Bibliographie
R.S.P. Beekes, Etymological dictionary of Greek (EDG), Leiden/Boston, 2010.
É. Benveniste, Origines de la formation des noms en indo-européen, Paris, 1935.
É. Benveniste, “Fondements syntaxiques de la composition nominale”, Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 62–1 (1967), p. 15–31.
A.C. Brumfield, The Attic Festivals of Demeter and their Relation to the Agricultural Year, Salem, 1981.
P. Chantraine, La Formation des noms en grec ancien, Paris, 1933.
P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: histoire des mots (DELG), Paris, 2009.
K. Clinton, “Donors of Kernoi at the Eleusinian Sanctuary of the Two Goddesses”, in C. Prêtre (éd.), Le Donateur, l’offrande et la déesse. Systèmes votifs des sanctuaires de déesses dans le monde grec, Liège, 2009 (Kernos, suppl. 23), p. 239–246.
E. Dickey, Ancient Greek Scholarship: a guide to finding, reading, and understanding scholia, commentaries, lexica, and grammatical treatises, from their beginnings to the Byzantine period, Oxford et al., 2007.
L.R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States III, Oxford, 1907.
C. Felisi, “Une interprétation ancienne méconnue du rapt de Perséphone (Schol. vet. ad Hes. Th. 913b). Exégèse allégorique, savoirs botaniques et agricoles, réinterprétations chrétiennes”, RPh 96–1 (2022 [2023]), p. 99–138.
C. Felisi, Hadès aux multiples noms. Histoire onomastique d’un dieu grec d’Homère à Platon, Paris, 2026.
J.G. Frazer, “Thesmophoria”, Encyclopedia Britannica XXVI (1911), p. 838–840.
H. Frisk, Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (GEW), Heidelberg, 1960.
A. Heubeck, R.S. West, J.B. Hainsworth et al. (eds.), Omero. Odissea, Milano, 1981.
E. Langella, Polyōnymoi theoi. Ricerche linguistiche sulle epiclesi divine in Magna Grecia, Alessandria, 2019.
S. Laudani, S. Bouffier, J. France et al., “Entrepôts céréaliers en Sicile de l’Antiquité à l’époque moderne”, in B. Marin, C. Virlouvet (eds.), Entrepôts et trafics annonaires en Méditerranée, Rome, 2016, online: https://books.openedition.org/efr/32840.
S.Lebreton, “Quelques réflexions sur les dieux ‘Karpophoroi’ et consorts”, in A. Gartziou-Tatti, A. Zografou (eds.), Des dieux et des plantes. Monde végétal et religion en Grèce ancienne, Liège, 2019 (Kernos, suppl. 34), p. 141–162.
M.P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste von religiöser Bedeutung mit Ausschlussder attischen, Leipzig, 1906.
M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, München, 1967.
M. Ostwald, Nomos and the Beginnings of the Athenian Democracy, Oxford, 1969.
V. Pirenne-Delforge, “Demeter as Thesmophoros: What Does She Bring Forth ?”, in A. Palamidis, C. Bonnet (eds.), What’s in a Divine Name ? Religious Systems and Human Agency in the Ancient Mediterranean, Berlin, 2024, p. 185–204.
H. Rix, Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben (LIV2), Wiesbaden, 2001 (2nd ed.).
N. Robertson, “The two processions to Eleusis and the program of the mysteries”, AJPh 119–4 (1998), p. 547–575.
M.S. Ruipérez, “Historia de θέμις en Homero”, Emerita 28 (1960), p. 99–123.
F. Spatafora, “Entella: lo scavo di Contrada Petraro”, ASNP, Ser. 4a 9–2 (2004), p. 513–526.
A.B. Stallsmith, “The Name of Demeter Thesmophoros”, GRBS 48–2 (2008), p. 115–131.
C. Trümpy, “Die Thesmophoria, Brimo, Deo und das Anaktoron: Beobachtungen zur Vorgeschichte des Demeterkults”, Kernos 17 (2004), p. 13–42.
