020, 136]: Two inedita from the Athenian Agora join IG II3.4.255. The three fragments belong to the base of a dedication made by commanders of the cavalry and phylarchoi (ca. 330–280); the dedication stood in the northwest corner of the Agora, an area known as Ἑρμαῖ.

11014) W. Blümel, Die Inscriften von Tralleis und Nysa. Teil II. Die Inschriften von Nysa, Bonn, 2019 (IGSK 36.2) [BE 2020, 397, 399, 401]: This volume contains addenda and corrigenda to I.Tralleis (p. 1–41) as well as the inscriptions of Nysa (401–525) and neighboring sites (Mastaura: 581–584; Anineta: 591–596; Euhippe: 601–603; Orthosia: 611–616; Antiocheia on the Maeander: 621–641; Syneta: 651–654 [on Syneta see infra no. 21]). Most of the inscriptions in this volume are either old finds or have already been presented in earlier issues of EBGR (esp. 1988, 104; 1993/94, 25; 2004, 11; 2008, 43; 2013, 98). I select the most important texts of religious interest. Nysa: documents concerning the rights of supplication and asylia of the sanctuary of Plouton and Kore (401–403); dedications to Kore and Plouton (415), Hermes and Herakles (416), Εἰρήνη Διάμονος Σεβαστή (418), Asklepios (521, by a doctor); dedications of statues of Eros (419, 420) and an altar and an incense burner (θυμιατήριον; 417); there are a few references to religous officials (ἱεροφάντης: 495; ἱερεὺς πατρίων θεῶν: 513; high priests and priestesses of the municipal imperial cult: 428, 513, 515, 519). Mastaura: a dedication to Zeus Spaloxos (581). Antiocheia on the Maeander: There is one ineditum: Charmides, a priest, and his three sons dedicated a temple to Zeus Sabazios (undated; 626) [Charmides may be the man who endowed the local agonistic festival Charmideia]. Two inscriptions honor victors of the Charmideia (622, 623). There is a hereditary (ἀπὸ προγόνων) priest of Mes and Thea Rhome (621). A boy pankratiast who is designated as hieros was in the service of a sanctuary (622).

11115) W. Blümel, “Inschriften aus Bingeç/Yaykin (Plarasa)”, EA 52 (2019), p. 117–132 [BE 2020, 412]: B. republishes the inscriptions of Plarasa (13 texts). A dedication was made to (Hekate) Εὐάντητος in fulfillment of a vow (8: εὐχήν). Another dedication was made upon an oracle given by a god whose name cannot be restored (9: κατὰ προφητείαν θεοῦ Σαυ[- -ο]υ). A consolatory decree (2, Imperial period) blames ‘the daimon who destroyes what is good and noble’ (ὑπὸ τοῦ τὰ καλὰ καὶ σεμνὰ λ[υ]μενομένου δαίμονος μεθέσταται τοῦ βίου) for the death of a young member of the elite. Another posthumous honorific decree refers to heroic honors (line 12: ἥρωας) and mentions an ὑμνῳδός (3, Imperial period).

11216) L.H. Blumell and K. Hull, “An Inscribed Statue of Tyche in Kyoto, Japan”, Tyche 34 (2019), p. 1–4: Ed. pr. of an almost intact statue of Tyche (83 cm), of unknown provenance in Asia Minor, now in a private Museum in Kyoto (2nd cent. CE). An inscription on its base reports that it was dedicated ‘to the colony’ (cf. IGR III 309 from Pisidian Antioch).

11317) W. Bruce and K. Jackson Miller, “Toward a Typology of Triangular Bronze Hekate Bases: Contextualizing a Recent Find from Sardis”, JRA 30 (2017), p. 509–516 [SEG LXVII 898]: Ed. pr. of a bronze triangular base with magical symbols, found in a house in Sardis (3rd/4th cent.). The triangle is paralleled by similar objects from Pergamon (SEG LXII 953) and Apameia (SEG XXXIV 1436); they were possibly used in theurgy (statue animation?). All of them are decorated with three images of Hekate; in this case, the goddess is represented holding a whip and a torch, a torch and a key or sistrum, and a sword and a snake. Inscriptions designate her as Διόν(η), i.e. daughter of Zeus, Φοίβη and Λυκία, i.e. related to Apollo Phoibos and Lykios.

11418) A. Brugnone, “Note di epigrafia imerese”, Sicilia Antiqua 14 (2017), p. 37–48 [SEG LXVII 602]: Ed. pr. of graffiti on pottery from the sacred area of the Piano di Imera (Himera, ca. 525–500). A few of them can be identified as dedications (6: hιερ̣[όν?]; 8: ἀνέθε̄[κε]), one of them for Athena (7: [Ἀθε̄]ναίε̄). The graffito ἀλφιτερν (18, ca. 425–400) probably indicated that a vase was used in the the measurement of food offerings.

11519) S. Caneva and L. Bricault, “Sarapis, Isis et la continuité dynastique lagide. À propos de deux dédicaces ptolémaïques d’Halicarnasse et de Kaunos”, Chiron 49 (2019), p. 1–22 [BE 2020, 407 and 414; IAM 2020, 142]: C.-B. present improved editions of two dedications to the Egyptian gods that are connected with Ptolemaic royal ideology. The inscription from Halikarnassos (RICIS 305/1702) records the establishment of a sanctuary of Sarapis, Isis, and Arsinoe Philadelphos by Chairemon ‘for’ Ptolemy II and his deified parents (ὑ[πὲρ βασιλέως] Πτολεμαίου το[ῦ Πτολεμαίου] Σωτῆρος καὶ Θεῶ[ν Σωτήρων]). [The same restoration is suggested by J.-M. Carbon, S. Isager, and P. Pedersen, “A thesauros for Sarapis and Isis: I.Halikarnassos 290* and the Cult of the Egyptian Gods in Halikarnassos”, in L. Bricault and R. Veymiers (eds.), Bibliotheca Isiaca IV, Bordeaux, 2020, p. 81f. But there is a serious problem: dedications ὑπὲρ βασιλέως are always made for living, not for dead and deified kings. Since ὑπέρ usually means ‘for the well-being of ’, ‘on behalf of ’, I ask myself what a dedication ‘for’ the deceased Ptolemy I and Berenike means. The translation of ὑπέρ as ‘pour’ does not confront the problem. Precisely because dedications ‘on behalf of ’ dead kings are incomprehensible, earlier scholars attempted other restorations, e.g. ὑ[πὲρ βασιλέως] Πτολεμαίου το[ῦ βασιλέως καὶ] Σωτῆρος καὶ Θεο[ῦ Πτολεμαίου] (N. Greipl, “Über eine Ptolemäerinschrift”, Philologus 85 [1930], p. 159–174) and ὑ[πὲρ βασιλέως] Πτολεμαίου το[ῦ Πτολεμαίου] Σωτῆρος καὶ Θεοῦ [καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ] (U. Wilcken, “Zur Sarapisinschrift von Halikarnaß”, APF 9 [1930], p. 223–225). These restorations can now be ruled out because C.-B. are right in recognizing an omega (Θεῶ[ν], not Θεο[ῦ]). I wonder whether the mason omitted the name of Berenike by mistake: i.e. το[ῦ Πτολεμαίου] Σωτῆρος καὶ Βερενίκης, Θεῶ[ν Σωτήρων]. This is how Ptolemy II’s and Arsinoe’s ancestry is mentioned in inscriptions: see e.g. OGIS 54: βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου καὶ βασιλίσσης Βερενίκης, Θεῶν Σωτήρων; SEG IX 357: Πτολεμαίου καὶ Βερενίκης, Θεῶν Σωτήρων]. The second dedication, from Kaunos (I.Kaunos 67), is addressed to Sarapis, Isis and the Theoi Adelphoi (i.e. Ptolemy II and Arsinoe). C.-B. date this text to the reign of Ptolemy III.

11620) A. Chaniotis, “The Gods of Dodona Confronted with Human Legal Disputes”, in Boreioelladika, p. 329–341: A study of the oracular inquiries from Dodona that concern crimes (esp. theft) and legal disputes (esp. loans) suggest the following scenario: people who claimed to have been victims of injustice or suspected others as culprits submitted to the sanctuary two tablets: one acquitting the accused individual, the other confirming his/her guilt. One of the two tablets was selected by the priests (on this procedure see EBGR 2015, 115). There are indications that the accused person was present in this procedure. By submitting themselves to this procedure the accused persons indirectly declared their innocence; thus, these inquiries resemble exculpatory oaths. Since the selection of the tablet that confirmed a person’s guilt would not have any legal consequences, one may suspect that the tablet of acquittal was always selected, thus contributing to the resolution of conflicts.

11721) A. Chaniotis, “Inscriptions from Bucakköy (Syneta?) in Karia”, in Epigraphische Notizen, p. 79–106 [BE 2020, 411; IAM 2020, 157, 158]: Ed. pr. of an honorific decree for a benefactor from Bucakköy (late 3rd cent.); the decree was to be inscribed near the altar of Artemis (lines 1f.: [π]αρὰ τ[ὸν | βωμὸν τ]ῆς Ἀρτέμιδος). The name of the community (lines 3f.: Συ|[νετηνοί]) can be restored on the basis of a stele found in 1997 at Tolaş Tepe, near Bucakköy. The stele (ca. 200–150) is dedicated to Zeus Synetenos (Διὶ Συνετηνῷ). The 122 dedicants are listed in two columns. The list is headed by the god’s priest (line 2, left: ἱερεύς). He is either the first man in the list, or his name was not inscribed but added with paint later, on the right column. As can be inferred from an analysis of the dedicants’ names and family relations, the dedicants were soldiers of a military settlement or a garrison of the Seleucids located at Tolaş Tepe, which can now be identified as the otherwise unknown settlement Syneta. It is not clear if Syneta acquired the status of an independent polis after the treaty of Apameia. Zeus Synetenos must have been the main deity.

11822) A. Charami, D. Oikonomou, and I. Mylonopoulos, “Ἁλίαρτος”, AD 69 B 1β (2014) [2020], p. 1142 [SEG LXVII 259]: Three small drinking cups found in the bouleuterion in the sanctuary of Poseidon in Onchestos were property of the sanctuary (hιε(ρόν)).

11923) R. Charib, J. Aliquot, and T. Weber-Karyotakis, “Roman Antiquities from al-Qunayyah, Jordan”, ADAJ 58 (2017), p. 225–233 [BE 2018, 487; SEG LXVII 1383]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Gerasa (274 CE). An undefined number of priests made a dedication for the well-being of a couple.

12024) Ç. Çilingiroğlu et al., “Karaburun Arkeolojik Yüzey Araştırması (Kaya) 2017”, AST 36.1 (2019), p. 407–428 [IAM 2020, 126]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Hadrian Olympios, σωτὴρ καὶ κτίστης (of unknown provenance, now in the Çeşme Museum).

12125) O. Curty, “Le décret hellénistique en l’honneur du gymnasiarque Hègèmandros (Syll.3 1068)”, Journal of Epigraphic Studies 2 (2019), p. 33–41: C. republishes the decree of the association of λαμπαδισταί (participants in torch-races) and members of the gymnasion (ἀλειφόμενοι) in Patmos in honor of the gymnasiarchos Hegemandros (IG XII.4.3911; early 1st cent.). Hegemandros’ benefactions and achievements included the offering of statue of Hermes, the creation of an endowment, and providing the funding for the sacrifices of the Hermaia throughout his life [C. translates τὰ Ἑρμαῖα ὑποδέξεσθαι as ‘prendre à sa charge les Hermaia’; in the context of festivals, ὑποδέχομαι means ‘to offer a reception/banquet’ (e.g. I.Ephesos 951; I.Stratonikeia 202); ἡ ὑποδοχὴ τῶν Ἑρμαίων is the banquet at the Hermaia (cf. IG XII.1.155 lines 49f.: ἐν τᾶι τῶν Βακχείων ὑποδοχᾶι]). The eponymous celebration for the benefactor (ἄγειν δὲ αὐ[τοῦ καὶ ἐπ]ώνυμον ἡμέραν) is an unusual feature of this decree; but it was a celebration of the association, not a civic festival.

12226) D. Dana, “Notices épigraphiques et onomastiques IV”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 159–179 [BE 2020, 242; IAM 2020, 360, 361]: D. (re)publishes two dedications to Theos Kakasbos, certainly from Asia Minor, now in the antiquities market (2nd/3rd cent.; one of them is an improved edition of SEG LXII 1805).

