1This article presents an overview of the main verbal constructions of San-Maka, a Mande language of Burkina Faso. The article is structured as follows: the introduction provides general facts on San-Maka, its position in the San/Sane language cluster, and basic information on its phonetics and noun morphology. This is followed by a description of San verbal morphology and predicative constructions. In the final section, an overview of San-Maka non-verbal predications is given.
2This article is based on language data gathered by the author during two field work sessions in Burkina Faso (2016, 2017), data from a published San-French dictionary (Boo nɛn sɛ́wɛ) and Primer (Ka daa wɔ); as well as on works on San-Maka by Suzy Platiel (1974) and Moïse Paré (1998, 1999).
3Southern San (San-Maka) is a language of the Eastern group of the Mande language family. It belongs to a dialect / language cluster known as San or Samo. Sometimes the term Sanan is used which represents a plural form of San. According to the Ethnologue, there were 233 000 San speakers in 2009. This language is spoken almost exclusively in the provinces of Sourou (with the center in Tougan) and Nayala (with the center in Toma) in Burkina Faso.
4The divisions within the cluster are subject to debate. The most popular proposal is a subdivision into three varieties: Maka in the South, Makya and Maya in the North. The northern region is smaller as well as much less homogenous from a linguistic point of view (Berthelette 2001: 5-7).
5The names of the three varieties are based on the expression ‘I say’ in the respective varieties (Platiel 1974: 25). Traditionally in linguistic literature the northern varieties are referred to as Sane, with the term San designating the Southern dialect (see for example Vydrine, Bergman, Benjamin 2001), these labels were first proposed by André Prost (1981: 18). William Welmers (1958) expressed the idea that Northen and Southern San varieties are in fact different languages, as they are completely unintelligible, while Joseph Greenberg (1963: 8) apparently regarded all varieties of San as one language. The main difference of opinion on the subdivision of San concerns the opposition between southern and northern varieties, i.e. “the languages of Toma and Tougan”; they can be considered as one language (Greenberg), two dialects (Prost 1981) or three (Platiel 1974) of the same language, or as two different languages (Welmers 1958). Though Platiel refers to three dialects (Maka, Makya and Maya), she notes a clear cultural division, since « chacune de ces deux populations considère l’autre comme étrangère » (Platiel 1974: 25).
- 1 Each dictionary contains an orthographic guide and a text sample.
- 2 Macaa reflects the pronunciation [maʧaa].
6There is also debate concerning the names of these speech varieties. The San-French dictionary (Boo nɛn sɛ́wɛ s.d., 4) mentions three dialects of San: Mà kaa (Maka), Mà tiaa (Makya) and Mà yaa (Maya). Southern San, which includes the variant of Toma, is defined there as Mà kaa. The two new unpublished dictionaries by SIL1 are titled: Guide d’orthographe san macaa and Guide d’orthographe san mayaa, where he Macaa dialect corresponds to the Mà tiaa dialect mentioned in the San-French dictionary2.
Fig. 1. San varieties (Vydrine, Bergman, Benjamin 2001)
7Linguists working on the San language cluster agree that compared to the northern speech varieties, the Southern part is most homogenous. In the area of San-Maka (or San as opposed to Sane) there are only minor differences among varieties. The description of nominal and verbal morphology by Moïse Paré (1998, 1999) was based on the Yaba variant of San-Maka, noting certain differences between Yaba and Toma varieties. Some of these differences are dealt with in this article.
8The situation in the Northern area is more complicated. According to Erwin Ebermann, within Northern San four different “lects” can be distinguished. In addition to Maya (Ko on Ebermann’s map) and Makya (Ba on the map), Ebermann notes a transitional variety: To which is situated between the Makya and Maya zones as well as the Fo variety localized in the North-West Sourou province near the border with Mali (Ebermann n.d.). San literacy workers consulted on this subject are rather skeptical on the relevance of this subdivision and insist on the existence of only three “official” San varieties, although they do mention significant cultural distinctions in the area where Ebermann’s Fo variety is spoken.
- 3 The purple points on the Ebermann’s map are Fula-speaking villages of the so‑called rimaibé, eth (...)
Fig. 2 Northern San varieties according to Erwin Ebermann3
9Suzy Platiel (1974: 24) mentions four varieties (“parlers”) in the Makya zone: Daalo, Daale, Toa and Dya-kaso. Platiel and Ebermann agree that the Maya dialect on the North-East is quite homogenous. As for the Makya zone, it seems to be linguistically rather diverse including three or four different dialects.
10Writing systems have been elaborated for three varieties: Maka, Maya and Makya. The written form of San-Maka is based on the variety spoken in Toma, the administrative centre of the Nayala province. In this paper, this will be the variety under study.
Table 1. Vowels
|
Front
|
Middle
|
Back
|
Closed
|
|
ŋ
|
|
High
|
i ḭ
|
|
u ṵ
|
Mid-high
|
e ḛ
|
ə
|
o
|
Mid-low
|
ɛ ɛ̰
|
|
ɔ ɔ̰
|
Low
|
|
a a̰
|
|
11The system of vowels in San-Maka is represented at the Table 1.
12Comments:
- 4 In this article, vocalic nasalization is marked with tilda below the letter.
131) Nasalization is a distinctive feature, oral phonemes /o/ and /ə/ have no nasal counterparts.4
142) I regard “long vowels” as combinations of two identical vowels: pí ‘fonio’ ~ píí ‘market’; zṵ́ ‘reject’ ~ zṵ́ṵ́ ‘husband’.
153) The phoneme /ŋ/ is classified as a vowel. Like other vowels, it is a tone-bearing unit.
Table 2. Consonants
|
Labial
|
Dental
|
Palatal
|
Velar
|
Uvular
|
Unvoiced stops (plosives)
|
p
|
t
|
k’
|
k
|
|
Voiced stops
|
b
|
d
|
g’
|
g
|
|
Unvoiced fricatives
|
f
|
s
|
|
|
h
|
Voiced fricatives
|
|
z
|
|
|
|
Sonorants
|
Approximants
|
w
|
l
|
y
|
|
|
Vibrant
|
|
r
|
|
|
|
Nazals
|
m
|
n
|
ɲ
|
|
|
16Comments:
- 5 The final ŋ designates the floating nasal element (see below).
171) The palatal consonants /k’/ and /g’/ may be pronounced as affricates [ʧ] and [ʤ] or as palatals [k’] and [g’] respectively. Following San orthography, in this paper these sounds are spelled as ki and gi, therefore, kio(ŋ)5 ‘house’ may be pronounced as [k’o] or [ʧo].
- 6 In order to distinguish the floating nasal element from the final nasal vowel -ŋ, it is designated (...)
182) The floating nasal element ŋ: some words in San Maka have a stem final nasal element, which is normally not pronounced. These are mainly nouns,6 and also several adjectives and adverbs; it is not characteristic for verbs.
193) Vowel harmony affects vowel height: within one phonetic word, vowels can be either all mid‑open (ɔ, ɛ) or mid‑closed (o, e).
20An important phonetic feature in Maka that is unique among Mande languages is the existence of harmonic variants for two clitics and one bound morpheme. These are a copula of identification nɛ̄ / nē / nī, a postposition nɛ́ / né / ní ‘in, at’, and the allomorphs of the plural marker appearing after the (-ŋ) stems -ní /-nə /-nɛ́ /‑nɔ́ /‑ná. The distribution of the varians is shown in Table 3.