M.L. West, Hesiod. Works & Days, Oxford, 1978.
M.L. West, Hesiod. Theogony and Works and Days, Oxford/New York, 1988.
D.S. Wodtko, B.S. Irslinger, C. Schneider, Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon (NIL), Heidelberg, 2008.
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Notes
See Langella (2019), p. 180–198, and Pirenne-Delforge (2024), with extensive prior bibliography and two comprehensive surveys of the question, which need not be repeated here (other works will be discussed in the notes as we proceed). Unless otherwise indicated, Greek texts are cited from the TLG, while translations are mine.
I summarize here the main points of Pirenne-Delforge (2024), to which I refer for further detail.
Cf. Hom. Il. XIII, 322, “who is mortal and eats the wheat of Demeter” (ὃς θνητός τ’ εἴη καὶ ἔδοι Δημήτερος ἀκτήν).
In the technical sense of Homeric formulaic analysis, extendable—so far as divine epithets are concerned—to other sources. Demeter, of course, has many other epithets; but those exclusive to her are likely to express an aspect of her power that distinguishes her from all other divine powers.
The formation and meaning are debated, but the alternative “who brings animals/livestock” is unlikely.
Cf. Diod. Sic. V, 4, 5–7; Plut. Mor. 378e; Corn. Theol. 55, 12–13.
See the complete dossier in Pirenne-Delforge (2024), n. 11, from which I reproduce the main earliest attestations: IPark 20 = LSCG Suppl. 32 (Arcadia, ca. 525 BCE); IGDS I 155 = IGASMG II2 46a (Sicily, Gela, 6th–5th c.); IGASMG II2 46b (Gela, early 5th c.).
In a compound such as θεσμοφόρος it is impossible a priori to determine whether θεσμο- is to be understood in the singular or in the plural.
See already Farnell (1907) and (1911); Brumfield (1981), p. 70–73, followed by Stallsmith (2008); Langella (2019), n. 19–20, with the full inventory of ancient references. The interpretation adopted by Nilsson (1906) and Frazer (1911)—the θεσμοί would be the piglet offerings left to decompose in a χάσμα by the celebrants (ἀντλήτριαι) and later mixed with wheat grains as fertilizer before sowing—is thus unsatisfactory. So too Robertson (1998), p. 566, 570 and n. 68 on θεσμός and θήκη, who takes θεσμοί as the “sacred baskets” carried by women in the opening procession. As Langella (2019), p. 185–186, notes, these last two interpretations resemble precisely festival names like ὠσχοφόρια (from ὠσχοφόροι, “vine-branch bearers”) and ἀρρηφόρια (from ἀρρηφόροι, “bearers of sacred offerings”), which take their names from the celebrants, not from the deity who is the recipient of the cult.
Cf. Callim. Hymn. Dem. 18–21 and Diod. Sic. I, 14, 1–4 and see Langella (2019), p. 181–182.
See Stallsmith (2008), together with the critiques of Pirenne-Delforge (2024) and Langella (2019), p. 182–183.
I summarize here Langella (2019), p. 180–186 (adding a few occasional personal considerations), to which I refer for further details and bibliography.
See Brumfield (1981), p. 70–73, and Langella (2019), p. 184, with further examples.
Cf. Zeus τελεσφόρος, “who brings to fulfillment”, alongside the very common εἰς/πρὸς τέλος φέρειν (already in Hom. Il. IX, 411); Athena νικηφόρος, “who brings victory”, alongside νίκην φέρειν (e.g. Soph. El. 84–85); etc.
See the phraseological examples collected by Langella (2019), p. 184–185.