12327) D. Dana, D. Moreau, S. Kirov, and I. Valeriev, “A New Greek Dedication from the Sanctuary of Telerig Among the spolia at Zaldapa”, Archaeologia Bulgarica 23.2 (2019), p. 71–78: A sanctuary at Telerig, near Zaldapa (Moesia), was dedicated to Heros Hephaistos Dabatopios, whose epithet derives from the ancient name of Zaldapa (probably Dapatopa or Dabatapa) [the inscriptions of this sanctuary are now published by O. Alexandrov and D. Dana, Les inscriptions du sanctuaire de hérôs Héphaïstos Dabatopios de Telerig, Veliko Tarnovo, 2020]. The authors publish a new votive relief with a representation of the ‘Thracian Rider’ (2nd cent. CE); of the inscription, only part of the place name or of the hero’s epithet survives ([Δαβ]α̣τ̣οπ̣ι̣[ανῷ?]).

12428) M.S. Diakoumakou, “Ἀδημοσίευτες ἐπιγραφὲς Λέσβου”, Grammateion 8 (2019), p. 85–95 [BE 2020, 318]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Artemis Thermia εὐήκοος (Therme in Lesbos, 1st cent. BCE/CE).

12529) Y. Doğan, “Bilecik Müzesi’nden Yeni Bir Yazıt”, Eski.ağ Yazıları 13 – Akron 17 (2019), p. 281–288 [IAM 2020, 26; non vidi]: Two men dedicated an altar on behalf of their villages (ὑπὲρ τῆς εἱερᾶς τετρακωμίας) for the well-being of Hadrian (Nikaia, ca. 117–138) [the attribute ἱερά suggests a dependence of this group of villages on a sanctuary].

12630) S. Drougou, C. Kallini, and A. Thanos, “Βεργίνα 2014: τομέας ἀγροῦ Τσακιρίδη”, AEMTh 28 (2014) [2019], p. 129–135: Ed. pr. of stele from Aigai, probably a dedication to a hero: Ἀλέξανδρος | Παραμονίδου ἥρωι [dated to the 1st cent. by the authors; the letters suggest an earlier date, probably 3rd cent.].

12731) A. Eich, P. Eich, and W. Eck, Die Inschriften von Sagalassos. Teil I (IGSK 70.1), Bonn, 2018: The first part of the corpus of Sagalassos assembles 122 texts. New texts are marked with an asterisk. The most interesting among the inedita is an honorific epigram for Panhellenios, an ὕπαρχος (praefectus?, vicarius?; 47*). According to the epigram, Panhellenios’ statue was set up like the statue of a god in a precinct of gods (ἔνθα θεῶν τέμενος ἵδρυσεν ὥστε θεόν); ‘the gods rejoice, and the Tyche of Sagalassos rejoices too, as she views the friend of the Blessed near-by’ (χαίρουσιν δὲ θεοί, χαίρει δὲ Τύχη Σαγαλασσοῦ | ἀγχόθι δερκομένη τὸν μακάρεσσι φίλον). If Panhellenios is to be identified with a man mentioned in CTh 10.10.17 as governor of Lydia in 382 CE and/or by Libanios (epist. 86), the text provides evidence for the persistence of polytheistic religion in Sagalassos in the late 4th cent. Cults: There are priesthoods of Apollo Klarios (93), Dionysos Patroios (41), Thea Rhome Sebaste and Zeus Solymeus for life (61); it is not clear which deity was served by a priest of life (116) [perhaps Dea Roma and Zeus Solymeus?]. An agoranonos dedicated a statue of Eros (96; for statues of Erotes dedicated by agoranomoi cf. I.Perge II 299, 303, 305–308); a statue of Eros, a pyramid, and an image of Triton were dedicated by a proboulos (105*), another statue of Eros by another proboulos (106*) [for the dedication of statues of Eros by magistrates, probably as summa honoraria, see also supra no. 14 and infra no. 81]. Imperial cult: There are numerous dedications to emperors (9–12, 15, 17, 19–20, 30, 32), including joint dedications to gods and emperors: of the temple of Apollo Klarios to this god and the Divi Augusti (20), of the baths to the Theoi Patrioi and Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (23), and of a building to the Theoi Patrioi and the Theoi Sebastoi (71). Seberal high priests are mentioned in inscriptions (25, 48, 52, 75, 77, 78, 83, 100, 112). One of them funded the construction of the stoa of the macellum (25), another endowed the agonistic festival Klareia (48). Agonistic festivals: The contest Kallippianeios Neikatoreios was endowed by the senator M. Ulpius Kallipianos (44; 3rd cent. CE), the Klareia by a high priest (48; cf. 74–78, 98, 110, 112, 113, 116, 119), the Vareia by a high priest (112), the Tertyllaia (120) by Tertyllos, probably a man who also organized gladiatorial combats (117), and the Rhodoneios agon by Quinta Aurelia Drakainane Rhodoniane Rhodonis (109); the name of another agon is not preserved (108). Funerary cult: Several men of high status were honored posthumously as ἥρωες (51, 53, 57, 85, 86, 111).

12832) E. Eidinow, “Τύχα at the Oracle of Zeus, Dodona”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 91–102: E. discusses various aspects of the concept of luck as they are reflected in the oracular inquiries at the oracle of Zeus in Dodona. The visitors of the oracle invoked Tyche, requested good luck, and wondered about the potential of luck and fortune.

12933) A. Ekin Meriç and B. Dreyer, “Eine Statuenbasis mit Ehreninschrift für den Asklepiospriester P. Claudius Calpurnianus”, Gephyra 17 (2019), p. 183–188 [BE 2020, 438; IAM 2020, 029]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for P. Claudius Calpurnianus (Nikaia, ca. 150 CE). The man served as priest of Asklepios; his father was priest of Hadrian.

13034) Ephoreia Archaioteton Euboias (Department of Antiquities of Euboia), “Χαλκίδα: Ἔργα ΔΕΥΑΧ, ὁδὸς Ἰωάννη Κιαπέκου”, AD 69 B 1β (2014) [2020], p. 1192–1195: The Department of Antiquities announces the discovery of a fragmentary Greek-Latin bilingual inscription concerning the Sebasta of Neapolis in Chalkis (2nd cent. CE). [The Greek text printed in majuscules permits an understanding of the general content. The last lines of the Greek document survive in part. The text seems to mention the scenic/musical part of the competition, since in line 1 one may restore κωμ[ῳδῶν] δ(ραχμαὶ) /Α· ἐχομένῃ [e.g. κιθαριστῶν - -] ἔπαθλον δ(ραχμαὶ) [.]. On the artistic contests at the Sebasta, see D. Di Nanni Durante, “Gli encomi per Augusto e Livia ai Sebastà di Napoli”, Maia 68 (2016), p. 399–411. Then the text lists activities in the following days: the selection process (line 3: [ἐχο]μένῃ προέγκρισις ἀθ[λητῶν]), a sacrifice (line 4: ἐχομένῃ βουθυσία), and the beginning of the athletic part (line 3: ἐχομένῃ ἀθληταὶ Ε[- -]). The remaining lines (lines 4–8) list four disciplines (race of a stadion, pentathlon, wrestling, and pankration) in three age categories: boys, men, and Σεβαστῆς κρίσεως—an age category whose exact nature is not known (see SEG LXIV 860 col. II with comments). The amounts of money given to the victors as prizes are written next to their disciplines (e.g. line 4: [παιδὶ στάδια δρό]μῳ δ(ραχμαί) /Α· Σεβαστῆς κρίσεως στάδια δρόμῳ δ(ραχμαί) /Α· [ἀνδρὶ στάδια δρόμῳ δ(ραχμαί) --]; cf. I.Olympia 56 lines 56–59). The imperial letter seems to be a general regulation sent to civic authorities (line 1: [I]IIIvir(is) et decurionibus) and concerning the contests and the victors (line 2: [It]alica Rhomaea Sebasta victoribus). The text refers to social groups (line 4: humiles; line 6: locupletes) and probably concerns the prizes and/or expenses (cf. the ὀψώνιον mentioned in I.Olympia 56 line 10). But I will refrain from further hypotheses about the imperial letter, since the text written in the preliminary report makes little sense. For an overview of the disciplines and the history of the festival see EBGR 2015, 105 and D. Di Nanni Durante, “Regolamento e programma dei Sebasta di Neapolis. I nuovi data da Piazza Nicola Amore”, in G. Vito (ed.), Sebastà Isolympia. Il patrimonio ricoperto, l’ eredità culturale da valorizzare, Naples, 2017, p. 41–53.]

13135) T. Erkmen, “Ein vermeintlicher Avidius Cassius und ein noch unbekannter Zeus des Eumenes in Tralleis”, in Panegyrikoi Logoi, p. 147–155 [BE 2020, 398; IAS 2020, 154]: E. republishes SEG XLIII 729 from Tralleis, believed to mention Avidius Cassius. Observing the similarity with I.Tralleis 8, E. recognizes a dedication to Zeus Larasios Sebastos Eumenes (Imperial period).

13236) R. Fabiani, “Subdivisioni civiche: organizzazione, magistrature e culti. Un nuovo decreto di una phylé di Iasos”, Studi Ellenistici 31 (2017), p. 165–204 [BE 2018, 408; SEG LXVII 718 bis]: Ed. pr. of an honorary decree of the tribe of the Agelaeidai in Iasos for Astiades, the chairman of the tribe (Iasos, ca. 50). The tribe derived its name from the mythical Argive hero Agelaos. Astiades is praised for fulfilling his duty, which was the offering of a sacrifice to Zeus Patroios, and for offering a generous reception to the tribesmen (lines 3–6). The hortatory formula mentions the zeal of the tribe to honor those who showed piety towards the ancestral gods (πατρῶιοι θεοί; lines 6–8). Astiades is honored with a golden crown. In all meetings of the tribe, he is to receive the thigh of an ox and incense, in addition to the portion of the sacrificial animal given to the tribesmen (lines 13f.: παρατίθεσθαι δὲ αὐτῶι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην σ̣[ύν]οδο̣[ν] | ὑπὸ τοῦ φυλάρχου χωρὶς τῆς γινομένης μερίδος κωλέαν βοὸς καὶ λιβανωτόν̣). The decree was inscribed on the platform of the altar of Zeus Patroios (lines 16f.: ἐν τῇ | ἀναδομῆι τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Πατρώιου). The decree was passed in a year in which Apollo served as eponymous stephanephoros (line 1).

13337) F. Favi, “Textual and Exegetical Notes on a New Funerary Inscription from Cyrene”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 112–114 [BE 2019, 557]: Improved edition of an epitaph from Kyrene (EBGR 2016, 35) with a syllogism about the divine nature of the deceased: νεκρὸς ἠμὶ κόπρος· | κόπρος δὲ γῆ· Γῆ | δ᾿ ἐστὶ θεὸς· ἤ τι | θέον Γῆ, κα[ὶ] θεὸς δ᾿ ἐστὶ | νεκρός (‘I, a corpse, am dirt. But dirt is earth. But Earth is god. If Earth is something divine, then a corpse is god too’). F. adduces further parallels for this syllogism (Peek, GVI 1126, 1941; Carmina Latina Epigraphica 974, 1532).

13438) E. Fassa, “Experiencing the Divine as an Active Agent: Listening Gods and their ‘aures’ in Graeco-Roman Macedonia”, Journal of Epigraphic Studies 2 (2019), p. 43–61 [BE 2020, 210]: F. collects inscriptions decorated with representations of ears and discuses their significance, i.e. an allusion to gods and goddesses who listen to prayers (ἐπήκοοι).

13539) J. Franke and D. Urbanová, “ ‘May Their Limbs Melt, Just as This Lead Shall Melt…’: Sympathetic Magic and Similia Similibus Formulae in Greek and Latin Curse Tablets”, Philologia Classica 14.2 (2019), p. 27–55 and “ ‘As Isis Loved Osiris, So Let Matrona Love Theodoros…’: Sympathetic Magic and Similia Similibus Formulae in Greek and Latin Curse Tablets”, Philologia Classica 14.2 (2019), p. 177–207 [BE 2021, 143]: The authors give a general introduction to the similia similibus formula in Greek and Latin defixiones, and present and discuss 62 examples of variants of this formula. These examples concern comparisons with objects, the dead, ghosts, and animals, the use of historiolae, and the use of drawings.

