1The prefixes mà- and rà- are the two most productive verbal prefixes in Susu. Although each of these two prefixes has a number of lexicalized idiomatic uses, both have a number of identifiable meanings. Moreover, the meaning of a prefixed verb can be predicted to a considerable degree from the lexical semantic features of the corresponding underived verb. This paper has two aims: the first, which is descriptive, is to systemize the available data on mà- and rà-; the second is to identify, for both prefixes, the relevant lexical features that influence the choice of the meaning with a given particular verb. For mà-, a more detailed description is presented.
2The third most frequent prefix in Susu, ì-, has a significantly lesser degree of productivity and, therefore, most ì-derivates are lexicalized. Since no generalized meanings of ì- can be made so far, the scope of this paper is limited to mà- and rà-.
3The meanings of both Susu prefixes have been described earlier only by very general labels, cf. “modalité intentionnelle” for rà-, “modalité itérative” for mà- in (Houis 1963: 75; 78); “causative”: “valence-increasing process by which a new Effector is added to the clause” for rà-, “distributive”: “distributing a verb action over several participants”, “can also distribute an event over a longer period of time then expected for the base verb” for mà- in (Lüpke 2005: 126; 127) for Jalonke, a language closely related to Susu.
4Both prefixes have parallel postpositions má and rá. Prefixes and corresponding postpositions have common etymologies and come back to nouns with locative meanings, cf. e. g. (Bailleul 1986) for the etymology of corresponding Bambara postpositions. A possible diachronic development scenario for both prefix mà- and postposition má has been proposed in (Šluinskij 2010).
5In the context of Mande studies, the verbal prefixes in Susu are not unique, although the semantics of verbal prefixes and/or preverbs in Mande has not yet fallen in the focus of attention of linguists dealing with this language family. Keïta (1989) discusses verbal prefixes má-, rá- and í- in Dialonke, a language closely related to Susu, but deals mainly with their morphophonology and tonal contour, rather than semantics. Kakabe prefixes corresponding to the Susu mà- and rà- are discussed by Vydrina (2009a; 2009b). Vydrin (2009) gives a detailed description of preverbs in Dan-Gweta. It is clear that verbal prefixes and/or preverbs in different Mande languages have different semantics and different morphosyntactic features.
6In the context of general linguistics and linguistic typology, verbal prefixes in Mande are to be compared with European-type (Slavic, Romance, Germanic, Ossetic, Georgian, North Caucasian) systems of verbal prefixes and/or preverbs which have been studied thoroughly. Verbal prefixes in Mande are similar to European-type prefixes, but only to a certain extent. In both cases verbal prefixes and/or preverbs are derived diachronically to locative nouns, but unlike the prefixed verbs in European languages, Susu prefixed verbs have no synchronically detected locative semantics.
- 1 I am very indebted to Oumar Camara with whom I worked extensively in Moscow in autumn 2004 and in w (...)
7In my study I used available data from different sources: first-hand data from my consultant1 (C) and secondary data from existing literature: (Raimbault 1923) (R), (Houis 1963) (H), (Fofana 1992) (F), (Touré 1994) (T). All the data were summarized and systematized in a single database. Since the data for mà- are not abundant, I give the entire lists of the attested derivates, while for rà- only sample examples are given. Considering the restricted set of data coming from different sources, I realize that sometimes my interpretation may be disputable.
8The tonal contour of a verb changes when a prefix is added. This issue is not the focus of my study, since it has been discussed by Touré (1994: 232–233). According to his description, the prefixes mà- and rà- themselves in Susu always have a low tone, the first vowel of the verb has a high tone, and the subsequent vowels always have a low tone; lexical tones of the unprefixed verb are, therefore, ignored. Note however that Houis (1963: 69) reports a different tonal structure of Susu prefixed verbs; Keïta (1989) reports a different tonal structure of prefixed verbs in Dialonke.
9Tonal marking in the existing descriptions of Susu is rather controversial. Since tones are not in the scope of my study (and were not checked), in the examples I simply mark lexical tones based on the description of Touré (1994), as this description is the most reliable.
10Generally, the prefix mà- has been appropriately identified as an iterative / distributive marker. In the majority of cases this marker is used as a pluractional one that pluralizes an event in any sense. However, the types of pluralizing may be different. The resulting event may be distributive (i.e. involving a new participant for each repetition) or non-distributive (i.e. having a fixed set of participants for each repetition). The prefix mà- may be used for expressing both event-internal or event-external types of pluractionality, in terms of Cusic (1981), later accepted by Wood (2007). Normally, the prefix mà- is not used as a valency-changing tool (though there are exceptional cases). However, as a “by-product”, it can either increase (1-2) or decrease (3-4) the verbal valencies.
|
(1)
|
màlányì
|
bárà
|
yénsén
|
|
people
|
trmn
|
disperse
|
|
‘People dispersed.’ (H:74)
|
|
(2)
|
dímé-è
|
bárà
|
gɛ̀mɛ́
|
mà-yénsèn
|
|
child-pl
|
trmn
|
stone
|
ma-disperse
|
|
‘Children scattered the stones.’ (H:74)
|
|
(3)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
ń
|
xúnyà
|
xùnyí
|
bíí
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
I
|
younger_sibling
|
head
|
shave
|
|
‘I have shaved my younger brother. (H:70)
|
|
(4)
|
à
|
náxà
|
bírín
|
mà-bíì
|
|
(s)he
|
cons
|
all
|
ma-shave
|
|
‘He shaved totally.’ (H:70)
|
11The most frequent meaning of the prefix mà- is an event-internal pluractional meaning. It means that normally a mà-verb is a multiplicative one used to express an event that is internally plural and consists of a series of repeated sub-events. The corresponding unprefixed verb is used to express a single sub-event of such series.