See Ostwald (1969), p. 12–13, followed by Langella (2019), p. 180–181, who reconstructs the earliest sense of θεσμός as “a thing placed in a significant location” (the noun θέμις is thought to have undergone an analogous development, from concrete to abstract, according to Ruipérez [1960], cited by Langella [2019], n. 7). I take all this up in § 1.
e-grade *θη- <PIE *dheh1-; ø-grade *θε- <PIE *dhh1-. See DELG and EDG s.v. θεσμός, τίθημι, θωμός, θήκη; LIV2 and NIL s.v. dheh1-; for meanings, LSJ s.v., with ancient sources. The only alternative hypothesis is Trümpy (2004), p. 17–19, which posits a Greek derivative in -μος from the PIE root *dheh1s- expressing sacrality (cf. gr. θεός and lat. festus, feriae, fanum). In the compound θεσ(μο)-φόρος, the base θεσ- would designate the remains of the piglets offered by the Thesmophoria celebrants; see below on this problem, and Langella (2019), p. 186, on other problematic aspects of the linguistic reconstruction.
The following excludes θέμις (obscure formation, cf. gen. θέμιστος; derivation from *θη-/*θε-uncertain: see DELG and EDG, s.v.). Also set aside hypothetical *θεμός, “decree ( ?)”, conjectured at H. Hom. Herm. 531 from Hesych. θ 255 (θεμούς· διαθέσεις. παραινέσεις), from a likewise hypothetical *θεμόω (only aor. θέμωσε: Hom. Od. IX, 486, 542; sense uncertain, “to assign a place, arrange” ?), and from the anthroponyms Θέμ-ανδρος, Θεμό-θεος (see DELG, s.v. θεμός; EDG, s.v. θεμόω); add also varia lectio θεμούς (metrically possible) in Solon, fr. 36.18 W.
Forms with expanded suffix -θ-μός (see Chantraine [1933], p. 136–137): τε-θμός <*θε-θμός (θ > τ by Grassmann’s law); θε-θμός with analogical initial θ under the influence of cognate derivatives.
Cf. Hom. Od. V, 368; Arist. Meteor. 344a 26; see Benveniste (1935), p. 122.
Cf. Aesch. Ag. 295; Aristoph. Lys. 973; Thphr. HP, IV, 13; VIII, 11. Despite isolated ō-vocalism in Greek, etymological dictionaries derive θωμός from PIE *dheh1-/dhh1- on dhoh1- > Gr. θω- (cf. Germanic parallels in LIV2, NIL s.v. dheh1- and EDG s.v. θωμός; for Greek parallels cf. βωμός/βῆμα).
Cf. Hdt. III, 130; IX, 83; Eur. Hec. 1147; Xen. Oec. VIII, 17, with sense “box; receptacle/ deposit”.
Cf. Skt. dhāká- (apparently identical formation, perhaps independent of Greek).
It is perhaps attested also with the meaning “offering” in a Sophoclean fragment apud Hesych. θ 500: θῆμα· θήκη. τάφος, r. ἀνάθημα. Σοφοκλῆς Σαλμωνεῖ (fr. 498).
With ø-grade, or with analogical -ε- on the model of θέσις.
Cf. PCair. Zen. 22.11 (3rd c. BCE); PTeb. 120.125 (1st c. BCE); SIG 742.58 (Ephesus, 1st c.
BCE; also θεματίτης, “one who makes a deposit”, in the next line); PRyl. 199.12 (1st c. CE); LXX Tob. 4.9; Lev. 24.6; Sir. 30.18; 1 Kgs 6.8; Cebes 31 (1st c.); Plut. Cons. Apoll. 116a–b.
Cf. Pind. O. III, 8.
Chantraine (1933), p. 132–150, groups these under “action nouns” without semantic distinction and aligns them with the more abstract nouns in -μα (“the result of the action of…”) and -σις (“the action of…”).
Lit. “object that has been plaited” (πλέκω); “liquid that has been poured” (χέω); “portion that has been scraped” (ψάω); “what has been cut” (κείρω); “quantity that has been assessed” (τίω).
Lit. “what serves to irrigate/water” (ἄρδω); “what serves to filter” (ἠθέω); “what serves to haul a ship” (ἐρύω).