13640) P.-L. Gatier, N. Bader, J. Aliquot, M. Sartre, and J.-B. Yon, “Greek Inscriptions in the Jordan Museum”, ADAJ 58 (2017), p. 341–350 [SEG LXVII 1388]: The authors present 11 inscriptons in the new Jordan Musem. The dedication of a woman to an unnamed deity in Gerasa (4) is an ineditum. Among the published inscriptions, a building inscription reports the construction of a Nymphaion and a marble statue by an astynomos in Gadara (1).

13741) F. Georgiadis, “ Ἕνα ἀγροτικὸ ἱερὸ στὶς ἀκτὲς τοῦ Βορείου Αἰγαίου: τὸ ἄντρο τῶν Νυμφῶν στὴ Νέα Ἡρακλείτσα Καβάλας”, AD 71/72 A (2016/2017) [2020], p. 213–288: Five fragments of vases found in the cult cave of the Nymphs at Nea Iraklitsa Kavalas bear graffiti (p. 252f. nos. 9.1–9.5; early 5th–4th cent.). One may restore the verb ἀν[έθεκεν] in one of them (9.4).

13842) N. Gökalp Özdil, “The Sculptor Eucharistos and His Dedications in Nysa ad Maeandrum”, Philia 5 (2019), p. 52–58 [BE 2020, 400; IAS 2020, 151]: Ed. pr. of a dedicatory inscription from Nysa (2nd cent. CE). The stone-mason (λιθοξόος) Eucharistos made himself (and funded) and dedicated (παρὰ ἑαυτοῦ ποιήσας) the statue of Zeus, a pronaos [τὸ πρόναον, sic!], and a marble altar.

13943) R.L. Gordon, A. Lichtenberger, and R. Raja, “A New Inscribed Amulet from Gerasa”, Syria 94 (2017), p. 297–306 [SEG LXVII 1389]: Ed. pr. of a ring-stone of hematite or black jasper from Gerasa (3rd cent. CE). On the obverse, two Erotes flank a female figure; one Eros grasps her arm, the other threatens her with a stick or whip; on the reverse, the letters of a magical logos are arranged in a spiral. This object was used in erotic magic, possibly intending to make its bearer irresistibly attractive.

14044) F. Graf, “Δωδεκαΐς”, ZPE 211 (2019), p. 96–97 [BE 2020, 198]: G. comments on the term δωδεκαΐς (sacrifice of twelve animals), which appears in the form δυωδεκαΐς in a cult regulation from Phanoteus (SEG LXV 361; EBGR 2016, 107) and in the regulation of the Labyadai in Delphi (CID I 9). From the formulation [κἐκ τᾶς] δυοδεκαΐδος χίμαιραν (and rejecting the reading [κἐκ τᾶς] δυοδεκαΐδος τὰν̣ χίμαιραν]), G. infers that all twelve animals were she-goats. The sacrifice was a multiple goat sacrifice performed by Phanoteus in Delphi. [Exactly as a τριττοία is the sacrifice of three different animals, a δυωδεκαΐς makes better sense as a sacrifice of twelve victims belonging to different species (possibly associated with the twelve gods?). The sacrifice of a certain number of animals belonging to the same species is expressed in a different manner: see ἑκατόμβη (number + species). In my view, the reading with the article is to be preferred: the she-goat was selected out of a group of twelve different animals.] G. also comments on αἰγαία μόσχος, which he interprets as the bovine lead animal.

14145) H. Güney, “A New Dedication to Potamos from Parsibey in Northeast Phrygia”, Philia 5 (2019), p. 59–62 [BE 2020, 436; IAM 2020, 346]: A new dedication to Potamos from Parsibey (2nd cent. CE) can be added to the numerous dedications to this god from this area [see supra no. 1]. Phoinix dedicated a column for the well-being of his son and his household.

14246) H. Güney, “The Sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the Cult of Zeus in Northeastern Phrygia”, AS 69 (2019), p. 155–174 [BE 2020, 445; IAM 2020, 317–323, 327]: Ed. pr. of 8 dedications from northeastern Phrygia. Three dedications are addressed to Zeus Sarnendenos, whose sanctuary has been located at Kızıtepe, in the north part of Choria Considiana (Imperial period). A priest and his son constructed the temple of the god (1), another priest and his wife, a priestess, dedicated statues (2); the third text is a dedication in fulfillment of a vow (3; εὐχήν). Settlers from this area to Dacia, where they worked in mines and quarries, were probably responsible for the transfer of the cult to Dacia. Five dedications from the same area are addressed to Zeus Akreinenos (4–8) in fulfillment of vows (εὐχήν); one of the texts specifies that the vow had been made for the well-being of the dedicant’s oxen (5: [ὑπὲρ βο]ῶν σωτηρίας). Another important cult in this area was that of Zeus Narenos. All three epithets of Zeus derive from local place names.

14347) S. Günther, “A New Document for Theos Hypsistos”, ZPE 212 (2019), p. 158–160 [IAS 2020, 381]: Ed. pr. of a bronze sheet in the shape of a tabula ansata, with holes for its attachment on a base [or a votive] (unknown provenance, now in the antiquities market; 2nd cent. CE). The votive, on which the sheet was attached, was dedicated to Theos Hypsistos by two men in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχῆς χάριν).

14448) W. Günther, “Eine Familie aus Keramos in Milet: Zu einer neuen Propheteninschrift aus Didyma”, in Panegyrikoi Logoi, p. 241–247 [BE 2020, 382; IAM 2020, 112]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from Didyma that names a prophetes, the son of an Asiarches and descendant of high priests of Asia (late 2nd cent. CE).

14549) F. Guizzi, “Novità epigraphiche da Hierapolis di Frigia” Historika 7 (2017), p. 119–141 [BE 2018, 438; SEG LXVII 1148]: Ed. pr. of an important inscription from Hierapolis that concerns the procedure of supplication to be followed by fugitive slaves (ca. 150–200). The beginning of the text is not preserved, and the first fragmentary lines seem to concern the payment of a registration fee by the suppliant slaves, both private and public. The suppliants who were admitted in the sanctuary lost the right to press any charges (οὐκ ἔ[σ]ται δὲ τῷ ἱκέτῃ οὐχ ὕβρις, οὐκ ἔ[γ]κλημα, οὐ δίκη). A fine of 2000 drachmai was to be paid to the sanctuary of Apollo in case of any violation of this regulation. The priest and the supervisor of the precinct of Apollo cashed the fine (ἀποτείσει ἱερὰς
Ἀ[πό]λλωνι δραχμὰς δισχειλίας πρ[άσ]σοντος τοῦ ἱερέως καὶ τοῦ ἐπιμ[ελ
ητεύοντος τοῦ τεμένους).

14650) F. Guizzi, “Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Laodikeia on the Lykos 2003–2018”, in C. Şimşek (ed.), 15. Yilinda Laodikeia (2003–2018), Istanbul, 2019, p. 165–180 [BE 2020, 103]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from Laodikeia on the Lykos. 1) A dedicatory inscription addressed to Antoninus Pius reports the dedication of a building (the Diokaisareion?) to him (ca. 148–161; p. 170f.). 2) The son of a priest (of Zeus?) dedicated a column of the portico that surrounded a large precinct (2nd cent. CE; p. 171f.). 3–5) Three inscriptions associate the cult of Zeus with the imperial cult. Two dedications are addressed to Zeus Soter and the emperors (Διὶ Σωτῆρι καὶ Θεοῖς Σεβαστοῖς and [Διὶ Σω]τῆρι [καὶ Θε]οῖς [Σεβασ]το[ῖς αὐ]τοκρά[τορσιν]; 2nd cent. CE; p. 176f.), a third one to Zeus Ktesios and the emperors (Ἀγαθῇ Τύχῃ· Διὶ Κτησίῳ καὶ Θεοῖς Σεβαστοῖς; 1st/2nd cent.; p. 177).

14751) K. Hallof, “Alte und neue Inschriften aus Olympia II”, Chiron 49 (2019), p. 173–186: The Spartan runner and Olympic victor of 316 BCE Deinosthenes is known from Pausanias (6.16.8), who paraphrases his dedication to Zeus Olympios. This inscription, which records the distance from the stele to Sparta (630 stadia), was found and published as I.Olympia 171. Deinosthenes is also mentioned in a commemorative epigram for an anonymous man (ca. 275/270), published by H. The epigram compares the anonymous man with Deinosthenes and highlights the count of stadia from Olympia to Sparta. H. comments on the possible historical context of this epigram.

14852) M. Herrero de Jáuregui and S. Goldhill, “Who Is the Child in Isyllus’ Stele?”, ZPE 212 (2019), p. 72–75: The hymn of Isyllos of Epidauros (IG IV2.1.128) narrates the encounter of a παῖς ἐκ Βοσπόρου (line 62) with Asklepios (line 64: παῖς δ᾿ ἐσιδών σε). Since, according to the text, the god addressed the poet (line 67: τὺ δέ μοι τάδε ἔλεξας ἐναργῆ), it is generally believed that the child was Isyllos. The problems caused by the change in person (‘the child’, ‘I’) and the discrepancy between the origin of the child (Bosporos) and that of Isyllos (Epidauros) disappear with an emendation of line 67: the authors suggest replacing μοι in line 67 with τοι or οἷ. In this reading, Isyllos gave a second-hand report of Asklepios’ epiphany to a sick child from Bosporos.

14953) B. İplikçioğlu and A. Yakut, “Kuzey Lykia’dan Yeni Bir Yapı Yazıtı”, Archivum Anatolicum 13.1 (2019), p. 57–68 [IAM 2020, 263]: Ed. pr. of an inscription recording the construction of an undetermined building at the expense of a group of people designated as ‘priests and priestesses’ (from Pogla in Pisidia?, 3rd cent. CE). The list of contributors only consists of the names of 10 men; the names of women may have been added later with paint. [Since it is unlikely that a cult was served by 10 priests, the donors may have been a board of current and former priests (cf. infra no. 104). In many cases, cults were served by married couples of priests and priestesses; so, it is possible that the ἱέρειαι were the wives of priests, whose names were not inscribed.]

15054) C.P. Jones, “Messene in the Last Years of Augustus”, Chiron 49 (2019), p. 23–44 [BE 2020, 166]: A decree of Messene in honor of P. Cornelius Scipio, quaestor pro praetore of Achaia, who had organized the festivities to celebrate Caius Caesar’s success in the Parthian frontier (late 3 or early 4 CE), was known from an inscription published in 1965 (SEG XXIII 206). Two new stelae (SEG LXIII 289) containing the end of that decree and additionally a decree of Messene and the resident Romans and the beginning of a joint decree of Messene and Megalopolis. J. presents a critical edition of the entire dossier and a detailed discussion of its content. The decrees concern honors for Scipio, including the establishment of an eponymous agonistic festival (ἐπώνυμος ἡμέρα with athletic and equestrian contests), and mention annual sacrifices for Augustus and Caius [see my summary in EBGR 2013, 116].

15155) C.P. Jones, “The Siege of Colophon and the Immunity of Claros”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 137–146 [BE 2020, 375]: J. republishes a decree of the Ionian Koinon concerning the re-establishment by Kolophon of the pentaeteric panegyris and agon in honor of Apollo Klarios, which had been interrupted because of wars (SEG LXIII 949; EBGR 2013, 76). He dates the epiphany of Apollo to the time of Kolophon’s siege by Antiochos III (190 BCE).

15256) C.P. Jones, “The Lease of a Heroic τέμενος at Teos”, ZPE 212 (2019), p. 109–114: J. presents the text and translation of an inscription from Teos (ca. 175–150) that details the conditions under which a committee of the neoi and the members of the gymnasion leased a precinct for the cult of a hero (see EBGR 2018, 3). J. discusses the similarities of this lease with that of the heroon of Ergetes in Athens (IG II2 2499) and adduces parallels for the establishment of a heroic cult. The recipient of the cult in Teos, Dionysas, was perhaps someone who had died young and for whose worship land was set aside, possibly by a family member.