12Normally, mà-multiplicatives have the same argument structure as the corresponding unprefixed verbs. mà-multiplicatives fall into two classes: a) the less numerous multiplicatives proper (that retain the same set of participants for the whole series of sub-events, see §2.2.2) and b) the more numerous multiplicative distributives (that involve different participants for different sub-events, see §2.2.3).
13All the unprefixed verbs, from which the mà-multiplicatives are derived, have to be telic and (with two exceptions in the database, dɛ́gɛ́ ‘sew’ and xánín ‘transport’) express relatively brief events. Note, however, that these brief events are not necessarily punctual, since at least some of them are compatible with Progressive and have, therefore, a durated phase before the natural endpoint, cf. (5).
|
(5)
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kùyéfúrè
|
ná
|
bɔ̀ɔ́-fè
|
à
|
má
|
|
perspiration
|
cop
|
tear-prog
|
(s)he
|
at
|
|
‘His sweat is breaking him out.’ (H:71)
|
14Another less trivial restriction is that all unprefixed verbs from which the mà-multiplicatives are derived have to be transitive (or labile used in the transitive sense).
15Multiplicatives proper with the prefix mà- are derived from telic verbs that denote brief events with no irreversible result (this makes the repetition of the event with the same participants possible), cf. (6-7). There are 6 unprefixed verbs in the database, from which the mà-multiplicatives proper are derived:
-
- 2 Exact quotations of the meaning of the verbs as given in the referenced publication are given in th (...)
dògòtín ‘pinch (once)’ (T:194, ‘pincer’2) > màdógòtìn ‘pinch (repeatedly)’ (T:214, ‘pincer plusieurs fois’);
-
bɔ̀nbɔ́ ‘beat’ (H:71, ‘frapper’; T:189, ‘frapper, battre’) > màbɔ́nbɔ̀ ‘beat many times, flap’ (H:71, ‘tapoter’)
-
gárín ‘beat, flap once’ (T:182, ‘taper, frapper’) > màgárìn ‘flap’ (T:212, ‘frapper plusieurs fois’);
-
sɔ̀xɔ́ ‘pierce; prick, sting’ (T:181, ‘percer, piquer’) > màsɔ́xɔ̀ ‘slaughter’ (H:82, ‘poignarder’);
-
xín ‘bite (once)’ (T:176, ‘mordre’) > màxíǹ ‘bite (repeatedly)’ (T:208, ‘mordre plusieurs fois’);
-
fìndí ‘become, turn, change’ (H:72, ‘passer d’un état dans un autre, devenir’; R:123, ‘tourner, devenir’; T:189, ‘devenir’) > màfíndì ‘turn repeatedly’ (H:72, ‘changer d’état ou faire changer d’état plusieurs fois’).
|
(6)
|
nándén
|
náxà
|
mìxìdíì
|
bɔ̀nbɔ́
|
|
stepmother
|
cons
|
orphan
|
beat
|
|
‘The stepmother beat the orphan.’ (H:122)
|
|
(7)
|
í
|
tó
|
nú
|
xìí-mà,
|
ń
|
náxà
|
sìgá
|
í
|
mà-bɔ́nbɔ̀-fè
|
|
you
|
when
|
retr
|
sleep-habfut
|
I
|
cons
|
leave
|
you
|
ma-beat-prog
|
|
‘When you were sleeping, I came to pat you.’ (H:71)
|
16Multiplicative distributives with the prefix mà- are the most numerous group of the mà-derivations. They are derived from the telic verbs that denote some brief events with an irreversible result (sometimes this irreversibility is more pragmatic than logical). The lexical semantics of these verbs presumes a natural endpoint that cannot be cancelled. It is reasonable, therefore, that in an internally plural event a new participant is required for each sub-event, cf. (8-9), (10-11), (12-13). Sometimes an internally plural event is not purely distributive, but it is dispersive, because in each sub-event there is just a new part of / place for the same participant, cf. (14-15), (16-17), and not a different participant. There are 15 unprefixed verbs in the database, from which the mà- multiplicative distributives are derived:
-
gbàlàntín ‘tear out’ (H:71, ‘arracher qch. qui resiste’) > màgbálàntìn ‘tear out many objects’ (H:71, ‘arracher’);
-
bánbán ‘nail down’ (H:70, ‘enfoncer en cognant avec un instrument’) > màbánbàn ‘knock up, nail down in many places’ (H:70, ‘clouer en employant beaucoup de pointes’);
