1. Basic information1

2The current paper is a result of two field trips conducted in December 2019 — January 2020 and March 2021.

3The terms “pronoun” and “agreement marker” have been extensively discussed in the literature and were thoroughly described in (Haspelmath 2013) and specifically for Mande languages in (Konoshenko 2015). In the current paper, I follow the ideas of Vydrin (2010: 387), where the term “pronominal predicative marker” is proposed for Dan-Gueta and other South Mande languages. The PPMs can also be analysed as “agreement markers” in terms of (Kibrik 2011: 120–121) and (Creissels 2005: 3).

4Section 1 is a general introduction; Section 2 describes the inventory of pronominal elements; Section 3 covers the use of pronominal elements in non-verbal sentences; Section 4 includes the description of pronominal elements in verbal sentences; Section 5 concludes the paper.

2. Inventory of pronominal elements

5In Ngen, tense, aspect, modality, and polarity (TAMP) are marked mostly on pronominal elements (cf. Table 1), and in some cases also on verbal forms and auxiliaries (cf. Section 4). All pronominal elements distinguish three persons and two numbers. Key differences between pronominal predicative markers (PMMs) and basic subject pronouns (BS) are presented in Section 4.3. Forms in brackets are the result of fusion in the speech of some speakers, cf. Section 4.2.1. “Basic” and “Derived” terms for PPMs are chosen following (Zheltov 2011).

Series		1 SG	2 SG	3 SG	1 PL	2 PL	3 PL
Non-subject pronouns		ŋ́	yē/yī	à	bā	kā	wò
Possessive pronouns		ŋ́	yī	à	bā	kā	wò
Emphatic pronouns		ŋ̄	yī	à	bà	kà	wò
Basic subject pronouns (BS)	AFF	ŋ̄	yī	è	bā	kā	wò
	NEG	ŋ́	yì	à	bá	ká	wò (<wō à)
Basic pronominal predicative markers (BPM)	AFF	ŋ̄	yī	è	bā	kā	wò
	NEG	ŋ́ (má < ŋ́ bá)	yì (yá < yì bá)	à (àà < à bá)	bá	ká	wò (<wō à)
Derived pronominal predicative markers (DPM)	AFF	ŋ́	yá	à	bā	kā	wà (<wō à)
	NEG	má	yá	àà	bá	ká	wà (<wō à)
Imperative	AFF	–	Ø/yì	–	–	kà	–
	NEG	–	yà	–	–	kà	–

6Table 1. Pronominal elements

7The distinction between inclusive and exclusive personal pronouns, found in most Southern Mande languages (Vydrin 2006), is absent in Ngen.

8With regards to number, there is a distinction between dual and plural in the imperative constructions: when there is only one interlocutor, a verb tua ‘to leave/to let’ + 1PL pronoun is used (1); an additional 2PL pronoun of the imperative affirmative series is required if there are two or more addressees (2). For the negative imperative, sentences yà and kà from the imperative negative series are used (3, 4); no dual form is available.

(1)	Еúá	bā	blè.
	let	1PL.BS	eat:L

9‘Let’s eat!’ (me and you (sg.))

(2)	Kà	túá	bā	blè.
	2PL.IMP	let	1PL.BS	eat:L

10‘Let’s eat!’ (me and you (pl.))

(3)	Kùàkú	yà	gbíní	blè	fíŋ́	nɛ̀	sēē	ɔ̀.
	Kuaku	2SG.IMP.NEG	manioc	eat:L	day	FOC	all	NEG

(4)	Kà	báŋ́	zɛ̀	ɔ̀.
	2PL.IMP.NEG	sheep	kill:L	NEG

11‘Don’t kill the sheep!’ (to many people)

3. Pronominal elements in non-verbal sentences

12Only one type of pronominal element can be used as a subject in non-verbal sentences: basic subject pronouns (BS). They do not carry verbal features in contrast to PPMs and can be replaced by a full-fledged NP (5 – 10).

(5)	Ŋ̄	má	sā̰wā̰lā̰ŋ.
	1SG.BS	COP	Ngen

13‘I am Ngen.’

(6)	Àlí	mā	gú.
	Ali	COP	blacksmith

14‘Ali is a blacksmith.’