15357) H. Kaba, “A Bronze Prize Hydria from Sinop Museum”, in V. Keleş et al. (ed.), Cevat Başaran’a 60. Yaş Armağanı. Essays for Cevat Başaran’s 60th Birthday Occasion, Ankara, 2019, p. 397–410 [BE 2020, 106]: Ed. pr. of a bronze kalpis from Sinope that had been given as a price in contests in Thebes (το͂ν Θέβαις ⁝ ἀίθλον; ca. 450). Two similar hydriae with the same inscription are of unknown provenance (LSAG2 p. 95 no. 16 = SEG LVIII 824; SEG LXV 2048).

15458) S. Katakouta, “ΙΕ’ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων. Περισυλλογές”, AD 69 B 1γ (2014) [2020], p. 1450–1451: A Hellenistic epitaph from Eleutherai (Municipality of Larisa, Thessaly) is dedicated to Hermes Chthonios. A stele from Galini in the municipality of Kileler is dedicated to Helios (Ἡλίου; 1st cent.).

15559) Ş. Kileci, “Uşak Müzesi’nden Meter Leto i.in Yeni Bir Adak Steli”, Phaselis 5 (2019), p. 149–155 [IAM 2020, 190]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Meter Leto in fulfillment of a vow (Lydia, 2nd/3rd cent.).

15660) Ş. Kileci, “Column Offering of the Priest Apollonios to Zeus Soter in Perge”, Cedrus 7 (2019), p. 557–573 [IAM 2020, 291]: A priest dedicated to Zeus Soter columns with their capitals (Perge, 2nd cent. CE).

15761) F. Knauß and J. Nollé, “Von den Triopischen Spielen zu Pindar”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 76–90 [BE 2020, 105]: In a study dedicated to the use of hydriae, the authors publish an inscribed bronze hydria in the Staatliche Antikensammlung München (ca. 450; unknown provenance). According to an inscription, the vase had been given as a prize at the contest for Poseidon in Knidos (i.e. in Triopion): ἐκ Κνίδο̄ ἦθλα πὰρ Ποτειδᾶνος. The Thessalian form ἦθλα (cf. SEG XLV 2186) is noteworthy; according to legend, Triopas, the founder of Knidos, was from Thessaly.

15862) E. Kountouri, N. Petrochilos, and S. Zoumbaki, “The Tropaion of Sulla over Mithridates VI Eupator: A First Approach”, in V. Di Napoli et al. (eds.), What’s New in Roman Greece? Recent Work on the Greek Mainland and the Islands in the Roman Period, Athens, 2018, p. 359–369 [BE 2019, 212; SEG LXVII 260]: Ed. pr. of the trophy erected by Sulla after his victory in Orchomenos in 86 BCE. The trophy consists of orthostates decorated with relief representations of military equipment. The pedestal is surmounted by architectural members with representations of shields and an armored tree trunk. An inscription on the crowning reports that Sulla dedicated the trophy to Mars, Venus, and Victoria: [Λεύκιος Κ]ο̣ρ̣ν̣ή̣λ̣[ιος̣ Λευκίου υ]ἱ̣ὸ̣ς̣ Σ̣ύ̣λ̣λ̣α̣ς α̣ὐ̣τ̣οκράτωρ | [κ]ατὰ βασιλέως Μιθραδάτου καὶ τῶν συμμάχων α[ὐτοῦ] | [Ἄ]ρ[ει], Νί[κη]ι, Ἀφροδί[τηι].

15963) E. Kourinou and Y.A. Pikoulas, “ Ἀπόσπασμα ἱεροῦ νόμου ἀπὸ τὴ Σπάρτη”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 203–209 [BE 2020, 160]: Ed. pr. of a very fragmentary text from Sparta (ca. 150 CE), which the eds. interpret as a cult regulation concerning a procession. One recognizes numerals in lines 1–3, references to the βουαγοί (line 3) and possibly to young men (line 2: [νεανί]σκους), and references to local objects (line 4f.: [- -]μάτων ἐπιχωρ̣[ί|ων]) and clothing items (line 5: [χιτώ?]να καὶ φοινίκιον | [- -ἱ?]ε̣ρὸν ὀθόνιον). The eds. interpret the numerals (15, 41, 20) as referring to numbers of participants in a procession and the clothing items as referring to the dress of the participants or that of a cult statue. [Unfortunately, the state of preservation does not permit any certainty, and the text may well be an inventory of objects dedicated in a sanctuary and their respective numbers; e.g. [καδί]σκους ΜΑ; instead of [- -ἱ?]ε̣ρὸν ὀθόνιον one may consider [ἕτ]ε̣ρον ὀθόνιον.]

16064) S. Kravaritou, “Cults and Rites of Passage in Ancient Thessaly”, in Boreioelladika, p. 377–395 [BE 2019, 235]: K. collects the epigraphic evidence for age classes of young men and women in Thessaly (cf. esp. the participle νεβεύσασα) and the performance of rites of passage, similar to those attested in Macedonia [for the evidence from Atrax, see EBGR 2016, 134].

16165) C. Kritzas, “Γραμματικὰ ἐκπώματα, ἐρωτικὲς παγίδες”, in V. Vlachou and A. Gadolou (eds.), ΤΕΡΨΙΣ. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology in Honour of Nota Kourou, Brussels, 2017, p. 571–587 [BE 2017, 314; SEG LXVII 342 and 349]: Two similar graffiti on vases found in Aiane (SEG XLIII 363 A) and Archontiko (SEG LIX 651) in Macedonia (late 6th cent.) have puzzled researchers. K. proposes to read them as καλιός ἐμι τῆς δολίο̄ and Δολο̄ς hο καλιός respectively (‘I am the kantharos/trap of the cunning one’ and ‘I am the kantharos/trap of Dolo’). He argues that the ‘cunning one’ is Aphrodite and that Δολώ is an unattested epithet of the goddess that alludes to the tricks and cunningness of lovers.

16266) J. Lamont, “Early Greek Incantations in Late Roman Jerusalem: Kyrilla’s Judicial Curse”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 43–53: L. republishes and discusses a defixio from Jerusalem (4th cent. CE; SEG LXIII 1557; D. Ben-Ami, Y. Tchekhanovest, and R. Daniel, “A Judicial Curse from a Roman Mansion in the City of Daniel”, ZPE 186 [2013], p. 227–236). Kyrilla invokes a series of deities and chthonic powers (Abrasax, Hekate, Ereschigal, Pluto, Yesemmigadon, Gaia, Hermes, and Persephone) against a man with whom she had a legal dispute. L. recognizes at the end of the text an incantation in dactylic hexameter, which is attested since the early Hellenistic period: πότνια Φερσεφόνεια, τέλει τελέαν ἐπαοιδήν (‘mistress Persephone, bring to perfection this perceft incantation’). She also adduces parallels for the formula κρούω καὶ κατακρούω καὶ καθηλῶ that go back to ca. 400 BCE (cf. SEG LXV 163: γλώττηι +δὲ+ κυνωτὸν ἐπεγκροσω̣; cf. EBGR 2015, 82).

16367) C.S. Lightfoot, with contributions by T. Drew-Bear and N. Tsivikis, Amorium Reports 5. A Catalogue of Roman and Byzantine Stone Inscriptions from Amorium and Its Territory, Together with Graffiti, Stamps, and Miscellanea, 2017 [BE 2018, 441; SEG LXVII 997, 1004–1011]: The corpus of inscriptions from Amorion found until 2009 includes 96 texts from Amorion, inscriptions from other locations (97–133), Byzantine inscriptions (134–210), inscriptions from the territory of Amorion (211–389), graffiti and stamps (G1-G70), and miscellanea (M1-M22). Ι discuss the texts of religious interest; inedita are marked with an asterisk, and, unless otherwise stated, all inscriptions date to the Imperial period: Dedications: Many dedications were made in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν: 12*, 14, 15, 130*, 293, 294, 300, 352, 353, 385, 389; cf. 386: εὐχή). They are addressed to Apollo (13*), Hosios Dikaios (386), Mes Selmeenos (348, 352, 353), Meter Oreine (14, 15), Meter Prepozetene (384), Meter Theon (293; for the well-being of benefactors), Papias (311: ὑπὲρ βοῶν σωτηρίας θεῷ Παπίᾳ), θεὰ Ἰσπελουνιηνή [with prothetic iota, as in ἰστρατιώτης, etc.] (333; by her priest), Zeus (12*; 300: [ὑπὲ]ρ ἑαυτῶν καὶ [δή]μου Ἀββοκ[ωμη]τῶν σωτηρίας), Zeus Abozenos (385: ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίας), Zeus Amorianos (97*; ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας σωτηρίας καὶ τοῦ δήμου Μαληνῶν εὐχήν), Zeus Bourienos (294; ὑπὲρ δεσποτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ τῶν ἰδίων πάντων) [δεσπόται are not ‘the rulers’, but the owners of the estate], Zeus Bronton (102*; εὐχήν), Zeus Oreinos (39), Zeus Orochorites (129*; dedicated by a group of μύσται Διὸς Ὀροχωρείτου), Zeus Soter (13*), Zeus Tibourios (105*, 106*; two altars). One of the altars for Zeus Tibourios (106) is decorated with bulls’ heads and a standing figure. The dedicants were a priest of Zeus Tibourios, a priestess, and a second priest of the god. The name of a second priestess (ἱέρισα) is written by a different hand. [Nonetheless, it is more likely that we have two couples of husbands and wives; couples serving as priests are a common phenomenon.] A man constructed a temple and the statues of an unknown deity (98). Two brothers set up a xoanon after they had served as priests of an unknown deity (101). Imperial cult: A statue of Divine (theos) Commodus (100); an honorific inscription for a high priestess of Asia in Ephesos (17). Funerary practices and afterlife: Two deceased persons are designated as ἥρως/ἡρωίς (46, 306). [I note that the word ταῦτα that appears at the end of epitaphs does not mean ‘these (graves?)’ (27) or ‘(made) these’ (66), but ‘that’s it’ or ‘that’s life’.] Many epitaphs use the common funerary imprecations τὶς ἂν προσοίσει χεῖρα τὴν βαρύφθονον τέκνων ἀώρων περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς (252, 262), ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν θεόν (274, 320, 340), and ὀρφανὰ τέκνα λίποιτο, χῆρον βίον, οἶκον ἔρημον (315, 339, 372, 373). Other curses threaten violators of graves with death (283, 342: αὐγῆς φάος λίποιτο κ᾿ ἡλίου τὸ φῶς; 299: γένοιτ᾿ ἄφαντος, ἐστερημένος βίου) and punishment by Helios Titan (268: Ἥλιε Τιτάν, τὴν αὐτὴν χάριν ἀνταπόδος). An unusual curse wishes that the hands raised against a grave be devoured by wild animals (328: αὐτὰς [sc. χεῖρας] [παρα]δοῖτο βε[β]ρω[μέν]ας ὑπὸ θηρί[ων]). In one case, those who are benevolent toward the owner of the grave are promised double reward by god, those who violate the grave punishment in this life and in the next (280: καὶ ζῶν δεινὰ πάθοιτο καὶ θανεὼν ἔτι δεινά· ὅσα εὖ ἐμοί, διπλᾶ σοι θεός; cf. 313).

16468) K. Loumioti-Gourlomati, “ Ὀλυμπία, ἱερὸ Εἰλειθυίας”, AD 70 B 1α (2015) [2019], p. 268–269: A tile inscribed with the text Διόρ (rhotacism, for Διός) was found in the sanctuary of Eileithyia in Olympia (undated).

16569) H. Maeno, “A New Curse Tablet from Tyre Discovered in 2010”, BAAL 17 (2017), p. 257–272 [BE 2021, 477; SEG LXVII 1322]: Ed. pr. of a judicial defixio from Tyre (late 2nd cent. CE or later). The text consists of magical logoi, charakteres, and a prayer. The defigens asks ‘the sacred gods and archangels’ (lines 28f.: ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς τοὺς ἁγίους θεοὺς | καὶ ἀρχανγέλους) [read by J. Aliquot, BE 2021, 477] to impair the faculties of his opponents in a lawsuit. [As pointed out by J. Aliquot, the readings are uncertain.]

16670) H. Malay and M. Ricl, “Two New Early Hellenistic Inscriptions from Aiolis and Karia”, ZAnt 67 (2017), p. 31–37 [BE 2018, 656; SEG LXVII 714]. Ed. pr. of a dedication to Dionysos made by an officer and his soldiers on behalf of Ptolemy II or III (ὑπὲρ βασιλέως | Πτολεμαίου; Bargasa in Karia). [The text is included in I.Nordkarien 555.]