Lit. “place where one hides” (κεύθω); “place where one stops” (ἵστημι).
Later formations are predominantly abstract (“the action of…”), like -α-σμός and -ι-σμός nouns from -άζω and -ίζω verbs (highly productive in classical drama, science, historiography, and philosophy): see Chantraine (1933), p. 132–150. Some abstract nouns with -μός already in Homeric Greek (with expanded suffix): ἑλκηθμός “the action of capturing”; κηληθμός “the action of charming, charm”; and especially from late archaic Greek: ἀσπασμός “greeting, the action of greeting”; δανεισμός “borrowing, the action of borrowing”; ἀρθμός “junction, joint, bond of friendship”; οἰκτιρμός “compassion, the action of feeling pity”.
For a summary of the debates, see Heubeck et al. (1981–1986), ad loc.
On the basis of Plut. Mor. 138b some propose λέκτροιο παλαιὸν θεσμόν (“the old θεσμός of their bed”). This may be preferable, but it is unprovable and does not affect the present argument.
Cf. with bare accusative: Il. XI, 352 (of a missile: οὐδ’ ἵκετο χρόα καλόν); Od. XIX, 451 (οὐδ’ ὀστέον ἵκετο); Il. XIII, 837; XVIII, 207 (of smoke: αἰθέρα). With accusative plus specifying genitive: Il. VI, 143 (ὀλέθρου πείρατα); Il. IX, 56 (τέλος μύθων); Il. XI, 225; XXIV, 728 (ἥβης μέτρον); Od. XV, 246 (γήραος οὐδόν).
Contra the exegetical note of Schol. vet. in Hom. Od. XXIII, 296 (followed by some modern translators), θεσμός here cannot mean “institution” or “law”: Penelope and Odysseus do not “reach the law/institution of marriage” (nor is λέκτρον “marriage” in Homer). Pirenne-Delforge (2024), p. 198–199 (“the woodworking as a coherent whole, a tightly fitted realisation”) rightly targets the bed but imports notions of wholeness and “well-fitted” foreign to *θη-/θε- “to place, deposit” (contrast *ἀρ-/ἁρ- in ἀραρίσκω, ἁρμόζω, ἁρμονία, ἅρμα, ἄρθρον, etc.).
Some material in Apollonius’ Lexicon may go back to the sources of the D scholia on Homer—possibly as early as the 5th c. BCE: see Dickey (2007), p. 24–25, with bibliography.
θέσθαι ἐν τῇ Ν ῥαψῳδίᾳ τῆς Ὀδυσσείας· καὶ γὰρ ὁ θησαυρὸς θεσμὸς λέγεται, καθάπερ καὶ Ἀνακρέων λέγει “ἀπὸ δ’ ἐξείλετο θεσμὸν μέγαν” (Anacr. fr. 61 Page).
νῦν δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πῃ θέσθαι ἐπίσταμαι, οὐδὲ μὲν αὐτοῦ | καλλείψω, μή πώς μοι ἕλωρ ἄλλοισι γένηται, “Now I do not know where to store it, yet I will not leave it here, lest it become spoil for others”.
See also Pirenne-Delforge (2024), p. 199 (“The thesauros is a secure container…”), apt for θησαυρός (of obscure, likely unrelated etymology to θεσμός: see DELG and EDG, s.v.) as the gloss, but not necessarily for θεσμός, the lemma: the tiny Anacreontic fragment does not really justify “manufactured, solid container”; θεσμός here more generally denotes the “thing deposited”.
See Langella (2019), p. 180–181, with bibliography, and particularly Ostwald (1969), already quoted, and Pirenne-Delforge (2024), p. 197–201, with new important evidence drawn on early inscriptions (see next footnote).