-
xábá ‘cut’ (T:179, ‘couper’) > màxábà ‘shear, peel’ (T:210, ‘tondre, couper, coiffer’);
-
tálá ‘pull out (once)?’ (T:178, ‘arracher’) > màtálà ‘pull out (many objects)?’ (T:210, ‘arracher’);
-
bɔ̀ɔ́ ‘cut, tear’ (H:71, ‘séparer, fendre, déchirer’) > màbɔ́ɔ̀ ‘cut, tear in many places’ (H:71, ‘déchirer en plusieurs endroits’; T:206, ‘éplucher’);
-
sùxú ‘catch’ (H:74, ‘saisir, attraper’) > màsúxù ‘gather, collect many objects’ (H:74, ‘attraper en plusieurs fois, ramasser avec une pluralité de gestes’);
-
báá ‘take down, pick’ (T:174 ‘puiser, cueillir, ôter’; F:66, ‘срывать’) > màbáà ‘take down, pick many objects, clean’ (F:66);
-
xìrí ‘attach, be attached’ (H:73, ‘attacher’) > màxírì ‘attach many objects, tie up’ (H:73, ‘ficeler, panser, harnacher’);
-
fíí ‘give’ > màfíì ‘distribute, waste’ (H:72, ‘donner largement, prodiguer’);
-
dɔ̀xɔ́ ‘put, seat, sit’ (H:72, ‘poser, asseoir’; T:180, ‘s’asseoir’) > màdɔ́xɔ̀ ‘put many objects, tell a story’ (T:208, ‘raconter, frequenter’; R:140, ‘asseoir, raconter, dire’);
-
bálán ‘close, be closed’ (H:70, ‘fermer, être fermé’; T:182, ‘fermer’) > màbálàn ‘close many objects’ (H:70, ‘fermer quand il y a plusieurs ouvertures, ou encore une porte qui se rouvre toujours’);
-
tòngó ‘take’ (T:190, ‘prendre’) > màtóngò ‘gather, collect’ (T:211, ‘ramasser’);
-
kɔ̀ɔ́ ‘take down, take away’ (H:73, ‘enlever’; T:175, ‘ramasser’) > màkɔ́ɔ̀ ‘sweep’ (H:73, ‘balayer’; T:206, ‘balayer’);
-
dɛ́gɛ́ ‘sew’ (H:71, ‘coudre’; R:119, ‘coudre’) > màdɛ́gɛ̀ ‘sew in many places, resew’ (H:71, ‘arranger (pantalon)’);
-
xánín ‘transport’ (T:183, ‘transporter, emporter’) > màxánìn ‘transport many objects’ (T:213, ‘transporter, emporter’).
|
(8)
|
à
|
làń,
|
í
|
xá
|
yí
|
bànànìbílì
|
gbàlàntín
|
|
(s)he
|
should
|
you
|
sbjv
|
this
|
banana_tree
|
tear_out
|
|
‘It is necessary that you tear out this banana tree.’ (H:71)
|
|
(9)
|
mùxú
|
sɛ́xɛ́
|
xáráxì
|
mà-gbálàntìn
|
|
we.exc
|
herb
|
dry
|
ma-tear_out
|
|
‘(Before we plant rice), we tear out dry herbs.’ (H:71)
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|
(10)
|
ná
|
bálán
|
sàábì
|
rá
|
|
this
|
close
|
key
|
with
|
|
‘Lock this one.’ (Lit. ‘Close this one with a key’.) (H:70)
|
|
(11)
|
nàdɛ́-è
|
má-bálàn
|
|
door-pl
|
ma-close
|
|
‘Close the doors.’ (H:70)
|
|
(12)
|
à
|
náxà
|
yéfúrè
|
tòngó
|
|
(s)he
|
cons
|
hot_water
|
take
|
|
‘He took some hot water.’ (H:89)
|
|
(13)
|
mìxì-é
|
ná
|
kánsí
|
mà-tóngò-fé
|
|
person-pl
|
cop
|
peanut
|
ma-take-prog
|
|
‘People are collecting peanuts.’ (F:72)
|
|
(14)
|
à
|
mú
|
ɲɔ̀ń
|
nàdɛ́
|
bánbán-dè
|
|
(s)he
|
neg
|
finish
|
door
|
nail_down-inf
|
|
‘He did not finish nailing the door down.’ (H:70)
|
|
(15)
|
kàmùdɛ́rí
|
bárà
|
kánkìrá
|
mà-bánbàn
|
|
carpenter
|
trmn
|
box
|
ma-nail_down
|
|
‘The carpenter knocked the box up (by nailing it down in many places).’ (F:72)
|
|
(16)
|
à
|
bárà
|
ń
|
má
|
dònmá
|
bɔ̀ɔ́
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
I
|
at
|
boubou
|
tear
|
|
‘He tore my boubou.’ (H:71)
|
|
(17)
|
yókà
|
ndé
|
má-bɔ́ɔ̀
|
ń
|
bɛ́
|
|
cassava
|
indf
|
ma-tear
|
I
|
to
|
|
‘Slice some cassava for me.’ (H:71)
|
17The following facts seem to indicate that this semantic group of mà-derivates could diachronically be the starting point. Firstly, this group, though semantically complex, is the most numerous one. Secondly, this group includes the aforementioned dispersive subgroup and is therefore related to the locative semantics of the noun *ma that could be the lexical source of the prefix. However, synchronically it is appropriate to interpret mà- as a general pluractional marker, and to treat its multiplicative distributive meaning as triggered by specific semantic properties of an unprefixed verb.