(7)	Àlí	bámā	gú	ɔ̀.
	Ali	COP.NEG	blacksmith	NEG

15‘Ali is not a blacksmith.’

(8)	Yī	bé	pɔ̀ɔ̄.
	2SG.BS	COP	field

16‘You are in the field.’

(9)	Ká	bá	nɔ̀	ɔ̀.
	2PL.BS.NEG	COP.NEG	here	NEG

17‘You (2pl.) are not here.’

(10)	Dó	dō	bé	nɔ̀.
	termite	one	COP	here

18‘There is one termite here.’

19Non-verbal sentences with temporal reference to the past include the marker ɛ́kɛ̀ in their structure, but pronouns remain the same (BS).

(11)	Ɛ́kɛ̀	ŋ̄	má	sā̰wā̰lā̰ŋ̄.
	RETR	1SG.BS	COP	Ngen

20‘I was Ngen.’

21Non-verbal sentences attested with temporal reference to the future were translated as verbal sentences with the verb yè ‘to become’:

(12)	Ŋ̄	bé	yè	sā̰wā̰lā̰ŋ̄.
	1SG.BS	AUX	become:L	Ngen

22‘I will be Ngen.’

3.1 Personal pronouns in non-subject positions

Series	1 SG	2 SG	3 SG	1 PL	2 PL	3 PL
Non-subject pronouns	ŋ́	yē	à	bā	kā	wò
Possessive pronouns	ŋ́	yī	à	bā	kā	wò
Emphatic pronouns	ŋ̄	yī	à	bà	kà	wò

23Table 2. Personal pronouns

3.1.1 Non-subject pronouns

24Non-subject pronouns are used in the positions of direct and indirect object. These pronouns are glossed as 3SG, 2PL, etc., without a specification of their syntactic function (13 – 15):

(13)	À	túá!
	3SG	leave/let

25‘Forgive (this)!’

(14)	Túá	ŋ̄	dɔ́	wò	má	bī.
	let	1SG.BS	follow:H	3PL	there	in

26‘Let me follow them there.’ (tx)

(15)	Wà	wò	làà	lɛ̀.
	3PL.DPM.AFF	3PL	ask	CNS

27‘And everyone asked them (the dog and the monkey).’ (tx)

(16)	Ŋ́	ŋ́	tɛ̄ŋ̄	yè.
	1SG.DPM.AFF	1SG	RFL	see:L

29‘I saw myself.’

(17)	Yá	yī	tɛ̄ŋ̄	yè.
	2SG.DPM.AFF	2SG	RFL	see:L

30‘You (sg.) saw yourself.’

(18)	À	à	tɛ̄ŋ̄	yè
	3SG.DPM.AFF	3SG	RFL	see:L

31‘He saw himself.’

3.1.2 Possessive pronouns

32The possessive series is used to mark the possessor in NPs (19 – 22).

(19)	à	tē
	3SG.POSS	road

33‘his road’

(20)	ŋ́	lɛ́
	1SG.POSS	mouth

34‘my mouth’

(21)	Ŋ́	pɔ̄	bá	lɔ̀.
	1SG.POSS	thing	COP.NEG	NEG

35‘It is not my thing.’

36Definite possessive construction in terms of (Stassen 2009: 28) with the meaning ‘X is yours’, ‘X is his’, etc. has the following structure:

37X (subject) + definite article + auxiliary bé + verb yē ‘to become’ + possessive pronoun + possessive marker/noun with the meaning “property” mɔ́ (which possibly goes back to ŋ́ pɔ̄ ‘my thing’, because, in a similar construction in Ben, just pɔ̄ ‘thing’ is used).

(22)	Yí	lɛ́	bé	yè	kā	mɔ́.
	water	DEF	AUX	become:L	2PL.POSS	property

38‘The water is for you (pl.).’

3.1.3 Emphatic pronouns

39The emphatic series marks a contrasting highlight. It is used in identification sentences, which have the following structure.