16771) H. Malay and M. Ricl, “Two New Hellenistic Inscriptions from Lydia and Aiolis”, in Epigraphische Notizen, p. 45–60 [BE 2020, 370]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for dikaskopoi (examiners of cases to be brought to courts) from Aigai in Aiolis (early 3rd cent.). The decree was to be inscribed in the sanctuary of Athena, already known from SEG LIX 1406.

16872) G.E. Malouchou, “Τὸ Ἡράκλειον τῶν Μεσογείων· οἱ ἐπιγραφικὲς μαρτυρίες”, in Stephanoi Stephanos, p. 67–97 [BE 2020, 148]: M. presents critical editions of the inscriptions that concern the sanctuary of Herakles of the Μεσόγειοι, an Athenian cult community, rather than a genos. The worshippers of Herakles belonded to three demes (Bateis, Kydathenaioi, Kerameis). The sanctuary can be located in the area of today’s Πλατεία Βάθης in Athens. The texts (5th–3rd cent.) honor the men responsible for the sacrifice, the procession, and the banquet (IG II2 1244–1247) and provide the names of a priest and the members of the thiasos of Herakles (IG II2 2343).

16973) D. Marchiandi, “La lekythos funeraria di Lysis di Aixone e le nuove Istmiche degli Argivi (a partire da SEG 57, 2007, 270)”, Mediterraneo Antico 22 (2019), p. 49–76 [BE 2020, 135]: A marble lekythos from Athens (SEG LVII 270; ca. 400–350) records the victories of an anonymous member of the family of Lysis (the protagonist of Plato’s homonymous dialogue). M. discusses the text and suggests reading line 1 as Ἴσθμια Νέα (contra C. Feyel, BE [2010] 223: Ἴσθμια, Νέμεα). These ‘New Isthmian Games’ are those organized by Argos in 390 BCE, shortly after Corinthian exiles had held the Isthmia with the support of Sparta. [This interpretation is rejected by J.-Y. Strasser apud D. Ackermann, BE (2020) 135, because the designation of contests as νέα is a phenomenon of the Imperial period.]

17074) M. Martinova-Kyutova and N. Sharankov, “The Ancient Theatre of Philippopolis (Plovdiv, Bulgaria)”, Bulletin of the National Archaeological Institute 44 (2018), p. 67–76: In an overview of the inscriptions from the theater of Philippopolis, the authors mention a still unpublished honorific inscription for Ti. Flavius Kotys (late 1st cent. CE; p. 69–71) [now in SEG LXVII 455]. Among other offices, Kotys served three times as high priest of the imperial cult in the province of Thrace and was priest of Asklepios for life in Philippopolis.

17175) A.P. Matthaiou, “Νέο θραῦσμα τῆς συμμαχίας Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ἀργείων (IG I3 86)”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 13–44: Ed. pr. of a small fragment of 11 lines which belongs to the lowest part of the treaty of alliance between Athens and Argos (IG I3 86, 417 BCE). The new fragment shows that the treaty was inscribed in Argos in the sanctuary of Apollo Lykeios. M. presents a new critical edition of the treaty.

17276) H. Metin, S. Soslu, and M. Çidem, “Surveys In and Around Kremna 2018”, ANMED 17 (2019), p. 123–129 [IAM 2020, 358]: The authors mention a dedication to Tyriose engraved on the wall of a cave dedicated to this goddess in the vicinity of Kremna (Τυριώσῃ ἐπηκόῳ Ὀνήσιμος εὐχήν; Imperial period) [this inscription is published: see I.Pisidia Central 79; for two other inscriptions found in this cave see I.Pisidia Central 81 and 82].

17377) N.P. Milner, “New Readings from Oinoanda (SEG 44, 1200), Olbasa (SEG 48, 1536), and Maionia”, Gephyra 18 (2019), p. 1–10 [IAM 2020, 183, 243, 244, 359]: M. republishes three inscriptions. 1) A pankratiast set up a statue after being victorious in the 20th celebration of a contest endowed by Meleagris in Oinoanda (3rd cent. CE; SEG XLIV 1200; cf. EBGR 1994/95, 155); in M.’s new restoration, the man was a πλειστονίκης. 2) In a dedication to Theoi Sebastoi in Olbasa (SEG XLVIII 1536; cf. EBGR 1998, 187 no. 142), M. was able to read the name of the dedicant. 3) A man in Maionia dedicated an anatomical votive after recovering from a wound of his legs. M. suggests reading
[ἑ]ζ
̣όμην πληγεὶς πόδα εἰς ὃν̣ ἐ|[α]γὶς κὲ θαραπευθεὶς εὐξάμε||νος στήλλην ἀνέθηκα (‘I was sitting down after having been smitten in my leg; in which I having had a break and having been cured, put up the stele’ [for a different restoration see EBGR 2017, 68: [ηὐ]ξόμην … εἰ
σομε [ὑ]γις].

17478) N.P. Milner, “Leader-gods and pro poleos Priests: Leto, Apollo, Zeus, and the Imperial Cult at Oinoanda”, AS 69 (2019), p. 133–154 [BE 2020, 421; IAM 2020, 239–242]: Ed. pr. of three inscriptions from Oinoanda (Imperial period): 1) the epitaph of Katagraphos, priest πρὸ πόλεως Λητοῦς διὰ βίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν; 2) a dedication to Apollo, πατρῷος θεός, for the well-being of an emperor; 3) the epitaph of Kapillas, former priest πρὸ πόλεως of Apollo; this epitaph has a funerary imprecation (ἐπάρατος ἔστω θεοῖς). M. argues that since the phrase πρὸ πόλεως refers to the priesthood and not the god, it does not designate the god as a patron and does not indicate an extra-mural cult; rather, it alludes to the public role of the priesthood [but when the same designatition is used for a deity (see infra no. 114: Dionysos πρὸ πόλεως, worshipped by a private association of mysts), it most likely indicates a patron god and not a public cult]. M. also comments on the importance of the cult of Apollo as an ancestral god and his association with the imperial cult. On p. 150f., M. republishes a dedication (Petersen — Luschan, Lykien 232), proposing the restoration [Ἀπ]|όλλ]ωνι | ἀραίῳ, without excluding the possibility of [Πο|σειδ]ῶνι | [ἑ]δραίῳ. Ἀραῖος (‘prayed to’) is not attested as an epithet of Apollo; ἑδραῖος is used as an epithet of Poseidon in Patara (TAM II 403).

17579) E. Miranda De Martino, “I Sebastà dell’ 82 c.C.: restauro delle lastre e aggiornamenti”, Historikà 7 (2017) 253–269 [SEG LXVII 664]: M. presents an improved edition of a list of victors at the Sebasta of Neapolis in 82 CE (SEG LX 1032 + XLIV 860 + new fragments). The main new addition concerns athletic victories of women in the categories of daughters of bouleutai/decuriones (βουλευτῶν θυγατέραι), girls of senatorial status (παρθένοι συγκλητικαί), girls of citizen status (παρθένοι πολειτικαί), boys of senatorial status (παῖδες συγκλητικοί), and boys of citizen status (παῖδες πολειτικοί). As regards the torch-race in honor of Augustus (line 24: [Θεοῦ] Σεβαστοῦ λαμπάδ(α)), M. suspects that it may have ended in the temenos of Demeter (line 26: [εἰς τεμέ]νους δὲ Δήμ[ητρος]) [but as H. Pleket notes (SEG), εἰς cannot be followed by a genitive. After the name of the discipline one expects the name of the victor. For female participants, see D. Di Nanni Durante, “Le regine del sport. Atlete e artisti in gara nel mondo greco-romano”, Historikà 7 (2017), p. 271–294. For a new important document concerning this agonistic festival see supra no. 34].

17680) D. Mulliez, Corpus des inscriptions de Delphes V. Les actes d’affranchissement. Vol. 1. Prêtrises I à IX (nos 1–722), Paris, 2019 [BE 2020, 2]: M. publishes the first part of the long awaited corpus of the manumission records from the sanctuary of Apolo in Delphi, the largest group of such documents from the Greek world. The texts were already known, but with painstaking work, M. provides improved editions, translations, and comments. The first volume presents 722 of the 1341 manumission records, from 201 to ca. 122 BCE. The religious interest of the texts consists in the presentation of the manumissions as sales to the god (ἀπέδοτο τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι, ἐπίστευσεν τῶι θεῶι τὰν ὠνάν, ἐπρίατο ὁ Ἀπόλλων), the placement of the manumitted slave under the protection of Apollo, and the responsibilities of the priests of Apollo in cases of disputes (e.g. 1: κριθέντων ἐν τοῖς ἱερέοις τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος). This corpus will remain a work of reference not only for scholars interested in Greek slavery but also in the administration of sanctuaries.

17781) M. Nocita, “Le iscrizioni degli scavi Carettoni – Fabbrini nel Santuario di Apollo”, in T. Ismaelli (ed.), Hierapolis di Frigia X. Il tempio A nel santuario di Apollo. Architettura, decorazzione e contesto, Istanbul, 2017, p. 457–484 [SEG LXVII 1103, 1104, 1124, 1147 1148]: Among the inscriptions from Hierapolis published by N., I present the new texts (all of them of the Imperial period). An honorific inscription honors a man, who served as neokoros of Aphrodite Ourania (19); for his election to the office of strategos, he had dedicated bronze statues of Eros, for his service in another office [probably the neokoria of Aphrodite] he dedicated to Aphrodite Ourania a silver relief of the Charites (ἐκτύπωμα ἀργύρεον). A statue of Tyche (τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Τύχης) was dedicated to Apollo Archegetes by a man for his election in the offices of stephanephoros and strategos (41). [For the dedication of statues and buildings as a sort of summa honoraria, see e.g. I.Laodikeia am Lykos 65 and 70; I.Iasos 251; SEG XXXVII 761; LIX 1231; LX 644; see also EBGR 2017, 49]. Two texts mention priests of Demos for life (15, 16), one of whom dedicated a statue of Demos (15). A former high priest of the municipal imperial cult (21) was heroized after his death (21: ἥρως).

17882) C. Özgünel, D. Kaplan, and T. Gürdal, “2017 Yılı Gülpınar / Smintheion Kazıları (38. Yıl)”, KST 40.1 (2019), p. 517–530 [IAM 2020, 368]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Apollo Smintheus from Smintheion (Imperial period).

17983) H.S. Öztürk and E. Demirhan-Öztürk, “Nikaia (Bithynia) Egemenlik Alanı, Epigrafik-Tarihi Coğrafi Yüzey Araştırması Çalışmaları-2017”, AST 36.2 (2019), p. 255–262 [IAM 2020, 032–036]: The authors mention the discovery of inscriptions on the territory of Nikaia (2nd cent. CE), among them dedications to Apollo Gorzaios (cf. I.Iznik 1034; SEG LV 1340, from Nikaia), Zeus ἐκ Αὐλῆς (cf. SEG XVI 753 from Dorylaion), Zeus Bronton (two dedications), and Zeus Basilikos (cf. SEG VI 79 from Dorylaion; I.Prousa 1016). A sanctuary of Zeus Bronton has now been located for the first time at Ahmetler (Pazaryeri District).

18084) Ş. Özüdoğru, “Kibyra 2017 Yılı Çalışmaları”, KST 40.3 (2019), p. 463–470 [IAM 2020, 231]: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Zeus Soter in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν; Kibyra, Hellenistic period).

18185) Z. Papadopoulou, “ Ἐπιγραφικὰ ἐρανίσματα Κυκλάδων”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 247–268 [BE 2020, 330]: Ed. pr. of inscriptions from the Cyclades. Paros: An agonistic inscription records the victors in a hitherto unknown agonistic festival, the Kleitogeneia, apparently endowed by a certain Kleitogenes (1st cent.; p. 247–251). The victors represent only two disciplines: dolichos in the age-class of men and stadion in the age-class of boys. [The mention of a gymnasiarchos in the dating formula shows that this contest was associated with the gymnasion, where the inscription was probably set up; the boy-victor was the son of the gymnasiarchos.] A boundary stone of the land belonging to Apollo Delios (ca. 400–350) can be added to another six similar texts from the area of Paroikia (p. 251f.). A couple, Mnesiepes and Panklite, made a dedication to Asklepios and Hygieia for the well-being of their son (ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ; 1st cent.; p. 252f.). An epitaph (IG XII.5.303) mentions the same couple: they buried another son, who died at the age of 13. A further dedication from the Asklepieion (p. 253f.) is inscribed twice with dedications to Asklepios and Hygieia (2nd/1st cent.). The second dedication was made by a couple for the wellbeing of their son (ὑπὲρ τοῦ υἱοῦ). Rheneia: A dedication by a man is addressed to Aphrodite Pandemos (4th/3rd cent.; p. 254–256). In the Cyclades, the cult of Aphrodite Pandemos is only attested in Paros. P. suspects that the dedicant was a former agoranomos.