One may add that the shift from concrete to abstract is also perceptible in the history of the sense “law”, if one examines the inscriptions highlighted by Pirenne-Delforge (2024). Thus, in IG IX.123 609 (early 5th c. BCE), l. 14 (ὄδε τετθμὸς ἰαρὸς ἔστο τõ Ἀπόλλονος τõ Πυθίο, “Let this τετθμός be sacred to Apollo Pythios”), the word τετθμός, with the deictic ὅδε, designates the object on which the legal text is engraved and which was set up in a prominent place, rather than the law itself.
Cf. Hom. Od. V, 368 (ἠΐων θημῶνα… καρφαλέων); Arist. Meteor. 344a 26 (θημών ἀχύρων); Op. Hal. IV, 496.
Cf. Aesch. Ag. 295; Ar. Lys. 973; Thphr. HP, IV, 13 (twice) and VIII, 11 (twice).
Cf. PRyl. 199.12 (1st c. CE).
This Hesychius lemma (νόμους θείους ἢ τὰς συνθέσεις τῶν ξύλων) is not an explanation of θεσμός in Hom. Od. XXIII, 296 (Odysseus’ bed is not described as a “heap of pieces of wood”; on the contrary, the poet stresses its quasi-monolithic nature, made from a single living olive). The lemma’s form θεσμούς (not θεσμόν as in Od. XXIII, 296) confirms this.
[…] καρφαλέων ἀχύρων θημῶνι εἰκάζει τὴν τῶν αὔων καὶ περικήλων ξύλων παράθεσιν. ἃς ὁμοίως τοιούτοις ἀχύροις διασκεδάζει ὁ σφοδρὸς ἄνεμος. Ἔνθα σημείωσαι ὅτι δοκεῖ ταὐτὸν εἶναι θημὼν καὶ θωμός. φησὶ γάρ τις παλαιὸς, ὅτι θωμοὶ ἐν τῷ ω οὐχὶ θημοί, οἱ τῶν σπερμάτων σωροί.
Cf. Aesch. Ag. 295, where fire is set to a γραίας ἐρείκης θωμόν “heap of old heather”; by contrast, in Ar. Lys. 973 θωμός means “heap of wheat-grains”.
I had already noted this testimony in Felisi (2023), p. 102 n. 11 (with bibliography), in a synthesis of ancient interpretations of the abduction of Persephone.
The synchronic etymology θεσμός/θησαυρίζεσθαι is probably wrong, but diachronical and morphological reconstruction is not the concern of the ancient way of etymologising words, which is always semantics- and sound-based: see Felisi (2026), p. 50–79.
The noun ἄγγος, “vessel”, is not a technical term. I follow West (1988) in rendering it “storage-jars”, since the context requires this and Hesiod repeatedly uses ἄγγος in that sense. The technical term σιρός, “jar for storing grain”, is attested only from Demosthenes onward (see below).
I owe this information to Langella (2019), p. 186–187 (with earlier bibliography, n. 26).
What follows is based on Langella (2019), p. 193–194, with a few additions from DELG and LSJ, s.v. φέρω.
Cf. also Aesch. fr. 196.5; Pind. N. XI, 41; Hdt. V, 82.3; VI, 139; Eur. Hec. 593; Xen. Vect. 1.5; Pl. Crit. 118e.
Cf. Hom. Il. XII, 314; XIV, 123; Simon. fr. 15.
Cf. Aesch. Pers. 618; Hdt. 7.8 αʹ; Hipp. Coac. 502; Pl. Leg. 704c; Thphr. HP III, 2, 6.
Cf. Hdt. I, 193; II, 156; Xen. Cyr. VI, 2, 22, etc. (trees); Pind. P. IV, 6; Eur. Hel. 1485, etc. (lands).
Cf. Ar. Ra. 384; Paus. VIII, 53, 7; also epigraphically: CIG 4082 (Pessinus), IG XII(5).226 (Paros), SIG 820.5 (Ephesus), etc. On καρποφόροι deities, see Lebreton (2019).
On the link between πλοῦτος and the god of the dead’s euphemistic by-name Πλούτων, see Felisi (2026).