	Ngen	Translation	Ngen	Translation
1SG	ŋ̄ mɔ̄ nɛ̀	‘It is me.’	ŋ̄ mɔ̄ bá lɔ̀	‘It is not me.’
2SG	yī lɛ̀	‘It is you.’	yī bá lɔ̀	‘It is not you.’
3SG	à mànà nɛ̀	‘It is he/she.’	à mànà bá lɔ̀	‘It is not he/she.’
1PL	bà lɛ̀	‘It is us.’	bà bá lɔ̀	‘It is not us.’
2PL	kà lɛ̀	‘It is you.’	kà bá lɔ̀	‘It is not you.’
3PL	wò lɛ̀	‘It is them.’	wò bá lɔ̀	‘It is not them.’

41Table 5. Emphatic pronouns in the phrase “It is X”

42Emphatic 1SG and 3SG pronouns are used with the markers mɔ̄ and mànà respectively. Marker mànà is encountered in a demonstrative phrase:

(23)	À	mànà	yè	là!
	3SG	CNS	look	on

43‘Here he is! Look at him!’

44Marker mɔ̄ probably is a relativization marker. Constructions without these markers (*ŋ̄ nɛ̀ ‘This is me’ or *à lɛ̀ ‘This is you’) are ungrammatical.

4. Pronominal elements in verbal sentences

45To illustrate the difference in the use of PPMs and subject pronouns, let us first consider the full inventory of TAMP-constructions in verbal sentences.

4.1. Inventory of TAMP-constructions

46Tense, aspect, mood, and polarity are expressed on pronominal elements, verbal forms, and auxiliaries. Below, this is illustrated by the conjugation of the intransitive verb drá ‘to fall’.

47Past Affirmative: PPM Derived series + Low-tone verbal form

(24)	Ŋ́	drà.
	1SG.DPM.AFF	fall:L

48‘I fell.’ (‘When I went to the village, I fell.’)

(25)	À	drà.
	3SG.DPM.AFF	fall:L

49‘He/she fell.’

50Past Negative: PPM Derived Negative series + Basic verbal form + ɔ̀/à

(26)	Àà	drá	à.
	3SG.DPM.NEG	fall	NEG

51‘He/she did not fall.’

52Perfect Affirmative: PPM Derived series + Basic verbal form + nà

53Perfect has the default time reference to the present and expresses perfect aspect.

(27)	Ŋ́	drá-nà.
	1SG.DPM.AFF	fall-PRF

54‘I have fallen (and I’m still on the ground).’

55The perfect aspect of the verb drá ‘to fall’ combines, in particular, with the temporal adverb gbḭ̄ŋ ‘yesterday’(28). However, several other verbs can not combine with gbḭ̄ŋ; the grammatical semantics of this construction needs a further investigation.

(28)	À	drá-nà	gbḭ̄ŋ.
	3SG.DPM.AFF	fall-PRF	yesterday

56‘He/she has fallen yesterday (and he is still on the ground).’

57Perfect Negative: PPM Derived Negative series + Basic verbal form + ɔ̀

(29)	Àà	drá	ɔ̀.
	3SG.DPM.NEG	fall:H	NEG

58‘He/she has not fallen (and he/she is still on his/her feet).’

59Habitual Affirmative: PPM Basic series + Low-tone verbal form

60A habitual action or state, with temporal reference to the present.

(30)	È	drà.
	3SG.BPM.AFF	fall:L

61‘He falls (usually).’

62Habitual Negative: PPM Derived Negative series + High-tone verbal form + (ɔ̀)

(31)	Àà	drá	(ɔ̀).
	3SG.DPM.NEG	fall:H	NEG

63‘He does not fall (usually).’

64Future Affirmative: Basic pronoun series + Low-tone verbal form

(32a)	Mé	drà.
	1SG.FUT.AFF	fall:L

(32b)	Ŋ̄	bé	drà.
	1SG.BS	AUX	fall:L

66‘I will fall.’

(33a)	Èè	drà.
	3SG.FUT.AFF	fall:L

(33b)	È	bé	drà.
	3SG.BS	AUX	fall:L

67‘He will fall.’

68Future Negative: Basic pronoun series + negative auxiliary bá + Basic verbal form + ɔ̀

(34a)	Ká	drá.
	2PL.FUT.NEG	fall

(34b)	Kā	bá	drá	ɔ̀.
	2PL.BS	AUX.NEG	fall	NEG

69‘You (2pl) will not fall.’