Table 3. Distribution of synharmonic varians
|
|
Copula of identification
|
Postposition ‘in’
|
Plural marker
|
Left context
|
|
|
|
High
|
i, u
|
nī
|
ní
|
ní
|
Mid-high
|
e
|
nē
|
né
|
nə́
|
ə
|
o
|
Mid-low
|
ɛ, ɔ
|
nɛ̄
|
nɛ́
|
nɛ́
|
|
ɔ
|
nɔ́
|
Low
|
a
|
ná
|
21Examples. The copula of existence: Māā tásá nɛ̄. ‘It is my bowl’. Māā kiō(ŋ) nē. ‘It is my house’. Māā būūkūrù nī. ‘It is my machete’.
22The postposition ‘in, at’: làŋdā nɛ́ ‘in tradition’, nɔ̀ nɛ́ ‘in the stomach’, kíwí gólé né ‘in the city (lit.: in big village)’, wù bósò né ‘in the preparation of tô’; píí ní ‘in the market’, wù ní ‘in tô’.
23Plural marker: sāŋ́-ná ‘the San people’, dɔ̰̄ɔ̰̀(ŋ)-nɔ́ ‘relatives’, mɛ̀(ŋ)-nɛ́ ‘certain (PL)’, kōō(ŋ)-nə́ ‘chickens’, kə́(ŋ)-nə́ ‘calaos’, bāsā̰kóé(ŋ)-nə́ ‘morenga fruits’, mī(ŋ)-ní ‘people’.
24San-Maka is a tonal language with three level tones, designated, according to IPA, by acute, macron and gravis diacritics. Tones in San-Maka play a role in both the lexicon and grammar. There are minimal pairs confirming the lexical function of tones (bálá ‘individual field’ ~ bàlà ‘stick’; pà̰à̰ ‘cheek ~ pà̰á̰ ‘force’) as well as their grammatical functions (e.g. in the verbal paradigm: ‘to come’ dāā, neutral form vs. dāà, perfective). In compound nouns, the tone of the second element is replaced by a higher one: nɛ̄ ‘child’, lɔ̄ ‘woman’ nɛ̄ lɔ́ ‘daughter’. Tonal distinctions also mark other grammatical functions.
25Nouns in San Maka may be divided into two classes: 1) those whose stems end with the floating nasal element ŋ; 2) all other words. There are minimal and quasi minimal pairs: dā ‘fetish’ ~ dā(ŋ) ‘limit’; dɔ́ ‘which also’~ dɔ́(ŋ) ‘pot’; bàá(ŋ) ‘bird’~ bāā ‘run’ ~ bà̰á̰ ‘place’ etc. The floating nasal element of an NP affects the form of certain grammatical elements, which follow it, such as the plural marker and certain predicative markers.
26Depending on the structure of the possessive nominal constructions, nouns are divided into two classes: free (alienable) and relational (inalienable). In a possessive group, free nouns require a possessive marker (possessive postposition) ā: Kōōdɛ́ ā kiō(ŋ) ‘Kodé’s house’. Relational nouns (terms for body parts, certain kinship terms) are used without this marker: Kōōdɛ́ gólógḭ́ḭ́ ‘Kodé’s elder brother’.
27Plurality is consistently marked on NPs. The form of the plural marker depends on the type of the noun or adjective stem. Words with -ŋ stems form the plural with a high-tone suffix -ná/ -nə́/ -nɔ́/ -ní. The vowel is chosen according to the final vowel of the noun stem (see table 3). Other words form plurals by adding the suffix –ŋ which carries a high tone if the stem has the structure CV; otherwise it acquires the tone of the prevous syllable, cf. Table 4.
Table 4. The formation of noun plural in San-Maka:
Singular
|
Translation
|
Plural
|
sɔ́
|
‘tooth’
|
sɔ́ŋ́
|
tù
|
‘well’ (for water)
|
tùŋ́
|
sèré
|
‘ram’
|
sèréŋ́
|
dɔ̀mɔ̄
|
‘griot’
|
dɔ̀mɔ̄ŋ̄
|
tóó
|
‘ear’
|
tóóŋ́
|
gōò
|
‘liver’
|
gōòŋ̀
|
wòtòró
|
‘cart’
|
wòtòróŋ́
|
kiō(ŋ)
|
‘house’
|
kiōŋ̄nə́
|
gɔ́(ŋ)
|
‘forest’
|
gɔ́ŋ́nɔ́
|
màŋ́
|
‘thing’
|
màŋ́ná
|
kɛ̀
|
‘this’
|
kɛ̀ŋ́
|
dɔ́
|
‘which also’
|
dɔ́ŋ́
|
Table 5. Personal pronouns and forms fused with predicative markers
|
|
Affixed
element
|
1 Sg
|
2 Sg
|
3 Sg
|
1 Pl
|
2 Pl
|
3 Pl
|
1
|
Basic
|
-
|
mā
|
ŋ̄
|
à
|
wɔ̄
|
kā
|
ŋ̀
|
2
|
Imperative
|
|
|
ŋ̄
|
|
|
Kà
|
|
3
|
Emphatic
|
sɛ́
|
māsɛ́
|
ŋ̄sɛ́
|
àsɛ́
|
wɔ̄sɛ́ŋ́
|
kāsɛ́ŋ́
|
ŋ̀sɛ́ŋ́
|
4
|
Possessive
|
ā
|
māā
|
ŋ̄
|
à
|
wɔ̄ā (wā)
|
kāā
|
ŋ̀
|
5
|
Imperfective
|
nə̄ / ŋ̄
|
māŋ̄
|
ŋ̄ nə̄
|
àŋ̄
|
wɔ̄ŋ̄
|
kāŋ̄
|
màŋ̀
ŋ̀ nə̄
|
6
|
Imperfective
new information
|
tá / á
|
máá
|
ŋ̄ tá
|
áá
|
wɔ́á
|
káá
|
ŋ̀ tá
|
7
|
Imperfective Negative
|
bā / ā
|
māā
|
ŋ̄ bā
|
àà
|
wɔ̄
|
kāā
|
ŋ̀ bā
|
8
|
Perfective
|
nə́ / high tone
|
má
|
ŋ́
|
á
|
wɔ́
|
ká
|
ŋ̀ nə́
|
28There are six personal pronouns. Personal pronouns fuse with certain predicative markers and also with the possessive marker ā. Most of these forms can be easily decomposed: this is true for Emphatic, Imperfective habitual (with the exception of the 3 Pl form) and Imperfective negative forms.
29Comments to the Table 5:
301) The forms are written in one or two words according to the orthographic tradition. Emphatic pronouns, which are predictable, could be written in two words if one postulates the existence of a determinant sɛ́ (which has a regular plural form sɛ́ŋ́).
312) Series 5-8 result from fusion of basic pronouns with predicative markers; together with corresponding verbal forms they constitute predicative constructions in the absence of a full-fledged subject.
323) The 3 Pl pronoun optionally forms a compound màŋ̀ with the Imperfective habitual PM nə̄ / ŋ̄. However, a non-fused variant ŋ̀ nə̄ is also attested in my data and also in written texts (Syllabaire 2003). The element mà is a competing 3 Pl form which appears also with the copula of identification (3 Pl form mànɛ̄) and with postpositions (e.g. ká mànɛ́ ‘with them’, where ká is a comitative preposition).
334) The Imperative is characterized by a special 2 Pl form with a low tone (kà) which is not used in prohibitive constructions where the mid-tone subject 2 Pl form is used (kā).
345) Possessive pronouns, which are used with free nouns, have special forms only for 1 Sg, 1 Pl and 2 Pl.
35San Maka has a strict word order. Like other Mande languages, it has the following linear sequence of elements:
36S PM (Aux) DO V IO
37Order of elements in the genitive and possessive constructions is as follows:
38Noun Modifier (Possessor) – modified (Possessee)
39The order of the elements in an NP is:
40Noun – Adj – Dem – Art – Num.
41San-Maka uses postpositions, there is also one preposition: a comitative connector ká ‘with’ (used in combination with the postposition nɛ / ne / ni).