In this line the contextual meaning of βίοτος, “grain (wheat)”, is evident thanks to the presence of the noun καλιή, “granary”. More generally, in Works and Days Hesiod uses βίοτος—and even βίος—to refer specifically to grain as a vital staple; cf. Hes. Op. 31–32, 576–577, 600– 601, 689–690.
In her excellent study, Langella (2019) reaches a result akin to mine by a wholly different route (starting from Indo-European comparison). For her, however, θεσμός in Greek—as in Indo-Iranian—would be an old name for the wheat-grain itself, a thing placed in the earth; and Demeter Thesmophoros would be “she who carries the grain in her bosom”, as the earth carries the grains and thus brings forth the harvest’s fruits. Attractive as this is, it seems to me hard to demonstrate from strictly Greek linguistic and philological evidence (see Langella [2019], p. 187–191), whereas several items she adduces in fact support reconstructing θεσμός as a “deposit of wheat-grain”, as we have seen.
The following ancient references are drawn from Langella (2019), p. 189.
Τὰν ὄιν, ὦ Δάματερ ἐπόγμιε, τάν τ’ ἀκέρωτον | μόσχον καὶ τροχιὰν ἐν κανέῳ φθοΐδα | σοὶ ταύτας ἐφ’ ἅλωος, ἐφ’ ᾇ πολὺν ἔβρασεν ἄντλον | Κρήθων καὶ λιπαρὰν εἶδε γεωμορίαν, | ἱρεύει, πολύσωρε· σὺ δὲ Κρήθωνος ἄρουραν | πᾶν ἔτος εὔκριθον καὶ πολύπυρον ἄνοις.
Cf. Athenaeus, XIV, 10 (= Semos, fr. 19): “The handfuls of barley, taken each by itself, they used to call amalai; but when they had been gathered together and from many had become a single bundle, (they called them) ouloi and iouloi; and Demeter (they called) now Chloē, now Ioulō. Accordingly, from the discoveries of Demeter they call both the fruits and the hymns addressed to the goddess ouloi and iouloi. […] And (they sing), ‘Send in abundance, abundance, send the ioulos’ […].”
Cf. Eust. Thess. Comm. in Hom. Il. vol. IV, p. 252 van der Valk: “[…] from this hamallē, too, [comes the epithet] Demeter Hamallophoros, to whom the Athenians used to sacrifice” (ἀπὸ ταύτης ἁμάλλης καὶ Δημήτηρ ἁμαλλοφόρος, ᾗ ἔθυον Ἀθηναῖοι).
On the mud-brick granary at Eleusis used to store first-fruits for Demeter and Persephone (cf. the decree, probably 422 BCE, IG I3 78). For Sicily, see Laudani et al. (2016), § 18 (online): “the structures specifically intended for storage [of grain] are all associated with female divinities linked to agriculture, indeed to cereal cultivation—at Entella and Monte Adranone, where the religious dedication of the buildings is evident, and even at Morgantina, where the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore-Persephone adjoins the western granary, seeming to watch over the two food storehouses.”
See Spatafora (2004) and Laudani et al. (2016), respectively.
See Clinton (2009).
Cf. Hom. Od. II, 374–380 (Eurycleia supplying Telemachus with meal for his departure) and XX, 105–119 (the twelve maidservants whom the suitors force to grind grain late into the night).
Cf. Xen. Oec. VII, 21–22: “when these goods are brought under the roof, someone must keep them safe and someone perform the indoor tasks; the processes of turning harvest into food (αἱ ἐκ τοῦ καρποῦ σιτοποιίαι) require a house”; VII, 25: “and since she too has been charged with guarding the provisions (φυλάττειν τὰ εἰσενεχθέντα), the divinity did so knowing that, for guarding, a somewhat fearful disposition is no disadvantage”; VIII, 9–10: “on the strict arrangement of the various kinds of grain to be ensured by the mistress and her servants.”
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