18286) R. Parker, “Some Theonyms of Northern Greece”, in Boreioelladika, p. 413–419: A dedication from Dion (SEG LXI 490; EBGR 2012, 147), which attests the joint cult of Praxidika and Hermes Tychon (5th cent.), is the point of departure for a short study of gods with speaking names in northern Greece: Ennodia (‘she of the road’), Darron (= Tharson, ‘of good cheer’), Pasikrata (‘ruler of all’), Nympha (‘bride’) and Mounogenes (‘only child’), i.e. Persephone, Despotes (‘master’), i.e. Plouton, Kala Thea (‘fair goddess’), and Parthenos. Some of these names can be explained as euphemisms, while other (Ennodia, Praxidika, Pasikrata, Darron, Parthenos) represent “powers, not personalities, with little if anything by way of genealogical or mythological connections”. P. points to the difficulty in distinguishing between theonyms and epithets.

18387) P. Persano, “Σώζοντι εὐχήν: un ex voto anatomico in bronzo”, ZPE 211 (2019), p. 128–130 [IAM 2020, 380]: Ed. pr. of a bronze votive in the form of tabula ansata with an attachment ring; under the tabula ansata male genitals are represented in relief (unknown provenance, possibly Asia Minor, now in the Italian antiquities market; 2nd/3rd cent.). According to the inscription, the votive was dedicated to Σώζων by Asklepiakos in fulfillment of a vow (εὐχήν). It is not clear if the text refers to Sozon, whose cult is attested in Asia Minor, or to a healing god with the epithet σώζων.

18488) G. Petzl, “Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens: Supplement”, EA 52 (2019), p. 1–105 [BE 2020, 361]: This article contains addenda and corrigenda to the corpus of ‘confessions inscriptions’ published in 1993 (Petzl, Beichtinschriften) as well as 50 texts that became known after the corpus’ publication (p. 22–105). Except for one, all the new texts have already been presented in earlier issues of EBGR (see esp. EBGR 2017, 68; 2018, 92; for nos. 172–174, see infra nos. 89, 453, 470, and 479.). The exception is a dedication to Zeus ἐξ αὐλῆς ἐπήκοος from the area of Dorylaion (153 = SEG XVI 753). It was made by the heirs of Papas and Caius on behalf of Artemidoros in fulfillment of a vow (ὑπὲρ Ἀσκληπιάδου … εὐχήν). They also paid an amount to the god and the village on Asklepiades’ behalf ‘concerning the temenos’ (δόντες καὶ τεμένους ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῇ κώμῃ), in order that the god would be propitious to him or them (εἵνεκα εἵλωα ἔχιν τὸν θεόν). The background of the text might be an offence for which the heirs sought propitiation [this is possible; but I note that when payments were made for propitiation the verb ἀποδίδωμι is used; δίδωμι rather suggests a donation].

18589) G. Petzl, Sardis: Greek and Latin Inscriptions. Part II. Finds from 1958 to 2017, Cambridge, Ma, 2019 [BE 2020, 387–392]: This corpus of 488 inscriptions found in Sardeis from 1958 to 2017, originally planned to be published by P. Herrmann, consists of both texts that have been published elsewhere (esp. by H. Malay, L. Robert, P. Gauthier, and P. Herrmann) and inedita. In this survey, I limit myself to the new texts. Dedications: A woman made a dedication to the θεὰ Ἀνδ[- -] (Angdistis?); [Μητρ]ὶ θεᾷ Ἀνδ[ίσση?], after having made a vow for her health (438: [ὑπ]ὲρ τΥῆς ὁλο[κληρίας; 2nd/3rd cent.). A spring was dedicated to Apollo (443; 1st cent. BCE/CE). Two ἐπιστάται of a building [or of a sanctuary? (τοῦ [ἱεροῦ?])] dedicated statue of Dionysos (445; 3rd cent. CE) and Herakles (446: [Προ? /Ὁπλο]φ̣ύλακα Ἡρακλέα; 3rd cent. CE). Several dedications are addressed to Artemis Anaitis and Mes Tiamou (454–459), usually for the well-being of the dedicants or family members (454: ὑπὲρ τῆς συνβ[ίου] εὐχήν; 457: ὑπὲρ
ἑ[αυτ]ῆς εὐξαμέν[η εὐχ]ὴν ἀπέδωκ[εν]; 458: ὑπὲρ αὑτο[ῦ εὐ]χὴν ἀνέστησε[εν]); one of these dedication, possibly by a centurio (456), mentions ‘holy water’ in an unclear context
([ἱε]ρῷ ὕδατ[ι]), possibly connected with Anahita’s perception as a patron of rivers. Other dedications of the Imperial period are addressed to Meter Motyllene (449: εὐχήν), Mes Axiottenos (463: εὐλογῶν; 464: εὐξα[μένη καὶ] ἐπιτυχοῦσα [εὐχαρισ]τοῦσα ἀνέ[στησεν τὴ]ν εὐχήν; 465: εὐξάμεν[αι]; 466: [ἀποδί]δομεν; 467–469, 471), Mes Ouranios (472: [εὐξαμεν- - κα]ὶ ἐπιτυχ[- -]), Theos Hosios kai Dikaios (473: [ε]ὐχήν).
Divine punishment: A fragmentary text that starts with an acclamation for Megas Mes Artemidorou can be recognized as a record of divine punishment (470) in view of the verb στηλογραφέω, typically used in ‘confession inscriptions’. The dedicant’s crime is connected with an oath. The verb ἐπιζητέω in two fragmentary dedications (453 and 479) probably refers to divine punishment. The recipients of several dedications cannot be determined (475, 476, 478, 480–485; the recipient of no. 481 has the epithet ἐπήκοος). Sanctuaries: An honorific inscription for an Asiarch was set up by a village that derived its name from Hekate (343: Ἑκατειτῶν κατοικία). Cults and priests: An honorific inscription for Melitine (348; 1st/2nd cent.), who served as priestess of Artemis and had the title καυεις (Lydian kaves) associated with this office, provides information on her activities: she offered a banquet to the council for her priesthood (δοῦσαν καὶ κρατῆρα τῇ β[ου]λῇ τῆς ἱερωσύνης) and performed all the customary duties (τὰ ἔθιμα) for the goddess. Her father, who was priest of Zeus, made on her behalf an endowment for annual sacrifices to the emperors and the offering of a banquet (κρατῆρα) to the council. Another priestess of Artemis occupied her office ‘during the sacrifice for Zeus’ (393: ἱερασαμένη[ν] τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἐ[ν] ἑκατόμβῃ τοῦ Δι[ὸς] εὐσεβῶς καὶ φιλ[ο]τείμως; late 2nd cent. CE). [Her priesthood coincided with a one-time sacrifice of large scale; we may infer this from the lack of an article and for the designation of the sacrifice as ἑκατόμβη (and not ἐν τῇ θυσίᾳ). We do not know what had prompted this special sacrifice; it may be related with the omens of Zeus (διοσημία or διοσημίαι) mentioned in a fragmentary inscription or roughly the same period (379; 2nd cent. CE).] Other texts mention a priest of Zeus (303; cf. 324; 1st cent.), a priest of Zeus Polieus, panegyriarchos and agonothetes (349, 1st/2nd cent.), two priests of Zeus Polieus (384, 592), several eponymous priests of Rome (593–598), a priestess of Mes Axiottenos (467), a priestess of a goddess whose name is read as ΑΡΕΙΜΑ (366; 1st/2nd cent.), and possibly a priestess of Kore (723; 1st cent. CE). The accumulation of priestly and religious offices is a common phenomenon among members of the elite (349, 384). Festivals and agones: Tib. Claudius Stlaccius Niger served as agonothetes of a pentaeteric agonistic festival twice (384; 2nd cent. CE). Honorific inscriptions mention men who served as panegyriarchoi (379). An epitaph mentions a victory in the race of men in armor (hoplites) at the Halieia of Rhodes (636; 2nd cent.). Associations: A thiasos of doryphoroi (444; see infra). Funerary imprecations: Those who would violate a grave are threatened with curses (667: μήδε γάμους τελέσει μηδέ τέκνων θαλάμους; 203 CE [‘may he neither clebrate his own wedding nor see bride-chambers of his children’]; 684: ἐξώλης; undated). The imprecation ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ Θεοῦ [‘he shall face God’s judgment’] is Christian (692; 3rd cent.).

186Imperial cult: A cult association (θίασος) of doryphoroi (mute performers in the theater?) made a joint dedication to Augustus and Dionysos Bakchos, son of Zeus (Διὸς Βάχῳ Διονύσῳ; 444; ca. 31–28 BCE) [cf. a joint dedication to Nero and Dionysos by a thiasos in Tripolis on the Maeander (EBGR 2017, 52 = SEG LXVII 907)]. P. Cornelius Aquila Laenas Marcellus served as Asiarches (343–345; 1st/2nd cent.) and surpassed all previous office-holders in generosity in the organization of venationes and gladiatorial combats (344 lines 19–25: τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχιερωσύνη κυνηγεσίων τε καὶ μονομαχιῶν ἀναλώμασιν παρευδοκιμήσαντα πάντας τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀρχιερασαμένους; similar formulation in 345 lines 6–12). [The man is called Ἀσιάρχης in line 8, but the next lines refer to his generosity as high priest. Although his high priesthood is not explicitly designated as that of Asia (and not of the civic imperial cult), his generosity is compared with that of high priests of Asia. It seems, therefore, that this text provides additional proof for the view that the offices of the Asiarches and the high priest of the imperial cult in Asia were identical.] His ancestors had also served as high priests (344: ἔκγονον ἀρχιερέων). An anonymous woman, daughter Iulius Menogenes, twice high priest of Asia, wife of Iulius Machairion, high priest of Asia and agonothetes, and mother of Iulius Machairion, high priest of Asia, served as high priestess of Asia twice (350, 1st/2nd cent.). [Since women did not serve as high pristesses in their own right, but together with a male relative, this woman’s two terms in this office can be explained in various ways: she may have served together with her father twice, or once with her father and one with her husband, or once with her husband and one with her son.] This woman and her male relatives also served as high priests of ‘the 13 cities’ (ἀρχιέρεια/ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν τρισκαίδεκα πόλεων/τῆς τρισκαιδεκαπόλεως), which are thought to be the cities of the Ionian Koinon. [However, M. Hallmannsecker, “The Ionian Koinon and the Koinon of the 13 Cities at Sardis”, Chiron 50 (2020), p. 1–27, has convincingly argued that this koinon, whose center was Sardis, consisted of 13 cities damaged by an earthquake in 17 CE and rebuilt by Tiberius, whom they regarded as their new founder. H. dates this text to ca. 50 CE.] The two Machairiones also served as agonothetai, and Machairion Jr. was also priest of Zeus Polieus and panegyriarchos. More high priests of the koinon of the 13 cities are mentioned in nos. 352, 379, 384. Tiberius, who contributed to the reconstruction of Sardis (see supra) seems to have had his own priest (384: ἱε]ρῆ Τ[ιβε]ρίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ). Doros Flavianos (346, 1st/2nd cent.) and Menophilos (385, 2nd cent. CE) can be added to the list of Asiarchs. The name of another Asiarch is not preserved (369). The dedication of a statue of Hadrian is referred to with the verb καθιερόω (373). A small altar was dedicated to Hadrian Olympios (374) [as we may infer from the small size and the large number of such altars in Athens and other cities, they were probably used for the domestic cult of the emperor]. The second neokoreia that Sardis probably received under Hadrian is mentioned in nos. 382, 383, 393, 357, 397, 398, 411. Sardis received its third neokoreia under Elagabalus (404) but lost it under Severus Alexander (cf. 401).