71The progressive expresses a process. Ngen speakers usually use fused forms in their speech (35a, 36b), but non-fused forms also exist. They are given in (35b) and (36b).

(35a)	Mé	drá-là.
	1SG.PROG.AFF	fall-PROG

(35b)	Ŋ́	bé	drá-là.
	1SG.BS	AUX	fall-PROG

72‘I am falling.’

(36a)	Èè	drá-là.
	3SG.PROG.AFF	fall-PROG

(36b)	È	bé	drá-là.
	3SG.BS	AUX	fall-PROG

73‘He is falling.’

74Progressive Negative: Basic pronoun series + auxiliary bá + Basic verbal form + là + (ɔ̀)

(37a)	Má	drá-là	(ɔ̀).
	3SG.PROG.NEG	fall-PROG	NEG

(37b)	Ŋ́	bá	drá-là.
	1SG.BS	AUX.NEG	fall-PROG

75‘I am not falling.’

76Imperative: (auxiliary verb túá ‘to leave/to let’) + (Basic pronoun series / Imperative pronoun series) + Low-tone verb

77Imperative expresses a command or request.

(38)	(kà)	drà
	2PL.IMP	fall:L

78‘Fall!’ (to more than one person)

(39)	Túá	ŋ̄	drà.
	let	1SG.BS	fall:L

79‘Let me fall.’

80Unfortunately, I did not collect a negative imperative example for drá ‘to fall’.

81In summary, there are formally different constructions with the following temporal, aspectual and modal meanings: habitual, past, perfect, progressive, future, imperative. Each affirmative construction has a negative counterpart, but the counterparts are not necessarily symmetrical (cf. Section 4.3 ‘Asymmetrical use of pronominal elements’).

4.2. Pronominal predicative markers

82Pronominal predicative markers (Vydrin 2010: 387) are functional words that simultaneously express two types of grammatical meanings: person-number, on the one hand, and “verbal” (tense, aspect, modality, polarity) grammatical meanings on the other hand. They are obligatory even when a full-fledged subject NP is present. In Ngen, they are used to express past, perfect and habitual in any polarity. Subject pronouns are used in combination with separate auxiliaries bé/bá to express other grammatical categories. Accordingly, subject pronouns in Ngen do not express tense, aspect, polarity, and modality, but PPMs do.

83Examples (40 – 46) illustrate the use of predicative pronominal markers.

(40)	Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	à	ŋ́	pà.
	chicken	DEF	3SG.DPM.AFF	1SG	bite:L

84‘A chicken pecked me.’ (Past Affirmative)

(41)	Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	àà	ŋ́	pà	(à).
	chicken	DEF	3SG.DPM.NEG	1SG	bite	NEG

85‘A chicken did not peck me.’ (Past Negative)

(42)	À	wɛ̀	à	yɔ̄ŋ̄-nà.
	3SG	salt	3SG.DPM.AFF	wet-PRF

86‘His salt has become wet.’ (tx) (Perfect Affirmative)

(43)	Músà	lē	Àlí	lē	wà	yò	mì-nà.
	Musa	with	Ali	with	3PL.DPM.AFF	alcool	drink-PRF

87‘Musa and Ali have drunk alcohol.’ (Perfect Affirmative)

(44)	Àà	ló	bí	ɔ̀.
	3SG.DPM.NEG	come	IN	NEG

88‘He has not come.’ (tx) (Perfect Negative)

(45)	Ŋ́	bɛ́lɛ́-nù	wò	Kùàkū	dɔ̀.
	1SG	parent-PL	3SG.BPM	Kuaku	know:L

89‘My parents know Kuaku.’ (Habitual affirmative)

(46)	Ŋ́	bɛ́lɛ́-nù	wòā	Kùàkū	dɔ́	ɔ̄.
	1SG	parent-PL	3SG.DPM.NEG	Kuaku	know:H	NEG

90‘My parents do not know Kuaku.’ (Habitual negative)

4.2.1. Variation in the forms of pronominal predicative markers

91There is variation in the forms of PPMs in the speech of different speakers. Table 2 shows the PPM in the form used by both of my language assistants. The variants of the unfused PPMs and auxiliaries proposed by Kuajou Kuajou Yakuba and their portmanteau forms are shown in brackets. Fused forms can also be found in narratives recorded in Djonkro in 2019 from two other speakers: Amar Kuame Issuf (66 y.o) and Sinan Kuaku Abudu (70 y.o.). Fused and non-fused forms are considered to have the same meaning in the opinion of Kuajou Kuajou Yakuba.