42The verb in San-Maka is defined as an open class of words, which alone can be the head of a clause and which form, alone or together with a predicative marker, constructions expressing aspect, tense, modality and polarity.
43The verb is inflected for aspect and mood.
- 7 The citation form of the verb is the Imperative which obscures the inital tone of transitive verbs (...)
44The morphological paradigm of a verb in San-Maka consists of three aspectual forms: neutral, perfective and imperfective. In non-indicative forms, aspectual meanings are not expressed, and the verb is represented by a neutral form. This form also appears in the negative perfective construction. The neutral form is used as the basic form in dictionaries and linguistic works.7
Table 6. Sample verbal forms
|
Neutral form
|
Perfective
|
Imperfective
|
‘to eat’
|
bīī
|
bīì
|
bīī
|
‘to come’
|
dāā
|
dāà
|
dīē
|
‘to strike, to kill’
|
dɛ̄
|
dɛ̄
|
díí
|
‘to send’
|
dīā
|
dīà
|
díɛ́
|
‘to teach’
|
dórōō
|
dōròò
|
dōréè
|
‘to hide’
|
dúrū
|
dūrù
|
dúrī
|
‘to stay’
|
gō̰ā̰
|
gò̰à̰
|
gō̰ɛ̰̄
|
45Both perfective and imperfective forms seem to be derived from the non-finite verb forms (nominalizations or gerunds). Perfective forms historically seem to be formed with the help of a low tone suffix (or postposition); imperfective forms are formed through the addition of a suffix ‑e / -ɛ. The neutral form seems to be etymologically simple.
46Perfective and imperfective forms have similar tonal behavior, while neutral forms raise the tone of the first syllable in the presence of a direct non-pronominal object. See the neutral form used in Imperative (1) and in Conjunctive (2) constructions.
- 8 Tô is a very common dish in Burkina Faso, consisting of cooked millet or sorghum flour. It is serv (...)
(1)
|
Kà
|
wù
|
bíí.
|
|
2PL.IMP
|
tô8
|
eat/H
|
47‘(You, pl.) eat tô’.
(2)
|
Ŋ́
|
pɛ̀
|
mà
|
Kōōdɛ́
|
wù
|
bíí.
|
|
2SG.PFV
|
say.PFV
|
that
|
Koode
|
tô
|
eat/H
|
48‘You (sg.) ordered that Koodé would eat tô’.
49The neutral form of the verb bīī ‘to eat’ carries a mid tone, but with an overtly expressed direct object, the tone of the verb becomes high. This tone modification does not occur with the imperfective form of the same verb, which keeps its mid tone (3).
(3)
|
Mā
|
ŋ̄
|
wù
|
bīī.
|
|
SG
|
IPFV
|
tô
|
eat.IPFV
|
50‘I eat tô’.
51Perfective and imperfective verb forms combine with predicative markers, some of which seem derived from corresponding copulas (see 5.2.).
52Predicative markers form a separate word class in San-Maka. They occupy the position after the Subject NP.
Table 7. Predicative markers
Perfective affirmative
|
nə́ / high tone on the final vowel of the Subject NP
|
Perfective negative
|
nə̄/ ø
|
Perfective experiential
|
bīŋ̀
|
Imperfective affirmative
|
nə̄ / ŋ̄
|
Imperfective affirmative “new information”
|
tá / á
|
Imperfective negative
|
bā / ā
|
Imperfective negative in dependent clauses, prohibitive
|
bāràŋ
|
53Comments:
541) Most of predicative markers in Maka are represented by two variants. The choice of the variant depends on the left phonological context. The full variant appears after -ŋ stems or after NPs in plural; the shorter variant is used in other cases.
- 9 A variant mā is used in some varieties.
552) Negative constructions are frames: they contain a negative particle wā9, which occupies the position at the end of the clause.
56The perfective PM nə́ (affirmative polarity) can be realized as a tone raise on the final syllable of the Subject NP (see table 7). Cf. the NP bòé lɛ̀ ‘this goat’ in the object (4) and in the subject (5) positions.
(4)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ́
|
bòé
|
lɛ̀
|
sā̰.
|
|
woman
|
ART\PFV
|
goat
|
ART
|
sell.PFV
|
57‘The woman sold the goat’.
(5)
|
Bòé
|
lɛ́
|
dāà.
|
|
goat
|
ART\PFV
|
come.PFV
|
58‘The goat came’.
59The experientive perfective PM bīŋ̀ may be used in affirmative, interrogative and negative contexts. Affirmative and interrogative sentences require the perfective verb form (6-8); in negative contexts, the neutral verb form is used (9).
(6)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
bīŋ̀
|
bòé
|
sā̰.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
PFV.EXP
|
goat
|
sell.PFV
|
60‘The woman has already sold the goat (has the experience)’ (Paré 1998: 33).
(7)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
bīŋ̀
|
dāà
|
kānā.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
PFV.EXP
|
come.PFV
|
here
|
61‘The woman has already come here’ (Paré 1998: 33).
(8)
|
Ŋ̄
|
bíŋ
|
nàŋsáárá
|
yɛ̄?
|
|
2SG
|
PFV.EXP
|
European
|
see.PFV
|
62‘Have you ever seen a white person?’
(9)
|
Mā
|
bīŋ̀
|
yɔ̄
|
mí
|
wā.
|
|
1SG
|
PFV.EXP
|
beer
|
drink.NTR/H
|
NEG
|
63‘I have never drunk beer’.
64M. Paré (1998: 36) singles out two different PMs, bḭ̄ and bīŋ̀: bīŋ̀ in affirmative sentences, and bḭ̄…wā in negative sentences. My informants do not distinguish between these forms; probably this fact reflects the difference between Yaba and Toma variants.
65In my data, a variant bīnì of this PM has been attested:
(10)
|
Mā
|
bīnì
|
zīī
|
tɔ̄
|
wɔ́
|
wōō
|
bà̰á̰
|
kɔ́ŋ̀
|
nɛ̄
|
wà.
|
|
1SG
|
PFV.EXP
|
road
|
walk
|
do
|
go
|
place
|
any
|
in
|
NEG
|
66‘I have never gone anywhere’.
67Perfective negative PM nə̄ / ø is represented by a null (11) unless it appers after a plural NP or one ending with-ŋ (12):
(11)
|
Lɔ̄
|
gō̰ā̰
|
píí-n
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
remain
|
market-in
|
NEG
|
68‘A woman did not stay in the market’.
(12)
|
Mī(ŋ)
|
nə̄
|
dāā
|
wā.
|
|
person
|
PRF.NEG
|
come
|
NEG
|
69‘Nobody has come’.
70There are two predicative markers of the affirmative polarity, which require the imperfective form of verb: tá / á and nə̄ / ŋ̄.
71The interpretation of verbal structures with these PM has been a matter of discussion. Translations of individual sentences are often misleading as they allow different interpretations. Isolated phrases (e.g. proverbs) do not clear up the situation. Researchers of the San-Maka language, Suzy Platiel (1974) and Moise Paré (1998), expressed different opinions about the meaning of these forms.
- 10 In Platiel’s work, /~̄/ is the sign designating the nasal vowel ŋ.
72Platiel noted a similarity between San tá / á and nə̄ / ŋ̄ and Spanish copular verbs ser and estar. As a result, she attributed the same meanings to the San copulas: « …/tá/ se traduit par “ser”. Cette forme sera donc utilisée, de préférence à l’autre, toutes les fois que l’on souhaitera asserter une qualité, un état, un événement, ou une situation dont le caractère est considéré comme irrévocable, ou plus simplement, quand on ne souhaite pas mettre l’accent sur son aspect provisoire... Le prédicat de forme complète /nɛ̄/ […] par opposition au précédent correspondrait à “estar”; il situe l’événement en introduisant une notion de relativité à la fois temporelle et spatiale » (Platiel 1974: 570). Thus, according to Platiel, the imperfective constructions of San-Maka are contrasted by the permanent or temporary characteristics of properties, qualities and situations. Unfortunately, Platiel does not provide convincing examples to prove her hypothesis. She wrote: « Dans tous les exemples cités ci-dessus, /á/ pourrait être remplacé par /~̄/10; la traduction française ne pouvant pas rendre compte de la différence » (Platiel 1974: 570-571).