187Varia: Several inscriptions reflect Sardis’ self-representation as a city with great antiquity and ‘sacred to the gods’ (πρωτόχθων καὶ ἱερὰ τῶν θεῶν: 357, 382, 383, 395, 398, 399, 401, 404, 411; 1st–3rd cent.). The name of one of Sardis’ tribes, Pelopis (384 and 583) reflects the mythical traditions of the city. A gerousia was designated as Ἡράκλειος, possibly from the name of the gymnasion with which it was associated (396; 3rd cent. CE). A fragmentary inscription (577; 2nd/3rd cent.) seems to be a chronicle of the early history of Lydia. One recognizes a reference to either Herakles or the Herakleidai (line 2) [see now P. Thonemann, “A New ‘Lydian History’ from Sardis”, ZPE 213 (2020), p. 78–84].

18890) R.K. Pitt, “An Inscribed Jumping-weight from the Spartan Acropolis”, Horos 26–31 (2014–2019), p. 127–132 [BE 2020, 157]: Ed. pr. of a jumping-weight found on the acropolis of Sparta (ca. 525–475). An athlete, Mikas, dedicated it to Athena Asia ([- -]π̣ιο Μικᾶς Ἀhία[ι] Α[. ἐ]στάθ̣ε [- -]) [read ἀ[νε]στάθε?; this verb is used e.g. for a dedication to Pasiphae in Thalamai (Lakonia, ca. 350; IG V.1.1317 = SEG LXIII 278): ἀ̣νιστάμ̣εν].

18991) J. Prag and G. Tigano, Alesa Archonidea: Il lapidarium, Palermo, 2017: This selection of inscriptions from Halaisa includes an unpublished dedication to Sarapis and possibly Isis (Σεράπ̣[ιδι καὶ Ἴσιδι?]). It is the first attestation of the cult of Sarapis in Halaisa.

19092) S. Prignitz, “Kallikles aus Megara”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 105–111 [BE 2020, 180]: Ed. pr. of a dedication offered by Iola, an Aiginetan woman, to Aphrodite in Megara (ca. 400–350). P. discusses the career of the sculptor Kallikles, who had made the statue dedicated by Iola.

19193) K. Rougou, “Κ΄ Ἐφορεία Προϊστορικῶν καὶ Κλασικῶν Ἀρχαιοτήτων”, AD 69 B 2 (2014) [2020], p. 2169–2175: Α clay plaque with the inscription [Ἀπόλ]λωνος was found at an important sanctuary of Apollo at Klopedi on Lesbos, at the border of Arisbe and Methymna (p. 2175) [this find is already mentioned in EBGR 2017, 93; SEG LXVI 964].

19294) L. Ruggeri, “Note al testo di tre epigrammi greci di età imperiale”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 68–70: R. discusses a record of divine punishment from Lydia—a dedication to Meter Andirene (EBGR 2017, 68 no. 188). A man urges mortals not to disrespect the goddess for fear of divine punishment. For the problematic phrase ὅσοι μακάρων ὕπο ΔΑΙΔΑΠΤΕΣΘΕ, R. proposes the reading δαρδάπτεσθε (‘torn apart/devoured by an evil by the work of the gods’). In an epigram from Corinth that commemorates the dedication of a statue of Hygieia to Asklepios (Corinth VIII.3.64), R. reads Παιή̣ω̣ν̣ι̣ ἑ̣ῷ̣ σ̣ωτῆ̣[ρι], instead of Παιη̣ω̣ν̣ι̣ε̣ῷ̣ Σ̣ωτῆ̣[ρι].

19395) V. Sauer and E. Olshausen, “Grabflüche aus Neuklaudiopolis (Vezirköprü/Samsun Ili, Türkei)”, EA 52 (2019), p. 143–166 [BE 2020, 440]: Ed. pr. of four epitaphs with funerary imprecations from Neoklaudiopolis (Pontos, Imperial period). Two epitaphs have variants of the curse ‘earth and sea sall give him neither fruit nor hope of children’ (1: γῆ καὶ θάλασσα οὐ δώσι καρπὸν οὐδὲ τέκνων ἐλπίδα; cf. 2). Two other epitaphs threaten the violator of the grave with punishmen for asebeia (ἀσεβείας λόγον ὑφέξει; 3–4). On the meaning of asebeia in such texts, see the study of A. Delli Pizzi, “Impiety in Epigraphic Evidence”, Kernos 24 (2011), p. 59–76 (EBGR 2011, 45).

19496) N. Sharankov, “The Date of the First Pythian Games in Serdica”, in D. Boteva-Boyanova, P. Delev, and J. Tzvetkova (eds.), Society, Kings, Gods. In memoriam Professoris Margaritae Tatchevae (Jubilaeus VII), Sofia, 2018, p. 373–391 [BE 2020, 247]: A hitherto overlooked inscription from Negovan, near Serdica (IGBulg IV 1986), dated to 240 CE, has exactly the same lettering, moulding, and finishing of the surface as an inscription that mentions the first celebration of the Pythian games (πρώτη τετραετηρίς; IGBulg IV 1910). Therefore, the contest must have been founded under Gordian III (ca. 238–242 CE). S. publishes an honorific inscription for Aurelius Mucianus Dinios and associates it with the Pythian games. Dinios served as ἔφηβος of the contest (ἔφηβον τῶν Γ̣[ορδιανῶν?] Π̣υ̣[θίων?]. The association of ephebes with this agonistic festival is attested in two other inscriptions restored by S.: IGBulg IV 1040: ἐφηβ[αρχήσαντα] ἐφηβ[εύσαντα κ]οσμίως τ[ῆς πρώτης τ]ετρα[ετηρίδος τοῦ ἱ]εροῦ ἀ[γῶνος τῶν μεγά]λων Ἀ[λεξανδρεί]ων Πυθίω[ν]; IGBulg IV 1910: [ἐ]φ[ηβ]ε̣ύσαντ[α - - - εἰσ̣ελ̣[αστικῶν
Π]υ̣θίων τῆς πρώτης τετραετηρίδος.

19597) P. Siewert, “Bruchstück eines Kultgesetzes von Olympia aus der 1. Hälfte des 6. Jh. v. Chr. (BrU 9)”, Tyche 34 (2019), p. 193–199 [BE 2021, 216]: Ed. pr. of a fragmentary inscription on a bronze sheet from Olympia (ca. 600–550). The text can be recognized as a regulation, and the reference to Zeus suggests that it concerns cultic matters. Although the content cannot be determined, this fragment is the oldest document from Olympia and shows that the administration of the sanctuary used written documents as early as the first half of the 6th cent. [See the remarks of S. Minon, BE 2021, 216.]

19698) G. Staab, “Neues zu Theos Hypsistos: Der ‘Höchste Gott’ als kosmischer Herrscher und Modell für Kaiser Antoninus Pius”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 116–134 [IAM 2020, 248]: S. discusses in detail an inscription that praises Theos Hypsistos from Daskyleion [discussed in EBGR 2018, 92, where I erroneously attributed the interpretation to G. Petzl, while it in fact is the preliminary assessment by G. Staab]. S. presents a sligthly revised version of the text:

[πάντ]α̣ ὁρῶν καὶ ἀκούων ὕψιστος θεὸς θεοὺς ἔδιξε πᾶσ̣[ι ἀνθρώποις?]

[πέ]ρ̣ατα ἄστρα, βρυ̣γμὸν δρακόντων, Φόβον δ̣ βροντήσας [- - -]

[… Ο]̣ρανὸν θεὸν διδόντα παντὶ κόσμῳ τὴν καλὴν γεωμ̣[ετρί- -]

4 [εἰς ἐπί]σκέψιν λαβὼν τ̣[ ]ψ̣ος καὶ πέλ̣υ̣κ̣ι̣ διαιρεῖ καὶ σῴζει π̣[ρονοίᾳ - - -]

[….] Ἀντωνείνῳ δὲ β̣α̣σιλεῖ διὰ βίου νείκην καὶ κ[ράτος - -]

197He translates: “Alles sehend und hörend zeigte der höchste Gott hat [allen Menschen], (daß/als) [einheimische?] Götter [- -], [als Begrenzungen/Vorzeichen] Sterne, das Zischen der Schlangen, Phobos aber, indem er donnerte [- -], den Gott Ouranos, der ganzen Weltordnung die schöne geo[metrische Harmonie] verleihend [- - zur] Beobachtung die höchste Stelle eingenommen entzweit er mit der Doppelaxt und bewahrt [mit vorausdenkende Sorge? - -] dem Kaiser Antoninus aber lebenslang Sieg und Macht [- -].” S. offers a detailed commentary of the cosmological ideas connected with this text. Concerning the question of whether this aretalogy of Theos Hypsistos refers to an act of creation (‘einen ursprünglichen Schöpfungsakt’ ) or his intervention in recent history, S. prefers the first option [this is reasonable. As I pointed out in EBGR 2018, 92, δείκνυμι probably has the meaning ‘to determine’ (not ‘show’, ‘augzeigte, ‘ans Licht brachte’ ); see the aretalogy of Isis from Kyme: ἐγὼ ἄστρων ὁδοὺς ἔδειξα (I.Kyme 41 line 16)]. S. suspects that this inscription was set up by an association of worshippers of Theos Hypsistos. The most significant feature is the association of imperial power, of Antoninus Pius, with this god. [Additional evidence for the association of Theos Hypsistos with the imperial cult is provided by an inscription from Nikopolis ad Istrum under Hasrian (SEG LXIV 628; EBGR 2015): a man from Prousias ad Hypium dedicated a temple of Theos Hypsistos for the well-being and victory of Hadrian.]

19899) D. Stathaki, “Κατάλογος ἐφήβων ἐκ Θήρας”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 241–246: Ed. pr. of a list of ephebes from Thera, dedicated by the gymnasiarchos to the gods of the gymnasion, Hermes and Herakles (1st cent. BCE/CE).

199100) J.-Y. Strasser, “Inscriptions agonistiques d’Athènes et de Delphes”, BCH 142 (2018), p. 233–278 [BE 2019, 189]: S. reconstructs the career of the herald Valerius Eklektos of Sinope (ca. 239–261), victor in 49 competitions, a periodonikes, and an honorary member of the association of Dionysiac artists in Athens, based on inscriptions from Athens (IG II3.4.624, 629), Olympia (Neue I.Olympia 33), and Delphi (an ineditum). In the same article, S. proposes new restorations in agonistic inscriptions from Athens (IG II2 2772; IG II3.4.616+617, 618; SEG LVIII 185).

200101) O. Tal, “Arsinoe II Philadelphia at Philoteria/Bet Yerah (Israel)”, ZPE 209 (2019), p. 181–184: Ed. pr. of a plaque inscribed with the name of Arsinoe Philadelphos from Philoteria in Palaestina. T. associates the text with a temple [the plaque is the cover of a domestic altar; see supra no. 5].

201102) M. Tentori Montalto, “Unterschrift und Datierung des Epigramms des Hysaldomos aus Mylasa (Marek-Zingg 2018)”, ZPE 212 (2019), p. 76–82: The author endorses the identification of Hyssaldomos, poet of a long verse inscription narrating the epiphanies of an anonymous god (EBGR 2018, 67), with an envoy of Mylasa mentioned in the treaty between Miletos and Magnesia on the Maeander (I.Milet 148). He suggests a date in ca. 200–180 BCE.

202103) P. Themelis, “ Ἀρχαία Μεσσήνη”, AD 70 B 1α (2015) [2019], p. 242–250: Ed. pr. of an ephebic catalogue from Messene (57 CE), dated with reference to the eponymous priest of Zeus Ithomatas.

203104) P. Themelis, “ Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης”, PAAH 171 (2016) [2018], p. 101–108: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription from Messene. The priests of Zeus Ithomatas (οἱ ἱερεῖς τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ἰθωμά[τα]) honored Tib. Claudius Saithidas Kailianos, high priest of the emperors for life and Helladarches of the Koinon of the Achaioi (p. 103; ca. 150 CE). The statue was set up after Saithidas had served as a priest (καλῶς ἱερατεύσαντα) [obviously, as priest of Zeus Ithomatas]. Since the cult of Zeus Ithomatas was served by only one priest, the priests who appear as dedicants must have been the former priests. They seem to have formed a board [or an association; for boards of priests cf. supra no. 53].