		1 SG	2 SG	3 SG	1 PL	2 PL	3 PL
Basic pronominal predicative markers (BPM)	+	ŋ̄	yī	è	bā	kā	wò
	–	ŋ́ (má < ŋ́ bá)	yì (yá < yì bá)	à (àà < à bá)	bá	ká	wò (<wō à)
Derived pronominal predicative markers (DPM)	+	ŋ́	yá	à	bā	kā	wà (<wō à)
	–	má	yá	àà	bá	ká	wà (<wō à)

92Table 2. Pronominal predicative markers in Ngen

93The basic negative and derived negative series are clearly distinguished from each other in the form of 3PL (wò vs. wà). As for the rest of the word forms of the paradigm, in the speech of Sualio Watara, the auxiliary is always separate, and there is no merger of the two forms. For example, ŋ́ bá ‘I exist’ is never realised as má. To the contrary, Kuadjo Kuadjo Yakuba considers both fused and non-fused forms as possible and treats them as belonging to different registers: ŋ́ bà ‘I exist’ is used in full, slow speech, and má is used in colloquial, rapid speech (47, 48).

(47)	Ŋ́	bá	báŋ́	zɛ́	ɔ̀.
	1SG.BPM.NEG	AUX.NEG	sheep	kill:H	NEG

94‘I do not kill sheep (usually).’ (Sualio Watara)

(48)	Má	/	ŋ́	bá	báŋ́	zɛ́	ɔ̀.
	3SG.BPM.NEG	/	3SG.BPM	AUX.NEG	sheep	kill:H	NEG

95‘I do not kill sheep (usually).’ (Kuadjo Kuadjo Yakuba)

4.3 Asymmetrical use of PPMs and subject pronouns

96PPMs are used in the affirmative habitual, past, and perfect constructions, i.e., constructions without the bé or bá auxiliary. In other constructions (with a separate bé or bá auxiliary), pronominal series are used. Compare, for example, the past (49a, 49b) and future (50a, 50b) constructions:

(49a)	Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	à	ŋ́	pà.
	chicken	DEF	3SG.DPM.AFF	1SG	bite:L

97‘A chicken pecked me.’

(49b)	À	ŋ́	pà.
	3SG.DPM.AFF	1SG	bite:L

98‘It pecked me.’

(49c)	Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	*Ø	ŋ́	pà.
	chicken	DEF	*Ø	1SG	bite:L

99(‘A chicken pecked me.’)

(50a)	Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	bé	ŋ́	pà.
	chicken	DEF	AUX	1SG	bite:L

100‘A chicken will peck me.’

(50b)	È	bé	ŋ́	pà.
	3SG.BS	AUX	1SG	bite:L

101‘It will peck me.’

102In the past tense construction with a non-zero subject (49a), the pronominal predicative marker à (3SG.DPM.AFF) is required. From a historical perspective, this marker is probably the result of a fusion between a pronoun and an auxiliary verb, as is described, for example, for Guro (Konoshenko 2015: 57; Kuznetsova 2008: 33–34). In terms of their form, basic PPMs coincide with the pronouns used in constructions with a pronominalised subject of type (49b). For the future tense, the pronominal predicative marker is not required. In the case of a pronominalised subject, the basic affirmative series, as in (50b), is used. Thus, for those TAMP-constructions in which a PPM is used, an auxiliary cannot appear (50c).

(50c)	*Mɛ̀nɛ̀	nɛ̀	à	be/ba	ŋ́	pà.
	chicken	DEF	3SG.DPM.AFF	AUX	1SG	bite:L

103*‘A chicken pecked me.’

104In those constructions where an auxiliary is present, pronouns (but not PPMs) are used (50b). The sentence (50d) with PPM and auxiliary is ungrammatical.