73M. Paré proposed an aspectual interpretation for the opposition between the two quasi-synonymous constructions. He attributes the habitual meaning to the constructions with the PM tá/á, and the progressive meaning to the constructions with the PM nə̄/ŋ̄ (Paré 1998: 37, 47). However, further on (p. 61) he writes: “La valeur secondaire du prédicatif tá [...] est celle du progressif. Ici le procès en cours de réalisation au moment de l’énonciation... ”. At the same time, it is stated for the PM ŋ̄ that : « En plus de sa valeur progressive, ŋ̄ est aussi le prédicatif qui est utilisé pour relater une vérité ou une opinion » (Paré 1998: 63). Thus, there is an uncertainty in his distribution of aspectual meanings between both constructions: the progressive meaning is ascribed to constructions with both PMs; and both constructions express meanings, which belong to the habitual domain (« une vérité ou une opinion »).
74Cf. examples with different PMs expressing the progressive aspectual meaning:
(13)
|
Lɔ̄-ŋ̄
|
lɛ̀-ŋ̀
|
tá
|
bòé
|
sḭ̄ɛ̰̄.
|
|
woman-PL
|
ART.PL
|
IPFV.NEW
|
goat
|
sell.IPFV
|
75‘Women are selling a goat (right now)’.
(14)
|
Mā
|
ŋ̄
|
wù
|
bīī
|
sísíà.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV
|
tô
|
eat-IPFV
|
now
|
76‘I am eating tô’.
77In the following examples habitual actions (15‑16) or “eternal truths” (17‑18) are expressed by both constructions.
(15)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
ŋ̄
|
bòé-ŋ
|
sḭ̄ɛ̰̄.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
IPFV
|
goat-PL
|
sell.PFV
|
78‘The woman sells goats’.
(16)
|
Ŋ̄
|
tá
|
mú
|
bīɛ̀
|
dò̰ɛ̰̀.
|
|
2SG
|
IPFV.NEW
|
water
|
run.PFV
|
know-IPFV
|
79‘You can swim’.
(17)
|
Lɔ̄
|
sōŋbōrē
|
ŋ̄
|
sūmū
|
kóɛ̀.
|
|
woman
|
good
|
IPFV
|
yard
|
put.IPFV
|
80‘A good woman takes care of her yard’ (Syllabaire 1: 16).
(18)
|
Lɛ̄
|
á
|
gɔ̀nɔ́(ŋ)
|
zìzḭ́ɛ̰̀.
|
|
mouth
|
IPFV.NEW
|
body
|
spoil.IPFV
|
81‘The mouth spoils the body’ (proverb “words may harm”).
- 11 This fact was mentiond by Paré (1998: 61), but he did not consider it the main distinctive featur (...)
82My data show that these quasi-synonymous constructions encode different pragmatic intentions of the speaker. Constructions with nə̄ / ŋ̄ point out at a “general state of affairs”; constructions with tá / á encode information that is supposed to be new to the listener.11
83See the following examples:
(19)
|
Bòé
|
ŋ̄
|
būū
|
sɔ̰̄ɛ̰̄.
|
|
sheep
|
IPVF
|
grass
|
eat.IPFV
|
84‘A sheep eats grass’ (general information of the usual behavior of sheep).
(20)
|
Bòé
|
tá
|
būū
|
sɔ̰̄ɛ̰̄.
|
|
sheep
|
IPVF.NEW
|
grass
|
eat.IPFV
|
85‘A sheep eats grass’ (it is supposed that the listener is unaware of this fact).
86(19) is the expression of a common fact, while (20) may be an answer to a question, for example, whether sheep eat grass.
87Thus, the usage of nə̄/ŋ̄/màŋ̀ or tá/á shows the informational intention of the speaker: in (21) the information is an observation of a fact; in (22) it is supposed to be new to the listener.
(21)
|
Ŋ̀
|
nə̄
|
tɔ̀ɔ́-ŋ́
|
kṵ́ḭ́
|
bɛ̀
|
ŋ̀
|
nə̄
|
ŋ̀
|
sɔ̰̄.
|
|
3PL
|
IPFV
|
animal-PL
|
catch.IPFV
|
when
|
3PL
|
IPFV
|
3PL
|
chew.NTR
|
88‘They attack the domestic animals and eat them’ (Syllabaire 2: 19).
(22)
|
Ŋ̀
|
tá
|
à
|
gìí
|
kōē
|
nɛ̄
|
ɲāāŋ-nā
|
lā.
|
|
3PL
|
IPFV.NEW
|
3SG
|
egg
|
give.IPFV
|
child
|
child-PL
|
on
|
89‘They give its (hornbill’s) eggs to children’ (Syllabaire 2: 13).
90In (22) the phrase “anticipates” the question “And what do they do with the hornbill’s eggs?”
91The variant ŋ̄ acquires a low tone (ŋ̀) after a pronominal subject:
(23)
|
Mā
|
ŋ̀
|
gíɛ́lì
|
màá
|
Kōōdɛ́
|
wù
|
bíí.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV
|
look.for.IPFV
|
that
|
Koodé
|
tô
|
eat/H
|
92‘I want Kodé to eat tô’.
93This predicative marker of 3 PL is màŋ̀:
(24)
|
Bàáŋ-nə́
|
màŋ̀
|
sòé.
|
|
bird-PL
|
3PL.IPFV
|
go.out.IPFV
|
94‘The birds come out’.
95This form may substitute the pronominal subject of 3 Pers. Pl. pronoun:
(25)
|
Màŋ̀
|
wù
|
bósè
|
lɔ̄ŋ?
|
|
3PL.IPFV
|
tô
|
cook.IPFV
|
how
|
96‘How do they prepare tô?’
97As nə̄/ŋ̄ expresses an already known information, it often encodes « eternal truths », habitual or iterative actions:
(26)
|
Mī(ŋ)-ní
|
màŋ̀
|
kɔ́ŋ
|
díí
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
person-PL
|
IPFV.PL
|
RECP
|
kill.IPFV
|
market
|
in
|
98‘People fight in the market’ (and it is an ordinary thing).
99The constructions with nə̄ / ŋ̄ may also point out the fact that information is known to the speaker from his personal experience:
(27)
|
Tɛ́māā
|
míí
|
ŋ̄
|
búsú
|
díɛ̀.
|
|
smoke
|
drink.NMLZ
|
IPFV
|
illness
|
put.IPFV
|
100‘Breathing smoke provokes illness’.
101Compare with the construction using tá / á, where the information is viewed as new:
(28)
|
Tɛ́māā
|
míí
|
á
|
búsú
|
díɛ̀.
|
|
smoke
|
drink.NMLZ
|
IPFV.NEW
|
illness
|
put.IPFV
|
102‘Breathing smoke provokes illness’ (do you know that?).
103Imperfective PM tá / á points to information that is new to the listener. In some instances, the difference in grammatical meanings of both constructions may be close to the sphere of evidentiality, cf.:
(29a)
|
Mā
|
ta
|
dō̰ḛ́
|
mà
|
ŋ
|
wóó
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV.NEW
|
know.IPFV
|
that
|
2SG
|
go
|
market
|
in
|
104‘I know that you go to the market’.