18There are two unprefixed verbs in this list, dɛ́gɛ́ ‘sew’ and xánín ‘transport’, that do not satisfy the condition of expressing a brief event, but still have the mà-derivates with a multiplicative distributive meaning, cf. (18-19).
|
(18)
|
à
|
xá
|
wàntányí
|
dɛ́gɛ́-mà
|
|
(s)he
|
poss
|
trousers
|
sew-habfut
|
|
‘He sews his trousers.’ (R:119)
|
|
(19)
|
ń
|
xúnyà
|
gìnɛ̀
|
má
|
ná
|
ń
|
wàntányí
|
mà-dɛ́gɛ̀-fè
|
|
I
|
younger_sibling
|
woman
|
at
|
cop
|
I
|
trousers
|
ma-sew-prog
|
|
‘My younger sister is mending my trousers.’ (H:71)
|
19The mà- multiplicative distributive derived from kɔ̀ɔ́ ‘take down, take away’ is strongly idiomatic, cf. (20-21).
|
(20)
|
à
|
náxà
|
káɲá
|
mòndɛ́
|
kérɛ́n
|
kɔ̀ɔ́
|
|
(s)he
|
cons
|
sweet_stuff
|
handful
|
one
|
take_down
|
|
‘He took down one handful of sweet stuff.’ (H:73)
|
|
(21)
|
sìgá
|
xándɛ́kúì
|
mà-kɔ́ɔ̀-dè
|
|
leave
|
yard
|
ma-take_down-inf
|
|
‘Go and sweep the yard.’ (H:73)
|
20The mà-derivates with a multiplicative meaning which are derived from unprefixed verbs with a multiplicative meaning make another numerous group of mà-multiplicatives. In this case no apparent difference is attested between the unprefixed verbs’ meaning and the corresponding mà-derivates’ meaning, cf. (22-23). Presumably, the prefixed and unprefixed verbs are nevertheless different, but the difference can hardly be captured; it may be lexicalized and requires a further investigation. There are 10 unprefixed multiplicative verbs in the database from which the mà-multiplicatives with no semantic difference are derived:
-
kɔ̀ń ‘lick’ (H:22, ‘lécher’) > màkɔ́ǹ ‘lick’ (T:208, ‘lécher’);
-
géé ‘dig’ (T:174, ‘creuser’) > màgéè ‘dig’ (T:206, ‘deterrer, creuser’);
-
dìń ‘pound’ (H:72, ‘donner des coups, piler’, T:176, ‘piler, heurter, cogner’) > màdíǹ ‘pound’ (H:72, ‘piler dans un petit mortier’);
-
bórón ‘trample, move one’s legs’ (H:71, ‘agir avec des pieds’; T:182, ‘piétiner’) > màbóròn ‘trample’ (H:71, ‘piétiner’);
-
sùnbú ‘mix, blend, add’ (T:190, ‘mélanger, embrasser’) > màsúnbù ‘mix, blend’ (T:211, ‘mélanger’);
-
fílín ‘wrap’ (T:182, ‘enrouler’) > màfílìn ‘wrap’ (T:212, ‘enrouler, envelopper’);
-
yòlón ‘fall one by one’ (T:183, ‘tomber un à un’; R:161, ‘tomber, en parlant des feuilles d’arbres ou des graines’) > màyólòn ‘fall one by one’ (T:212, ‘tomber goutte a goutte’);
-
kàsán ‘splash, scatter’ (T:183, ‘gicler, eclabousser’) > màkásàn ‘splash, scatter’ (T:213, ‘éparpiller’);
-
fìntán ‘fan, ventilate’ (T:191, ‘éventer’) > màfíntàn ‘fan, ventilate’ (T:213, ‘éventer’);
-
fùrùkú ‘rub’ (T:192, ‘essuyer, frotter’) > màfúrùkù ‘rub’ (T:214, ‘essuyer, frotter, effacer’).
|
(22)
|
à
|
ná
|
fúndényí
|
bórón-fè
|
|
(s)he
|
cop
|
fonio
|
trample-prog
|
|
‘He is trampling fonio (to thresh it).’ (H:71)
|
|
(23)
|
màlé
|
mà-bóròn-yì
|
tɛ́mùi
|
ná
|
à
|
rà
|
|
rice
|
ma-trample-nmlz
|
time
|
cop
|
(s)he
|
with
|
|
‘It is time to thresh the rice.’ (H:71)
|
21Alternatives with the prefix mà- are used to express multidirectional events and are derived from verbs that express manner of motion, cf. (24-25). The mà-alternatives are derived from two unprefixed verbs found in the database:
-
ɲɛ́rɛ́ ‘move, go’ (H:74, ‘faire une marche’) > máɲɛ́rɛ̀ ‘wander’ (H:74, ‘marcher longuement, se promener’, T:208, ‘se promener’);
-
gíí ‘move (intr), run’ (H:73, ‘courrir’, T:174, ‘courir, fuir’) > màgíì ‘run around, go round’ (H:73, ‘courrir de-ci de-là, gambader, éviter quelqu’un’).
22This class of mà-derivates is not expected to be numerous, but one can expect to find out more mà-alternatives derived from the verbs that express other manners of motion.
|
(24)
|
sìí
|
bárà
|
á
|
gíí
|
|
goat
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
run
|
|
‘The goat ran.’ (F:40)
|
|
(25)
|
díídíí
|
ndé
|
á
|
mà-gíì-fè
|
|
child
|
indf
|
(s)he
|
ma-run-prog
|
|
‘A child is running about.’ (C)
|
23There are 6 mà-derivates in the database that are multiplicative-distributive causatives, i.e. they express an internally plural event that involves a new participant for each sub-event and causes the event expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verb. These 6 unprefixed verbs do not form a natural class, so this meaning of the prefix mà- is lexicalized. Note that all 6 mà-derivates are to some extent idiomatic, cf. (26-27), (28):
-
yénsén ‘disperse (intr)’ (H:74, ‘disperser’) > màyénsèn ‘disperse to different places’ (T:213, ‘éparpiller’);
-
bɔ̀rɔ́ ‘rot, go bad’ (H:71, ‘pourrir’, T:179, ‘pourrir’) > màbɔ́rɔ̀ ‘spoil everywhere’ (H:71);
-
tèé ‘rise’ (T:175, ‘monter’) > màtéè ‘pick up’ (T:207, ‘remonter, retrousser’);
-
dón ‘eat’ > màdóǹ ‘feed many beings, pasture’ (H:72, ‘faire manger’; T:207, ‘faire manger, faire paître’);
-
sòlí ‘push through’ (H:74, ‘percer, pointer, germer’) > màsólì ‘make holes, cut out’ (H:74, ‘faire des trous, percer, tailler en pointe (crayon), sculpter’; T:210, ‘sculpter’);
-
dàngí ‘pass’ (H:71, ‘passer, depasser’; R:118, ‘traverser’) > màdángì ‘pass (tr) many objects, finger’ (T:211, ‘faire passer, égrener’).