204105) P. Themelis, “ Ὁ Δαμοφῶν στὴ Μῆλο”, in Σπεῖρα: Ἐπιστημονική συνάντηση πρὸς τιμὴν τῆς Ἀγγέλικας Ντούζουγλη καὶ τοῦ Κωνσταντίνου Ζάχου, Athens, 2017, p. 79–90 [SEG LXVII 189]: Ed. pr. of an honorific decree of Melos for the sculptor Damophon, found in Messene (2nd cent.; p. 86). In Melos, the decree was inscribed in the sanctuary of Apollo Melios or Delios (line 95: τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ [..]λίου).

205106) P. Themelis, “ Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης”, PAAH 172 (2017) [2019], p. 85–94: Ed. pr. of a dedication to Trajan from Messene (p. 87).

206107) P. Themelis, “ Ἀνασκαφὴ Μεσσήνης”, PAAH 174 (2019) [2020], p. 59–67: Ed. pr. of a new list of kistiokosmoi and prostatai of Athena Kyparissia (p. 61; late 4th/early 3rd cent.).

207108) P. Thonemann, “New Inscriptions from the Middle Hermos”, Philia 5 (2019), p. 122–137 [BE 2020, 386; IAM 2020, 192]: Ed. pr. of a dedication from Kula (Imperial period) to a god whose epithet ends in -τηνός (Μὴς Ἀξιοττηνός?) by an estate-manager (line 4: πραγματευτής), possibly the slave of a high priestess (line 2: [- -]νης β’ ἀρχιει[ρείας]). [This is not certain. First, ἀρχιερεύς/ἀρχιέρεια are far mor common than the rare
ἀρχι(ε)ιρεύς or ἀρχι(ε)ιερεύς (the female forms ἀρχι(ε)ίρεια or ἀρχι(ε)ιέρεια are not attested but possible); by contrast, the double -ιι (or -ιει) is very common in ἀρχιιατρός. Second, the numeral β’ may not refer to an iteration (β’ ἀρχιει[ρείας]) but indicate homonymy (e.g. [Θεογέ]νης β’, ἀρχιει[ατρός]). The inscription may name more than one dedicant.]

208109) A. Tsiaka, “Γόννοι, νότιο νεκροταφείο”, AD 69 B 1γ (2014) [2020], p. 1442–1443: Two epitaphs found in the south cemetery of Gonnoi are dedicated to Hermes Chthonios (4th/3rd cent.).

209110) N. Tüner-Önen and M. Arslan, “Perge Kentinden Yeni Onurlandırma Yazıtları”, Libri 5 (2019), p. 323–334 [IAM 2020, 288, 290]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for Falconianus (late 2nd/early 3rd cent.), who was an important public figure in Perge; he had served as priest of Artemis, priest of Tyche Sebaste for life, and agonothetes of the contest Nemesia Severeia (p. 324–327). Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for Antiochos, priest of Hestia and the Nymphs (late 2nd cent. CE; p. 330f.)

210111) H. Uzunoğlu, “New Inscriptions from the Tire Museum”, Cedrus 7 (2019), p. 545–555 [IAM 2020, 121–123]: Ed. pr. of 5 inscriptions in the Tire City Museum, three of them of religious interest. 1) The village of the Βωνεῖται, a settlement in the Kaystros Valley, honored a woman, who had served as priestess of Artemis and gymnasiarchos, and had funded the construction of a prostoon (2nd/3rd cent.); the text mentions as eponymous priest the senator Flavius Aristion (also known from I.Ephesos 3239 A). 2) A woman dedicated an altar to the Anaktes (the Dioskouroi?) in fulfillment of a vow (Ἄναξι εὐχήν; unknown provenance; 2nd/3rd cent.). 3) Diodoros dedicated a stele to Zeus Glaukas on behalf of Athenodoros, in fulfillment of a vow (Διεὶ Γλαύκᾳ εὐχήν); the representation of a pair of eyes on the stele suggests that Athenodoros was suffering from an eye disease. Zeus Glaukas is also the recipient of a dedication in Satala in Lydia (TAM V.1.610). [The name of the god is read by P. Herrmann as Διεὶ Γλα[ύ]κα (genitive, not Γλαύκᾳ, dative). In that case, Glaukas (Γλαύκας or Γλαυκᾶς, rare but attested) was the founder of Zeus’ cult (cf. P. Hamon, BE 2020, 377), perhaps after he had been healed. But it is not possible to decide between the two options.]

211112) H. Uzunoğlu, “The Katoikia of the Lydomouandetai in the Cayster Valley. A New Honorary Inscription Preserved in the Museum of Tire”, in Panegyrikoi Logoi, p. 427–439 [BE 2020, 395; IAM 2020, 181]: Ed. pr. of an inscription from the territory of Hypaipa in Lydia that records the donation of an association (συμβίωσις). The association dedicated to Zeus Megistos, the ancestral gods (θεοὶ πάτριοι), Severus Alexander, and the village of the Lydomouandeitai part of a stoa, organized drinking parties, and offered olive oil to the gymnasion.

212113) H. Uzunoğlu, “Phrygia’dan Bir Grup Yeni Mezar Steli”, Mediterranean Journal of Humanities 9.1 (2019), p. 377–385 [IAM 2020, 342]: Ed. pr. of an epitaph with the common funerary imprecation ὃς ἂν προσοίσει χεῖρα τὴν βαρύφθονον οὕτως ἀώροις περιπέσοιτο συνφοραῖς (1; unknown provenance in Phrygia; 160 CE).

213114) L.D. Varotto, “Dedica onoraria dei myste di Dioniso Kathegemon e pro poleos”, in A. La Marca (ed.), Studi su Kyme eolica VI, Arcavacate di Rende, 2017, p. 231–245 [BE 2019, 415; SEG LXVII 917]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for the imperial freedman and procurator Titus Flavius Primigenius from Kyme (late 1st cent. CE). His statue was set up by the cult association of the mysts of Dionysos Θεὸς Καθηγεμὼν πρὸ πόλεως. This cult was hitherto unattested in Kyme. It may have been introduced under Attalid influence. Dionysos was perceived as protector of the city (πρὸ πόλεως) [cf. supra no. 78].

214115) É. Vandermeiren, “Asclépios, dieu Péan et sauveur. Les enjeux communautaires de la dédicace d’Isyllos d’Épidaure”, LAC 88 (2019), p. 19–46 [BE 2020, 155]: The author convincingly argues that the last part of the paian of Isyllos for Asklepios (IG IV2 128 lines 57–79) was written at the same time as the first section. The aim of Isyllos was to introduce a new regulation (ἱαρὸς νόμος) for a new ceremony in honor of Asklepios in Epidauros (lines 10–26; cf. I.Stratonikeia 1001) and to promote the cult of the god.

215116) M. Wörrle, “Der Brief des Septimius Severus an Aizanoi”, in Epigraphische Notizen, p. 61–78 [BE 2020, 431]: W. presents an improved edition of a letter of Septimius Severus to Aizanoi (IGR IV 566). The emperor thanks the city for organizing a festival and offering thanks-giving sacrifices (lines 18f.: ἠγάγατε ἑορτὴν καὶ ἐθύ[σατε] | τοῖς θεοῖς θυσίας χαριστηρίους) upon the designation of Caracalla as his successor (197 CE). The statue of Nike, that Aizanoi sent to the emperor as testimonial of his victory (lines 22f.: ἐπὶ μαρτυρίᾳ τῶν κατωρθωμ[έ]|νων), was returned by the emperor to the city in order to be dedicated there (lines 24f.: ἀπέπεμψα τὸ ἵδρυμα ὑμεῖν παρὰ παρὰ τοῖς | ἐνχωρίοις θεοῖς ἐσ[ό]μενον). In this way, the emperor introduced the cult of his Victory in Aizanoi.

216117) I. Worthington, “The ‘Divine’ Octavia and Athens, 39/8 BC”, ZPE 210 (2019), p. 147–150: W. comments on a dedication to Mark Antony and Octavia, Theoi Euergetai, by the Athenians (Agora XVIII H273; 39/38). He argues that with this dedication the Athenians were endearing themselves with both Antony and Octavian.

217118) E. Zavou, “ Ἐπιγραφὲς ἐκ τῶν Λακωνικῶν πόλεων Γυθείου, Λᾶς καὶ Ζάρακος”, in Stephanoi stephanos, p. 211–228 [BE 2020, 162]: New inscriptions from Lakonia include a decree of a city of the Koinon of the Lakedaimonians (1st cent.; p. 214–218). It was to be set up in the sanctuary of Athena Asia (τὸ τᾶς Ἀἵας ἱερόν) in Las. An inscription from the acropolis of Zarax, engraved on the exterior of the west doorpost of the gate, prevents entry to those who had no business there (μὴ παρίμεν ὧι μἦι πρᾶγμα; 3rd cent.; p. 218–222); such inscriptions are frequent in sanctuaries, but this is not necessarily the case in Zarax. Z. also publishes a similar text from the Athenian Acropolis (p. 222f.; 2nd/1st cent.).

218119) M. Zellmann-Rohrer, “Protective Iambic Incantations on Two Inscribed Octagonal Rings”, GRBS 55 (2015), p. 250–255: Z.-R. republishes two octagonal rings, one of gold (from Macedonia; SEG LII 655), the other of bronze (F.H. Marshall, Catalogue of the Finger Rings, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum, London, 1907, no. 641) that have variants of the well-known iambic incantation θεὸς κελεύω/κελεύει μὴ κύειν/ἔχειν πόνον κόλον (cf. Marcellus Empiricus 29.23, Corpus Medicorum Latinorum V 231). The gold ring presents a new variant: θεὸς κελεύω μὴ φύειν κόλων πόνον. For φύω M.-Z. adduces Pliny, HN 26.93 (crescere) and Sophocles, Antigone 646f. (πόνους φῦσαι).

219120) K. Zimmermann, “Opramoas in Patara”, in Epigraphische Notizen, p. 129–141 [BE 2020, 417; IAM 2020, 260]: Ed. pr. of an honorific inscription for Opramoas, the great benefactor of Lykian cities (ca. 150–155). The stone was found in his fatherland Patara and records his benefactions. Opramoas served as high priest of the imperial cult in Lykia, organized as agonothetes the agonistic festival of the ancestral god of Patara, Apollo, twice (lines 9f.: ἀγωνοθετή[σαντα δὶ]ς τοῦ τῆς πό|λεος ἡμῶν θεοῦ Ἀπ[όλλ]ωνος).

220121) E. Zingg and C. Marek, “Ergänzungen zu den Inschriften von Uzunyuva”, Philia 5 (2019), p. 166–181 [BE 2020, 404; IAM 2020, 150]: The inscriptions of Uzunyuva (Mylasa) were presented in EBGR 2018, 67. Z.-M. present additional comments on texts that are not of religious interest and a new critical edition of a fragmentary inscription from Mylasa (I.Mylasa 308; p. 176–179), which in the past had been interpreted as a sacrificial calendar, because of the references to sacrifices (lines 7f.), administred by a neokoros (lines 7, 14), or as the foundation of a heroic cult. The latter hypothesis was based on the restoration [ἡρ]ω̣ισταῖς in line 16, where Z.-M. now plausibly restore
[ἐκλο]γ
̣ισταῖς. Since the author of the text speaks in the first person (line 13: ὑπ᾿ ἐμοῦ) the document most likely is an endowment for the augmentation, not the foundation, of a cult. [The interpretation as an endowment is supported by the references to land property (lines 1–3), amounts of money (line 10), and treasurers (lines 11f. and 15). The reading [- -]φθάρη (line 13, aorist) immediately after a reference to repairs (line 12: μείζονος ἐπισκευῆς) gives the impression that the author refers to damages that had occured in the past (hence the idea that this is the restoration of an existing and not the establishment of a new cult. However, it is possible that the sponsor refers to future repairs and to the protection of the sanctuary: e.g. [εἰ δέ τ]ι̣ μείζονος ἐπισκευῆς [δεῖται - - | - - ἐάν τι/ἵνα μή τι] φθαρῇ τῶν ὑπ᾿ ἐμοῦ ἀ[ν|τεθέντων]; cf. P. Hamon, BE 2020, 404: ἐάν δέ τι δια]φθάρῃ τῶν ὑπ᾿ ἐμοῦ ἀ[|πολειφθέντων] or sim.]

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Angelos Chaniotis, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2019 (EBGR 2019) »Kernos [En ligne], 35 | 2022, mis en ligne le 01 février 2024, consulté le 22 juillet 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/4266 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/kernos.4266

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