(29b)
|
Mā
|
nə̄
|
dō̰ḛ́
|
mà
|
ŋ̄
|
wóó
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV
|
know.IPFV
|
that
|
2SG
|
go
|
market
|
in
|
105‘I know that you go to the market’ (in spite of the fact that you did not tell me).
106In the imperfective negative, the distinction between both affirmative imperfective constructions is neutralized; the only negative PM is bā/ā:
(30)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
bā
|
bòé
|
lɛ̀
|
sḭ̄ɛ̰̄
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
IPFV.NEG
|
goat
|
ART
|
sell.IPFV
|
NEG
|
107‘The woman is not selling the goat’.
108It is also used in proverbs (31) and for negating habitual (32) actions.
(31)
|
Gɔ̄ŋ
|
góōŋ
|
bā
|
wùsú
|
góɛ̀
|
wà.
|
|
hand
|
one
|
IPFV.NEG
|
flour
|
gather.IPFV
|
NEG
|
109‘One hand does not gather the flour’ (a proverb) (Syllabaire 1: 34).
(32)
|
Mā
|
ā
|
dɔ̰̀ɛ̰̄
|
wā.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV.NEG
|
know.IPFV
|
NEG
|
110‘I don't know’.
111Negative constructions with bā / ā can negate prospective situations:
(33)
|
Díé
|
nē?
|
Mā
|
ā
|
pīī
|
nì
|
wā.
|
|
who
|
ICOP
|
1SG
|
IPFV.NEG
|
say.IPFV
|
in/L
|
NEG
|
112‘Who is this? I won't tell to anybody’.
- 12 According to M. Paré (1998: 63), constructions with the PM bīē encode “progressif négatif” and “ (...)
113The imperfective negative contrastive element bīē, according to Paré (1998), has the experiential meaning “I have never”; in my data it appears only in the sentences of identification12 (see 5.2.2).
114Moïse Paré (1998: 53-54) mentions two prohibitive PMs: ŋā ... wā and bārà̰ ... wā. According to his description, ŋā ... wā is used more often then bārà̰ ... wā; at the same time, these PMs express different meanings: ŋā ... wā is the “negation of the imperative”, and bārà̰ ... wā is the negation of “énoncés injonctifs”. In my materials (Toma variant) the PM bāràŋ̀ ... wā is the only construction available, both in prohibitive sentences (34-35) and with the negated dependent predication (36).
(34)
|
Ŋ̄
|
bāràŋ
|
wɔ̄
|
wā.
|
|
2SG
|
PROH
|
enter
|
NEG
|
115‘Do not enter!’ (prohibition).
(35)
|
Kā
|
bāràŋ
|
pɛ̀rɛ̄
|
mú
|
mí
|
wā.
|
|
2PL
|
PROH
|
lake
|
water
|
drink/H
|
NEG
|
116‘Do not drink the water from a pond! (advice addressed to more than one person)’ (Syllabaire 2: 15).
(36)
|
Ŋ̄
|
dōāmáá
|
nɛ̄
|
ŋ̄
|
bāràŋ
|
sīgārɛ̄tì
|
mī
|
wā.
|
|
2SG
|
necessity
|
ICOP
|
2SG
|
NEG
|
cigarette
|
drink
|
NEG
|
117‘You should not smoke (lit. It is necessary that you would not smoke)’.
118In San‑Maka, there is a closed class of words, which occupy the third position in the clause, after the predicative marker and before the direct object in transitive clauses or before the verb in intransitive ones. These words will be referred to as “auxiliaries”. These are:
119tɔ́ŋ – Continuative marker (affirmative context)
120tɔ̀ŋ – Continuative marker (negative context)
121rē – Future marker
122M. Paré (1998: 44-45) distinguishes between three markers tɔ̰̄ (tɔ̄nà), tɔ̰̀ and tɔ̄ŋ̄, which are used in different contexts: tɔ̰̄ (tɔ̄nà) « indique l’aspect continuatif du procès exprimé et est traduisable en français par “toujours”, “encore” ou l’anglais “still” ». Tɔ̰̀ is used in negative clauses « pour signifier que le procès n’est pas encore effectif au moment de l’énonciation ». The auxiliary tɔ̄ŋ̄ « est utilisé pour marquer qu’un procès est postérieur à un autre procès ».
123In my data, the distinction between these forms is only tonal. In affirmative clauses, the auxiliary tɔ̄ŋ (mid tone) is used in combination with the imperfective PMs nə̄ / ŋ̄ and tá / á (37). The high‑toned tɔ́ŋ is used as a discursive marker ‘then’ (38). The low-toned auxiliary tɔ̀ŋ appears in negative clauses (39).
(37)
|
Mā
|
dḭ́ɛ̰́-gḭ̄ḭ̄
|
ŋ̄
|
(á)
|
tɔ̄ŋ
|
dí
|
ɲɛ́.
|
|
1SG
|
younger-brother
|
IPFV
|
(IPFV.NEW)
|
AUX
|
work
|
do.IPFV
|
124(He has to stop working at a fixed time but) ‘My younger brother is still working’.
- 13 A pronominal object (indirect or direct inanimated) of the 3Sg is usually omitted; in this case th (...)
(38)
|
Á
|
kɔ̀
|
là,
|
á
|
tɔ́ŋ
|
pɛ̀
|
nɛ̀.13
|
|
3SG.PRF
|
give.PRF/L
|
on/L
|
3SG.PRF
|
AUX
|
say.PRF
|
in/L
|
125‘He gave it to him and said to him’.
(39)
|
Mā
|
tɔ̀ŋ
|
wɔ́rɔ́
|
yɛ́
|
wā.
|
|
1SG
|
not.yet
|
money
|
see/H
|
NEG
|
126‘I haven’t obtained any money yet’.
127M. Paré gives an example of the complex PM+AUX (bḭ̄ + tɔ̰̀) which expresses the experiential meaning:
(40)
|
Mā
|
bḭ̄
|
tɔ̰̀
|
wò
|
Bígīā
|
wā.
|
|
1SG
|
PFV.EXP
|
not.yet
|
go
|
Abidjan
|
NEG
|
128‘I have never been to Abidjan’.
129The future auxiliary rē co‑occurs with the Imperfective PMs tá / á (affirmative) or bā / ā (negative):
(41)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
á
|
rē
|
wé
|
Làwà
|
ā
|
kiō(ŋ).
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
IPFV.NEW
|
FUT
|
enter.IPFV
|
God
|
POSS
|
house
|
130‘This woman will enter the church’.
(42)
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
bā
|
rē
|
dīè
|
wā.
|
|
Boyo
|
IPFV.NEG
|
FUT
|
come.IPFV
|
NEG
|
131‘Boyo will not come’.
132There are auxiliary verbs, which, from the syntactic point of view, behave as the verbal parts of the predicative constructions being heads of a verb chain. These are gō̰ā̰ (gō̰à̰, gō̰ɛ̰̄) ‘to stay’, dāā (dāà, dīē) ‘to come’ and bāā (bāà, bīɛ̄) ‘to become’. They can also be used as ordinary verbs with their primary lexical meaning.
133Gō̰ā̰ (gō̰à̰, gō̰ɛ̰̄) ‘to stay’ is used in order to shift the situation of a non-verbal sentence to past or future, thus the non-verbal sentence becomes a verbal one.
134In verbal sentences, gō̰ā̰ is a marker of retrospective shift (which indicates that the action has lost its relevance):
(43)
|
Lɛ́lɛ́
|
má
|
gō̰à̰
|
bōé
|
sɛ́wɔ̀
|
kḭ́ɛ̰̄
|
lā.
|
|
before
|
1SG.PFV
|
stay.PFV
|
can.IPFV
|
paper
|
write
|
on
|
- 14 Comment of an activist of the San literacy company: “It often happens”.