|
(26)
|
sànsí
|
bárà
|
sólì
|
|
seed
|
trmn
|
push_through
|
|
‘The seeds pushed through.’ (H:74)
|
|
(27)
|
kámúdɛ́rí
|
ná
|
wúrí
|
mà-sólì-fè,
|
á
|
xá
|
bálánsè
|
|
carpenter
|
cop
|
wood
|
ma-push_through-prog
|
(s)he
|
sbjv
|
lock
|
|
bánbán
|
á
|
rá
|
|
|
|
|
|
nail_down
|
(s)he
|
with
|
|
|
|
|
|
‘The carpenter makes holes in the wood in order to nail down the lock.’ (H:74)
|
|
(28)
|
á
|
sìgá-xì
|
màngɛ́
|
xá
|
nìngé
|
dɛ́
|
mà-dóǹ-dè
|
|
(s)he
|
leave-prf
|
chief
|
poss
|
bull
|
throat
|
ma-eat-inf
|
|
‘He went to feed the mouth of the chief’s bulls.’ (H:72)
|
24In the database there are 3 cases of mà- non-distributive multiplicative causatives, i.e. mà-derivates expressing an internally plural event that retains the same participants for all the sub-events and causes the event expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verb. The first two cases are clear, cf. (29-30) and (31-32), the third one is doubtful, cf. (33):
-
bɔ̀rɔ̀xɔ́ ‘be mild’ (H:71, ‘être mou’) > màbɔ́rɔ̀xɔ̀ ‘make mild doing a series of actions’ (H:71, ‘ramollir’);
-
dúlá ‘drown (intr), go down, disappear’ (H:72, ‘disparaître dans l’eau, sombrer, se noyer’; T:177, ‘s’enfoncer, se noyer’) > màdúlà ‘drown (tr) repeatedly’ (H:72, ‘submerger, se debattre dans l’eau, manquer de se noyer’).
-
? dúndú ‘keep silence’ (T:188, ‘se taire’) > màdúndù ‘calm (tr)’ (T:211, ‘calmer, consoler’).
|
(29)
|
yí
|
mángò-è
|
bɔ̀rɔ̀xɔ́-xì
|
|
this
|
mango-pl
|
be_mild-prf
|
|
‘These mangoes are mild.’ (H:71)
|
|
(30)
|
mùlùxúnyí
|
mà-bɔ́rɔ̀xɔ̀
|
|
lemon
|
ma-be_mild
|
|
‘Make the lemon mild (twisting it by foot).’ (H:71)
|
|
(31)
|
kúnkì
|
bárà
|
dúlá
|
|
ship
|
trmn
|
drown
|
|
‘The ship sank.’ (H:72)
|
|
(32)
|
dímé-è
|
nú
|
ná
|
bèré-fè
|
bàré
|
mà-dúlà-fè
|
|
child-pl
|
retr
|
cop
|
play-prog
|
dog
|
ma-drown-prog
|
|
‘The children played drowning the dog.’ (H:72)
|
|
(33)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
ń
|
mà-dúndù
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
I
|
ma-keep_silence
|
|
‘My brother calmed me.’ (C)
|
25There are two mà-derivates in the database that are discontinuatives, i.e. they express an event that takes place with pauses. The corresponding unprefixed verbs express uninterrupted events, cf. (34-35). These two unprefixed verbs do not form any natural class:
-
dɛ́xɛ́ ‘shine’ (H:71, ‘donner de la lumière, eclairer, brûler’) > màdɛ́xɛ̀ ‘shimmer’ (H:71, ‘briller, miroiter, resplendir’);
-
bɛ̀ndún ‘drag, pull’ (H:70, ‘tirer’; T:191, ‘tirer’) > màbɛ́ndùn ‘drag, pull with intervals’ (H:70, ‘tirer par petits coups, tirailler’).
|
(34)
|
á
|
bɛ̀ndún
|
ń
|
má
|
|
(s)he
|
pull
|
I
|
at
|
|
‘Drag it to me.’ (H:70)
|
|
(35)
|
wó
|
kúnkì
|
mà-bɛ́ndùn
|
|
you.pl
|
ship
|
ma-pull
|
|
‘Pull (with pauses) the ship!’ (H:70)
|
26The other pluractional meanings of mà- are event-external. One of them is the meaning of property. This means that mà-derivates are used to express a general characteristic of an individual; in contrast, corresponding unprefixed verbs express related specific events.
- 3 One more mental state in the database, xɔ́nɔ́ ‘get angry’, has a strongly idiomatic mà-derivate.