(50d)	*À	bé	ŋ́	pà.
	3SG.DPM.AFF	AUX	1SG	bite:L

105*‘It will peck me.’

106Different pronominal (or PPM) series are used in affirmative and negative sentences. Consider the habitual meaning of the sentence “He kills / does not kill sheep.” To express an affirmative habitual meaning (51), the PPM of the basic series is used; however, the PPM of the derived series is used in the habitual negative construction (52):

(51)	È	báŋ́-nú	zɛ̀.
	3SG.BPM	sheep-PL	kill:L

107‘He kills sheep.’

(52)	Àà	báŋ́-nú	zɛ́	ɔ̀.
	3SG.DPM.NEG	sheep-PL	kill:H	NEG

108‘He does not kill sheep.’

109In order to illustrate the asymmetrical use of pronominal series and PPMs in more detail, a complete table of pronominal elements in verbal sentences is presented below.

	Affirmative sentence		Negative sentence
Progressive I	Basic pronoun series affirmative (BS)	bé + V: Basic form + là	Basic pronoun series affirmative (BS)	bá + V: Basic form + là + (ɔ̀)
Future I		bé + V: Low-tone		bá + V: Basic form + ɔ̀
Imperative-optative	Basic pronoun series affirmative (BS) / Imperative pronoun series (IMP)	V: Low-tone	Basic pronoun series affirmative (BS) / Imperative pronoun series (IMP)	V: Low-tone
Habitual	Basic PPM affirmative series (BPM)	V: Low-tone	Derived PPM negative series (DPM.NEG)	V: High-tone + (ɔ̀)
Past	Derived PPM affirmative series (DPM)	V: Low-tone		V: Basic form +ɔ̀/à
Perfect		Verb: Basic form + nà		Verb: Basic form + ɔ̀

110Table 3. The use of subject pronouns and PPMs with verbal forms in a sentence

5. Conclusion

111In total, eleven series of pronominal elements can be distinguished in Ngen: four series of pronominal predicative markers, two series of basic subject pronouns (which are homonymous with the PPMs of the basic series), three series of personal pronouns that are used in non-subject positions, and two defective series of low-tone imperative pronouns. The distinction between inclusive and exclusive personal pronouns is absent in Ngen.

112In terms of Creissels (2005: 2), Ngen pronominal markers are situated in two simultaneous stages of “an evolution whose starting point is the cliticization of free pronouns.” Stage I subject pronouns are in complementary distribution with the corresponding noun phrase in the subject position. It is observed in progressive, future, imperative, and habitual constructions. The second stage of development: pronominal elements obligatorily appear alongside a full-fledged NP. It is observed in the perfect, past, and, likely, habitual constructions (in certain contexts). The third stage in the evolution of the syntactic properties of pronominal markers: “pronominal markers must include a noun phrase or a free pronoun referring to the same entity (as the English marker -s)” is not observed in Ngen.

113Moreover, an additional feature of Ngen is the asymmetrical use of pronominal predicative series in the past tense, perfect, and habitual constructions. For example, affirmative habitual sentences use the basic PPMs, while negative habitual sentences use the derived PPMs. A series of basic pronouns, homonymous to the basic PPM series, is used to express progressive and future tenses, but can be replaced by a full-fledged NP. Another interesting finding is that the non-subject, possessive, and emphatic series differ in 2SG, while usually in Southern Mande, the most contrastive in the pronominal series are forms of 3SG or 1SG.

GlossesX́	high tone
̀	low tone
̄	mid tone
̂	falling (mid-low) tone
+	affirmative polarity series
-	negative polarity series
Adj	adjective
BPM	predicative marker of the Basic series
BS	basic series of pronouns
CNS	construction marker
COP	copula
DEF	definite article
DEM	demonstrative
DPM	predicative marker of the Derived series
EMP	emphatic series of pronouns
FOC	focus
FUT	future series
IMP	imperative series
N	noun
NEG	negation
NP	noun phrase
O	object
PL	plural
POSS	possesive pronoun
PRF	perfect series
PROG	progressive series
RETR	retrospective marker
RFL	reflexive determinative
S	subject
SG	singular
tx	example from a spontaneous text (not an elicited example)
V	verb