135‘Formerly I could write (and now I cannot any more)’.14
136The imperfective form of the verb dāā ‘to come’ > dīē is used to mark the immediate future; it co-occurs with the PM nə̄ / ŋ̄:
(44)
|
Mā
|
ŋ̀
|
dīē
|
sḭ́ḭ̄
|
kúkúrì.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV
|
FUT.PROX
|
meat
|
slice.IPFV
|
137‘I am going to cut meat’.
- 15 M. Paré (1998: 41) considers the sequence bāà rē to be an auxiliary but notes that the element (...)
138The perfective form of the verb bāā ‘to become > bāà together with the future marker rē expresses the avertive meaning (the action that “almost happened” or “nearly happened”).15
(45)
|
Á
|
bāà
|
rē
|
gḭ́ɛ̰́.
|
|
3SG.PRF
|
become.PRF
|
FUT
|
die-IPFV
|
139‘He nearly died’.
(46)
|
Tōētóá
|
bāà
|
rē
|
mɛ̄nɛ̄ɛ̄
|
gúnúŋ
|
zīī
|
ká
|
|
Toetoa.PRF
|
become.PRF
|
FUT
|
fall.IPFV
|
yesterday
|
road
|
COMIT
|
|
mótó
|
né.
|
|
|
motorcycle
|
in
|
|
140‘Toetoa nearly fell down on the road with his motorcycle yesterday’.
141Affirmative Perfective PM nə́ / high tone on the Subject NP + perfective form of the verb
142S nə́/-H (DO) V.PFV
(47)
|
Lɔ́-ŋ
|
nə́
|
wōò
|
kòè
|
góɛ̀
|
dōŋ.
|
|
woman-PL
|
PFV
|
go.PFV
|
shea.nut
|
gather.IPFV
|
bush
|
143‘Women have gone to gather shea nuts in the bush’.
(48)
|
Nɛ́
|
ànānáà
|
nà.
|
|
child\PFV
|
pineapple
|
cut.PFV
|
144‘The child has cut a pineapple’.
145Negative Perfective PM nə̄ / 0 + neutral form of the verb and the negative particle wā at the end of the sentence
146S nə̄ / Ø (DO) V.NTR ... wā
(49)
|
Mī(ŋ)
|
nə̄
|
dāā
|
wā.
|
|
person
|
AC.NEG
|
come.NTR
|
NEG
|
147‘Nobody has come’.
(50)
|
À
|
Ø
|
sɛ́wɔ̀
|
dɔ̰̀
|
wā.
|
|
3SG
|
PFV.NEG
|
paper
|
know.NTR
|
NEG
|
148‘He has not learned to read and write’ (lit.: he has not learned the paper).
149Perfective experiential affirmative bīŋ̀ (bīnì) + Perfective form of the verb, see examples (7-9):
150S bīŋ̀ (DO) V.PFV
151Perfective experientive negative bīŋ̀ (bīnì) + neutral form of the verb and the negative particle wā at the end of the sentence; see examples (10-11):
152S bīŋ̀ (DO) V.NTR ... wā
153Imperfective Affirmative PM nə̄ / ŋ̄ + imperfective form of the verb:
154S nə̄ / ŋ̄ /màŋ̀ (DO) V.IPFV
155These constructions are often used in proverbs and in the expressions of “eternal truth”:
(51)
|
Lɛ̄-dɛ̄nāā
|
ā
|
sùí
|
ŋ
|
bāā
|
síí.
|
|
mouth-owner
|
POSS
|
horse
|
IPFV
|
run
|
take.IPFV
|
156‘The horse of a phrasemonger runs fast’ (Syllabaire 2: 9).
157Imperfective Affirmative (New Information) PM tá / á + imperfective form of the verb:
158S tá / á (DO) V.IPFV
(52)
|
Lɔ̄-ŋ̄
|
tá
|
kɔ̀ŋ
|
mìí
|
tḭ̄ɛ̰̄.
|
|
woman-PL
|
IPFV.NEW
|
RECP
|
head
|
weave.IPFV
|
159‘Women are doing each other’s hair’.
(53)
|
Lɔ̄-ŋ̄
|
lɛ̀-ŋ̀
|
tá
|
dīè.
|
|
woman-PL
|
ART-PL
|
IPFV.NEW
|
come.IPFV
|
160‘Women are coming’.
161Imperfective negative PM bā / ā + imperfective form of the verb + particle wā:
162S bā / ā (DO) V.IPFV ... wā
(54)
|
Mā
|
ā
|
màŋ́
|
kɔ́ŋ
|
dɔ̰̀ɛ̰̄
|
wā.
|
|
1SG
|
IPFV.NEG
|
thing
|
any
|
know.IPFV
|
NEG
|
163‘I know nothing’.
- 16 On the contrary, the periphrastic construction of the Immediate Future uses the PP ŋ̄ / nə̄ with t (...)
164Future marker rē (rè) with the imperfective New Information construction,16 see examples (41-42):
165Affirmative:
166S tá / á rē (DO) V.IPFV
167Negative:
168S bā / ā rē (DO) V.IPFV ... wā
169Non‑verbal sentences in San‑Maka are those which do not contain a verbal lexeme in the Neutral form or in the forms of Perfective or Imperfective. The bearers of predication are the copulas. The following elements are used as copulas:
1701) copulas which are used as predicative markers (both polarities);
1712) postpositional copulas: the copulas of existence and the copula of identification.
172Copulas etymologically seem to be the source for the imperfective predicative markers of both polarities; they coincide with the latter both in form and meaning. The copula nə̄ / ŋ̄ encodes the general state of affairs, and tá / á point out at the new information:
- 17 When used as copulas they are glossed as COP.
(55)
|
Ŋ́
|
tá
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
3PL
|
COP.NEW17
|
market
|
in
|
173‘They are now in the market (the answer to the question “Where are they?”)’.
(56)
|
Màŋ̀
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
3PL.COP
|
market
|
in.
|
174‘They are in the market (state of affairs)’.
(57)
|
Kiɛ́ŋlɛ́
|
kɛ̀
|
á
|
kóó
|
sísíà.
|
|
door
|
this
|
COP.NEW
|
open
|
now
|
175‘(Look), this door is now open’.
(58)
|
Kiɛ́ŋlɛ́
|
màŋ̀
|
kóó
|
dúdúú.
|
|
|
door
|
3PL.COP
|
open
|
always
|
|
176‘Doors are always open’.
177In negative constructions bā / ā is used:
(59a)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
ā
|
píí
|
ní
|
sísíà
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
COP.NEG
|
market
|
in
|
today
|
NEG
|
178‘The woman is not in the market’.
(59b)
|
Lɔ̄
|
lɛ̀
|
ā
|
píí
|
ní
|
dúdúú
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
ART
|
COP.NEG
|
market
|
in
|
always
|
NEG
|
179‘The woman is never in the market’.
180The copula of identification (positive polarity) nɛ̄ / nē / nī/ mànɛ̀ occupies the final position in the clause; only the negation particle wā can be placed after it.
(60)
|
Kiō(ŋ)
|
nē.
|
|
house
|
ICOP
|
181‘This is a house’.
182In Southern San, the copula of identification appears in three synharmonic variants depending on the quality of the preceding vowel (about the vowel harmony, see 2.1). The form of the 3 PL is mànɛ̀.
183Negative contrastive copula of identification bīē (wā) denotes a negated participant when there is a choice between two possibilities:
(61)
|
Kōō
|
bīē
|
wā,
|
gà
|
nɛ̄.
|
|
|
hen
|
ICOP.NEG
|
NEG
|
guinea.fowl
|
ICOP
|
|
184‘It is not a hen, it is a guinea fowl’.