27Among the unprefixed verbs from which mà-properties are derived, there is a natural class of mental states (kólón ‘know, be acquainted with’, gààxú ‘be afraid of’, tɔ́ɔ́rɔ́ ‘suffer’, kíníkíní ‘feel pity’3), but other verbs from which the mà-properties are derived do not form any natural class.
28Most of mà-properties have an argument structure which is different from the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, both decreasing and increasing the verb’s valencies. This is evidently lexicalized, i.e. one cannot predict an argument structure of a prefixed verb from the argument structure or other features of the unprefixed verb from which it is derived.
29Most of mà-properties denote externally-oriented properties, i. e. they are related not only to the subject of the verb, but also to other individuals. The exceptions are màsálàxùn ‘make slippery’ and màbɔ̀xùn ‘spit constantly.’
30mà-properties with no changes in the argument structure, cf. (36-37), are derived from 4 verbs in the database. One of them (màtínxìn ‘educate’) is considerably idiomatic:
-
kàlí ‘swear’ (H:73, ‘jurer’) > màkálì ‘swear constantly’ (H:73, ‘jurer sans cesse’);
-
kíníkíní ‘feel pity’ (R:131, ‘avoir pitié, avoir compassion’) > màkínìkínì ‘be pitiful’ (T:215, ‘être pitoyable’);
-
bɔ̀xún ‘vomit, (?) spit’ (H:71, ‘vomir’) > màbɔ́xùn ‘spit constantly’ (H:71, ‘cracher sans cesse’);
-
tìnxín ‘be true, be right’ (T:191, ‘être juste, être droit’) > màtínxìn ‘educate’ (T:214, ‘redresser, eduquer’).
|
(36)
|
á
|
nú
|
wɛ̀yɛ́nyì
|
fàlá,
|
á
|
mú
|
kàlí-mà
|
|
(s)he
|
retr
|
word
|
say
|
(s)he
|
neg
|
swear-habfut
|
|
‘If he says any words, he does not swear.’ (H:73)
|
|
(37)
|
bá
|
í
|
mà-kálì-fè
|
|
stop
|
you
|
ma-swear-prog
|
|
‘Stop swearing every time.’ (H:73)
|
313 mà-derivates in the database are property passives, i.e. they indicate properties and have a decreased valency compared to the corresponding unprefixed verbs. The subject of a mà- property passive corresponds to an object (in case of kólón ‘know, be acquainted with’), cf. (38-39), or to a peripheral argument (in case of bèré ‘play’ and gààxú ‘be afraid of’), cf. (40-41), of the corresponding unprefixed verb:
-
kólón ‘know, be acquainted with’ (H:73, ‘connaître’; T:182, ‘connaître, savoir’) > màkólòn ‘be known by everyone’ (H:73, ‘être connu de tous’);
-
bèré ‘play’ (H:70, ‘jouer’) > màbérè ‘be mocked’ (H:70, ‘se jouer de, tourner en dérision’);
-
gààxú ‘be afraid of’ (H:73, ‘avoir peur’; R:125, ‘craindre, appréhender, avoir peur...’) > màgááxù ‘be terrible’ (H:73, ‘être terrifiant’; T:210, ‘terrifier’).
|
(38)
|
ń
|
mú
|
yí
|
kólón-mà
|
|
I
|
neg
|
this
|
know-habfut
|
|
‘I don’t know this one.’ (H:73)
|
|
(39)
|
í
|
bárà
|
só
|
mà-kólòn-fè
|
|
you
|
trmn
|
enter
|
ma-know-prog
|
|
‘You became known by everyone.’ (H:73)
|
|
(40)
|
í
|
námà
|
gààxú
|
bàré
|
rá
|
|
you
|
proh
|
be_afraid
|
dog
|
with
|
|
‘Don’t be afraid of the dog.’ (H:73)
|
|
(41)
|
yí
|
kúyé
|
mà-gááxù
|
|
this
|
idol
|
ma-be_afraid
|
|
‘This idol is terrible.’ (H:73)
|
32One more unprefixed verb has a labile mà-derivate that can be both property and property passive:
-
yélé ‘laugh’ (T:177, ‘rire’) > màyélè ‘mock, be ridiculous’ (T:208, ‘se moquer de, être drôle’).
33Another two mà-derivates in the database are property causatives, i. e. they express the events that cause properties related to the events expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verbs. The object of a mà- property causative corresponds to the subject of the unprefixed verb, cf. (42-43), (44-45):
-
sáláxún ‘glide’ (H:74, ‘glisser’; T:194, ‘glisser, être gluant’) > màsálàxùn ‘make slippery’ (H:74, ‘rendre glissant, être glissant’);
-
tɔ́ɔ́rɔ́ ‘suffer’ (T:186, ‘souffrir, déranger’; F:58, ‘переживать, страдать, беспокоиться’) > màtɔ́ɔ́rɔ̀ ‘make constantly suffer’ (F:72, ‘заставлять терпеть, страдать’).
|
(42)
|
á
|
bárà
|
sáláxún
|
mángáxɔ́rì
|
má
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
glide
|
mango_pit
|
at
|
|
‘He slipped on a mango stone.’ (H:74)
|
|
(43)
|
tùnɛ́
|
bárà
|
bɔ̀xì
|
mà-sálàxùn
|
|
rain
|
trmn
|
sun
|
ma-glide
|
|
‘The rain made the soil slippery.’ (H:74)
|
|
(44)
|
ń
|
ná
|
tɔ́ɔ́rɔ́-fe
|
|
I
|
cop
|
suffer-prog
|
|
‘I am suffering.’ (F:58)
|
|
(45)
|
sénì
|
bárà
|
á
|
ngá
|
mà-tɔ́ɔ́rɔ̀
|
|
Seni
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
mother
|
ma-suffer
|
|
‘Seni made his mother (constantly) suffer.’ (F:72)
|
34One more unprefixed verb has a labile mà-derivate that can be both property and property causative:
-
tàngá ‘escape’ (C; T:190, ‘éviter, échapper à’) > màtángà ‘avoid, protect’ (T:211, ‘éviter, sauvegarder’).