185Like copula of identification nɛ̄ / nē / nī, it is used in cleft sentences:
(62)
|
Koodɛ́
|
bīē
|
á
|
yɔ̄
|
mí
|
wā.
|
|
|
Kodé
|
ICOP.NEG
|
3SG.PRF
|
beer
|
drink
|
NEG
|
|
186‘Kodé, he did not drink beer (contrary to what was expected)’.
187Copulas of existence táŋ̄ (affirmative) and bāŋbāŋ (negative) usually also occupy the final position in the clause (see (71) for an exception).
188‘God exists’.
(64)
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
ā
|
wùrù
|
bāŋbāŋ.
|
|
|
Boyo
|
POSS
|
field
|
COP.NEG
|
|
189‘Boyo has no field (Boyo’s field does not exist)’.
190The auxiliary verb gō̰ā̰ (see 3.4.1.) is used to shift a situation to the past or future:
(65)
|
Bòyó(ŋ
|
gò̰à̰
|
wùrù-dɛ̄nāā
|
lɛ̄ā.
|
|
Boyo/PFV
|
stay.PFV
|
field-owner
|
EQUAT
|
191‘Bojo was (once) a field owner’.
(66)
|
Kiōŋ̄
|
gólé
|
kɛ̀
|
gɔ̀nɔ́ŋ
|
nə̄
|
á
|
gò̰à̰
|
fú.
|
|
house
|
big
|
this
|
body
|
ICOP
|
3SG.PFV
|
stay.PFV
|
white
|
192‘This large house was white’.
(67)
|
Lɔ̄
|
gō̰ā̰
|
píí-n
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
stay.NTR
|
market-in
|
NEG
|
193‘The woman was not in the market’.
194When the situation refers to the future, the imperfective form is used with the PM tá / á and the future marker rē (68) or nə̄ / ŋ̄:
(68)
|
Kiōŋ̄
|
kɛ̀
|
gɔ̀nɔ́ŋ
|
tá
|
rē
|
gò̰ɛ̰̀
|
fú.
|
|
house
|
this
|
body
|
IPFV.NEW
|
FUT
|
stay.IPFV
|
white
|
195‘This house will be white’.
(69)
|
Zɔ́ǹ
|
kɛ̀
|
ŋ̄
|
gò̰ɛ̰̀
|
bḭ̄ɛ̰̀.
|
|
holiday
|
this
|
COP.IPFV
|
stay.IPFV
|
tomorrow
|
196‘The holiday will be tomorrow’.
197Existential construction are formed with the copulas táŋ̄ (affirmative) and bāŋbāŋ (negative).
198(+) NP táŋ̄
199(-) NP bāŋbāŋ ... (wā)
(70)
|
Dōŋ
|
màŋ́
|
bābārāā
|
gígḭ́á̰
|
táŋ̄.
|
|
savannah
|
thing
|
dangerous
|
much
|
COP
|
200‘There are many dangerous wild animals’.
(71)
|
Píí
|
bāŋbāŋ
|
kīwí
|
kɛ̀-n
|
wā.
|
|
market
|
COP.NEG
|
village
|
this-in
|
NEG
|
201‘There is no market in this village’.
202Constructions of identification indicate an NP or names it. Affirmative and negative copulas of identification are used:
203(+) NP nɛ̄ / nē / nī/ mànɛ̀
204(-) NP bīē wā
(72)
|
Māsɛ́
|
ā
|
nɛ̄ɲāāŋ-nā
|
mànɛ̀.
|
|
1SG.EMPH
|
POSS
|
child-PL
|
ICOP.3PL
|
205‘These are my children’.
- 18 Constructions with different copulas (nə̄ or tá) have different informational structure, see 3.2. (...)
206(+) NP tá / nə̄18 Adj
207(-) NP bā Adj wā
(73)
|
Dìì
|
kélè
|
lá
|
á
|
kākā.
|
|
climb
|
mountain
|
on
|
COP.NEW
|
hard
|
208‘Climbing the mountain is hard’.
(74)
|
Kiōŋ̄
|
kɛ̀
|
gɔ̀nɔ́ŋ
|
bā
|
fú
|
wà.
|
|
house
|
this
|
body
|
COP.NEG
|
white
|
NEG
|
209‘This house is not white’.
210Quantificational constructions are similar to the qualitative ones.
211(+) NP nə̄ Num
212(-) NP bā Num wā
(75)
|
Māā
|
gḭ́ŋ
|
nə̄
|
màŋ́
|
sīī.
|
|
1SG-POSS
|
dog
|
COP
|
thing
|
four
|
213‘My dogs are four’ (where màŋ́ is a classifier).
214Equative constructions state the identity of two NP. These constructions use the comitative group ká ... nɛ /ne /ni:
215a) Complete equative constructions state the identity of the two NPs.
216(+) NP1 nə̄ ká NP2 nɛ
217(-) NP bā NP2 wā
(76)
|
Būrkíná
|
Fàsò
|
ā
|
kīwī
|
gōlé
|
ŋ̄
|
ká
|
Wɔ̀dɔ́ɔ́
|
nɛ́.
|
|
Burkina
|
Faso
|
POSS
|
village
|
large
|
COP
|
COMIT
|
Ouaga
|
in
|
218‘The capital of Burkina Faso is Ouagadougou’.
- 19 Usages of the postposition lɛ̄ā in other functions are rare, e.g.: dàgō̰ā̰ sì-lí dàgō̰ā̰ (...)
219b) Situational equativity. These constructions are similar in form and meaning to ascriptive ones. Copulas coincide with imperfective markers (both polarities). NP2 is followed by the postposition lɛ̄ā ‘like, alike’.19
220(+) NP1 tá, (nə̄) NP2 lɛ̄ā
221(-) NP1 bā NP2 lɛ̄ā wā
(77)
|
Bálá
|
lɛ̀
|
á
|
là
|
lɛ̄ā.
|
|
field
|
ART
|
COP.NEW
|
profit
|
EQUAT
|
222‘Individual field is a profit’.
(78)
|
Bɛ̄
|
tūmàà
|
ŋ̄
|
dí
|
lɛ̄ā.
|
|
this
|
all
|
COP
|
work
|
EQUAT
|
223‘All this is work’.
224Ascriptive constructions express the inclusion of the referent of a NP into a particular class. They use the copula nə̄ and a postpositional group with lɛ̄ā.
225(+) NP1 nə̄ NP2 lɛ̄ā
226(-) NP1 bā NP2 lɛ̄ā wā
(79)
|
Mártī
|
ŋ̄
|
mā-ā
|
nɛ̄lɔ́
|
lɛ̄ā.
|
|
Martha
|
COP
|
1SG-POSS
|
daughter
|
EQUAT
|
227‘Martha is my daughter’.
(80)
|
Sálífù
|
ŋ̄
|
làŋdā-dɛ̄nāā
|
lɛ̄ā.
|
|
Salif
|
COP
|
tradition-owner
|
EQUAT
|
228‘Salif is a connoisseur of traditions’.
(81)
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
bā
|
fṵ̀ṵ̀
|
lɛ̄ā
|
wà.
|
|
Boyo
|
COP.NEG
|
blacksmith
|
EQUAT
|
NEG
|
229‘Boyo is not a blacksmith’.
230(+) NP1 nə̄ ká NP2 nɛ
231(-) NP1 bā ká NP2 nɛ wā
(82)
|
Fṵ̀ṵ̀
|
ŋ̄
|
ká
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
né.
|
|
smith
|
COP
|
COMIT
|
Boyo
|
in
|
232‘The smith is Boyo’.
(83)
|
Mā-ā
|
nɛ̄lɔ́
|
ŋ̄
|
ká
|
Mārtì
|
ní.
|
|
1SG-POSS
|
daughter
|
COP
|
COMIT
|
Martha
|
in
|
233‘My daughter is Martha’.
234Locative constructions code the location of the referent designated by the subject NP.
235(+) NP1 tá, nə̄ Loc
236(-) NP1 bā Loc wā
(84)
|
Lɔ̄
|
tá
|
píí
|
ní.
|
|
woman
|
COP.NEW
|
market
|
in
|
237‘The woman is in the market’.
(85)
|
Lɔ̄
|
bā
|
píí
|
ní
|
wā.
|
|
woman
|
COP.NEG
|
market
|
in
|
NEG
|
238‘The woman is not in the market’.
(86)
|
Māā
|
nɛ̄lɔ́-ŋ
|
tá
|
kùŋ
|
mānɛ́
|
māā
|
kiōŋ̄.
|
|
1SG.POSS
|
daughter-PL
|
COP.NEW
|
together
|
1SG.in
|
1SG.POSS
|
house
|
239‘My daughters are with me in my house’.
240Temporal constructions are variants of the locative type:
(87)
|
Zɔ́ŋ̀
|
kɛ̀
|
bā
|
lɛ̀
|
bóé
|
wā.
|
|
holiday
|
this
|
COP.NEG
|
year
|
return.NMLZ
|
NEG
|
241‘The festival will not take place next year’.
242San Maka has two possessive constructions: a construction with the copula of existence (the type «Boyo’s father exists») and postpositional constructions (“locative” type). In this respect San‑Maka is closer to the languages of the Southern Mande group (Fedotov, 2016). According to the classification of Leon Stassen (2009), these are “adnominal possessive constructions”, which he classified as an « additional type », in other words, as a typologically rather rare type of possessive constructions.
243A) Adnominal possessive constructions in San-Maka are similar to existential structures (with the copulas of existence táŋ̄ (+) and bāŋbāŋ (-)):
244(+) NP1 NP2 táŋ̄
245(-) NP1 NP2 bāŋbāŋ (wā)
(88)
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
ā
|
kiō(ŋ)
|
bāŋbāŋ.
|
|
|
Boyo
|
POSS
|
house
|
COP.NEG
|
|
246‘Boyo has no house (lit. Boyo’s house does not exists)’.
(89)
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
ā
|
nɛ̄lɔ́
|
páá
|
táŋ̄.
|
|
Boyo
|
POSS
|
daughter
|
two
|
COP
|
247‘Boyo has two daughters’.
248B) Pospositional constructions. According to Stassen’s classification, such structures are viewed as « locative » (locational). In San‑Maka these constructions use:
2491) the postposition lòŋ̄ which is not etymologized on the synchronic level;
2502) the postposition gɔ̄ŋ which is derived from a noun meaning ‘hand’.
251Constructions with the postposition lòŋ̄ :
252(+) NP1 nə̄, tá NP2 lòŋ̄
253(-) NP1 bā NP2 lōŋ̀ wā
(90)
|
Wùrù
|
tá
|
Bòyó(ŋ)
|
lòŋ̄.
|
|
field
|
COP.NEW
|
Boyo
|
in.possession
|
254‘Boyo has a field’.
(91)
|
Wɔ́rɔ́
|
bā
|
mā
|
lòŋ̄
|
wā.
|
|
money
|
COP.NEG
|
1SG
|
in.possession
|
NEG
|
255‘I have no money (on me)’.
256Constructions with the postposition gɔ̄ŋ:
257(+) NP1 nə̄,tá NP2 gɔ̄ŋ
258(-) NP1 bā NP2 gɔ̄ŋ wā
259The adnominal possessive constructions express permanent possession and are used more often with the kinship terms or other objects of permanent possession (the possessor is a “legal” owner). Pospositional constructions with lòŋ̄ are used more often to indicate abstract possession; gɔ̄ŋ co-occurs with more concrete items or designates a situational possession:
(92)
|
Wɔ́rɔ́
|
tá
|
mā
|
lòŋ̄
|
pīɛ̀,
|
sɛ́nɛ̄
|
wɔ́rɔ́
|
bā
|
mā
|
|
money
|
COP
|
1SG
|
in.possession
|
at.home
|
but
|
money
|
COP.NEG
|
1SG
|
|
gɔ̄ŋ
|
kànáá
|
wā.
|
|
hand
|
here
|
NEG
|
260‘I have money at home but I have no money on me here’.
261The loss of the lexical meaning in the postposition lòŋ̄ in San‑Maka has led to the emergence of a new construction built according to the same model.
262Constructions used in non‑verbal sentences of Southern San are represented in Table 8.
Table 8. Constructions of non-verbal sentences of San-Maka
Form
|
Predicative element
|
Meaning
|
táŋ (+),
bāŋbāŋ (–)
|
copulas of existence
|
existentional, adnominal possessive constructions
|
nɛ̄ (nē, nī, mànɛ̀) (+)
bīē (–)
|
copula of identification
|
construction of identification
|
tá (+)
nə̄ (+) Adj (Num)
bā wā (–)
|
imperfective PM in copular function
|
qualitative, quantitative constructions
|
tá (+)
nə̄ (+) NP + postp
bā wā (–)
|
imperfective PM in copular function with postpositional group
|
locative, temporal, possessive constructions
|
nə̄ + ká NP nɛ́
|
imperfective PM in copular function with the comitative frame construction ká ... nɛ́
|
(complete) equative and specificative constructions
|
nə̄ + NP lɛ̄ā
|
imperfective PM nə̄ in copular function with postpositional group (postposition lɛ̄ā)
|
(situational) equative, ascriptive constructions
|
263As shown in the Table 8, the most widely used constructions are structures with postpositions, which are, in fact, constructed by analogy with the locative construction.
264The overview of verbal and non-verbal sentences in San‑Maka shows that there is a parallelism between constructions of the imperfective zone: the imperfective predicative markers of both polarities are linked to the corresponding copulas; they coincide in form and express similar meanings.
265Copulas which coincide with predicative markers:
-
imperfective affrimative nə̄ / ŋ̄ /māŋ;
-
imperfective affrimative (new information) tá / á;
-
imperfective negative bā / ā (wā).
266There are also specific predicative markers which are not directly connected to any copula. These are:
267— perfective affirmative nə́ / high tone on the final vowel of the Subject NP;
268— perfective experientive bīŋ̀ (wā);
269— imperfective negative in dependant clauses, prohibitive bāràŋ (wā).
270There are also specific copulas:
271Copulas of identification:
-
affirmative nɛ̄/ nɛ̄ /nī / mānɛ̄;
-
negative bīē (wā);
272Copulas of existence:
-
affirmative táŋ̄;
-
negative bāŋbāŋ.
- 20 The focus marker -ŋ is a clitic.
273There is certain parallelism in form and meaning between negative copulas and negative predicative markers (bā, bāràŋ, bāŋbāŋ). The affirmative copula of identification nɛ̄/ nɛ̄ /nī / mānɛ̄ seem to be etymologically connected to the imperfective copula nə̄ / ŋ̄ /māŋ. It is worth mentioning that a focus marker ‑ŋ 20/ māŋ (3PL) seem to be related to the copula of identification.
274For further research on the origin of these word classes of San-Maka, a comparison with data of other languages of the San cluster is necessary.
1 – 1st person
2 – 2nd person
3 – 3rd person
Adj – adjective
Art – article
Aux – auxiliar
COMIT – comitative
COP – copula
Dem – demonstrative
EMPH – emphatic pronoun
EQUAT – equative postposition
EXP – experientive
FUT – future
H – hign tone
ICOP– copula of identification
IMP – imperative
IPFV – imperfective
L – low tone
|
N – noun
NEG – negation
NEW – new information
NMLZ – nominalized form
NTR – neutral form
Num – numeral
DO – direct object
IO – indirect object
Pl – plural
PM – predicative marker
POSS – possessive preposition
PRF – perfective
PROH – prohibitive
PROX – proximate
RECP – reciprocal
S – subject
Sg – singular
V – verb.
|