35Another meaning of the prefix mà- is the meaning of full coverage, where a mà-derivate is used to express an event which involves a participant entirely.
- 4 There is just one exceptional event with an incremental theme in the database, dón ‘eat’, that has (...)
36As it can be predicted, mà-derivates with the meaning of full coverage can be derived from the unprefixed verbs expressing the events with an incremental theme in the sense suggested by Dowty (1991).4 It means that the progress of these events can be measured by the degree of participant involvement (that is called ‘incremental theme’). In this case a mà-derivate denotes the natural endpoint where the participant is involved entirely.
37There are unprefixed verbs which normally express events with no incremental theme that still have mà-derivates with the meaning of full coverage. However, in this case, the meaning of an unprefixed verb is reinterpreted as if the event still had an incremental theme. E.g. sɛ̀gɛ́ ‘cut’ has no incremental theme, and its derivate màsɛ́gɛ̀ has the meaning of full coverage. This process is lexicalized, so it is not possible to explain why certain verbs undergo this process while the others do not.
38Some of the mà-derivates with the meaning of full coverage differ in argument structure from the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, either decreasing or increasing in valency. This option is evidently a case of lexicalization.
39mà-derivates with the meaning of full coverage with no changes in the argument structure, cf. (46-47), are derived from two verbs in the database:
-
sɛ̀gɛ́ ‘cut’ (H:74, ‘couper avec un instrument’; T:181, ‘couper’) > màsɛ́gɛ̀ ‘cut all on a wide area’ (H:74, ‘couper sur une grande étendue’);
-
bàràbárá ‘boil (intr)’ (H:70, ‘bouillir à gros bouillons, ébouillanter’) > màbàràbàrà ‘be boiled / ready, be scalded’ (H:70).
|
(46)
|
sìgá
|
túgí
|
sɛ̀gɛ́-dè
|
|
leave
|
palm_branch
|
cut-inf
|
|
‘Go and cut the palm branches.’ (H:74)
|
|
(47)
|
wón
|
mìní-mà
|
xɛ́
|
má,
|
wón
|
xá
|
mà-sɛ́gɛ̀
|
|
we.inc
|
exit-habfut
|
field
|
at
|
we.inc
|
sbjv
|
ma-cut
|
|
‘We shall go to the field to uproot it completely.’ (H:74)
|
40There are two mà-derivates in the database that are full coverage passives, i.e. they express the meaning of full coverage and have a decreased valency compared to the corresponding unprefixed verbs. The subject of a mà- property passive corresponds to the object of the unprefixed verb, cf. (48-49):
-
bíí ‘cut, root out, shave’ (H:70, ‘couper (herbes), défricher, raser (poils)’; T:174, ‘raser, sarcler’) > màbíì ‘cut, shave oneself completely’ (H:70, ‘raser dans tous les sens, ou complètement’; T:206, ‘raser, sarcler’);
-
tòlín ‘twist’ (H:74, ‘faire des torsions’; T:184, ‘tordre’) > màtólìn ‘be twisted completely’ (H:74).
|
(48)
|
á
|
ná
|
dùgí
|
tòlín-fè
|
|
(s)he
|
cop
|
cloth
|
twist
|
|
‘She is squeezing the cloth.’ (H:74)
|
|
(49)
|
yí
|
wúrí
|
mà-tólìn-xì
|
|
this
|
branch
|
ma-twist-prf
|
|
‘This branch is completely twisted.’ (H:74)
|
41There is a relatively large group of mà-derivates with a more abstract / general meaning than the unprefixed verbs they are derived from. This group is strongly idiomatic and lexicalized. It is impossible to predict the meaning of a mà-derivate of this group from the meaning of the corresponding unprefixed verb, neither it is possible to predict if a given verb has a mà-derivate with a more abstract meaning.
42Some of the mà-derivates with a more abstract lexical meaning have an argument structure different from the unprefixed verbs from which they are derived, thus having an increased valency.
43mà-derivates with a more abstract lexical meaning and with no changes in the argument structure, cf. (50-51), are derived from 7 verbs in the database:
-
sàrá ‘buy, sell’ (R:151, ‘préparer, vendre, acheter’) > màsárà ‘exchange’(T:209, ‘échanger, transformer’; R:142, ‘changer, transformer’);
-
xínbélí ‘be cold’ > màxínbèlì ‘be cold, quiet, slow’ (T:214, ‘être calme, lent, refroidir’);
-
kàná ‘spoil’ (T:180, ‘gâter’) > màkánà ‘dissipate, waste’ (T:209, ‘gaspiller’);
-
wáá ‘cry, want’ (T:175, ‘pleurer, vouloir’) > màwáà ‘complain’ (T:207, ‘se plaindre’);
-
tìnkán ‘study’ (T:191, ‘apprendre, initier’) > màtínkàn ‘learn’ (C);
-
xɔ́rɔ́xɔ́ ‘be hard, difficult’ (T:192, ‘être dur, difficile’) > màxɔ́rɔ̀xɔ̀ ‘be resistant, oppose’ (T:214, ‘être resistant’);
-
xɛ́ɛ́ ‘send on a mission’ (T:175, ‘envoyer en commission’) > màxɛ́ɛ̀ ‘commit, charge with’ (T:207, ‘confier à, mettre à la charge de’).
|
(50)
|
tɔ̀xɛ́
|
kérén
|
sàrá
|
ń
|
má
|
|
hen
|
one
|
buy
|
I
|
at
|
|
‘Buy / sell me a hen.’ (R:151)
|
|
(51)
|
é
|
bárà
|
ń
|
má
|
búkí
|
mà-sárà
|
|
they
|
trmn
|
I
|
at
|
book
|
ma-buy
|
|
‘They exchanged my book.’ (F:60)
|
44Two mà-derivates in the database are causatives with a more abstract lexical meaning, i.e. they express events that cause more general events than those expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verbs. The object of a mà- causative with a more abstract lexical meaning corresponds to the subject of an unprefixed verb, cf. (52-53), (54-55). A further possibility is a reflexive use of the causative mà-derivate (56):
-
kánkán ‘attach (intr)’ (H:73, ‘accrocher’) > màkánkàn ‘attach, guard, save’ (H:73, ‘accrocher, garder’; T:213, ‘mettre en détention, conserver’);
-
gòró ‘go down, descend’ (T:180. ‘descendre’) > màgórò ‘diminish, lower’ (T:208, ‘abaisser, s’asseoir’).
|
(52)
|
á
|
bárà
|
kánkán
|
wúrí
|
má
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
attach
|
wood
|
at
|
|
‘He is tied to wood (Il est accroché à l’arbre).’ (H:73)
|
|
(53)
|
á
|
bárà
|
ń
|
má
|
kɔ́bìrì
|
mà-kánkàn
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
I
|
at
|
money
|
ma-attach
|
|
‘He guarded my money.’ (H:73)
|
|
(54)
|
kùlé
|
bárà
|
gòró
|
|
monkey
|
trmn
|
descend
|
|
‘The monkey climbed down.’ (F:78)
|
|
(55)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
á
|
mà-górò
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
ma-descend
|
|
‘My brother decreased it.’ (C)
|
|
(56)
|
í
|
mà-górò
|
bé
|
|
you
|
ma-descend
|
here
|
|
‘Sit down here.’ (H:64)
|
45One more unprefixed verb has a labile mà-derivate with a more abstract lexical meaning that can express both a more general event and a causation of it:
-
kúyá ‘be big, be long’ (T:178, ‘être grand, être long’) > màkúyà ‘be distant, make distant’ (T:209, ‘éloigner, être loin’).
46There are four mà-derivates that express more intensive events than the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, cf. (57-58). These unprefixed verbs do not form any natural class: two of them express activities, one of them designates a permanent state, and another one is a stative verb of perception. The exact meaning is defined lexically:
-
ɲááxú ‘be bad’ (H:73, ‘être mauvais, méchant’; T:185, ‘être méchant’) > màɲááxù ‘be very bad’ (H:74, ‘être devenu méchant, insupportable’; T:210, ‘être déteste’);
-
gèrún ‘swallow’ (T:183, ‘avaler’) > màgérùn ‘swallow quickly and greedily’ (T:212, ‘avaler rapidement et avidement’);
-
xàá ‘wash’ (H:73, ‘laver’; T:175, ‘laver’) > màxáà ‘wash; wash thoroughly’ (H:73, ‘laver en frottant beaucoup, avec du savon’);
-
tóó ‘see’ (C; T:175, ‘voir, apercevoir’) > màtóò ‘look’ (C; T:207, ‘regarder, examiner’).
|
(57)
|
yí
|
bàré
|
ɲááxú
|
|
this
|
dog
|
be_bad
|
|
‘This dog is (permanently) angry.’ (H:73)
|
|
(58)
|
ɲààrí
|
mà-ɲááxù
|
hán
|
|
cat
|
ma-be_bad
|
very
|
|
‘The cat is (permanently) very, very angry.’ (H:74)
|
47xàá ‘wash’ has an unclear status in this list: the data of Houis (1963) contain clear intensive uses of màxáà, cf. (59-60), but my own first-hand data (61), as well as the data of Fofana (1992) (62), give no intensive meaning of this derivate. One can assume a semantic shift since Houis (1963).
|
(59)
|
á
|
sìgá-xì
|
dùgí-è
|
xàá-dè
|
|
(s)he
|
leave-prf
|
cloth-pl
|
wash-inf
|
|
‘She went to wash the clothes.’ (H:73)
|
|
(60)
|
sàfún-yí
|
mà-xáà
|
nàn
|
rà-fáǹ
|
ń
|
má
|
|
soap-act
|
ma-wash
|
emph
|
ra-be_good
|
I
|
at
|
|
‘I like fine washing with soap.’ (H:73)
|
|
(61)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
á
|
mà-xáà
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
ma-wash
|
|
‘My brother washed himself.’ (C)
|
|
(62)
|
ń
|
ná
|
ń
|
mà-xáà-fè
|
|
I
|
cop
|
I
|
ma-wash-prog
|
|
‘I am washing myself.’ (F:73)
|
48màtóò ‘look’, derived from tóó ‘see’, is a special lexicalized case of the intensive meaning where a state is converted into an activity, cf. (63-64).
|
(63)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
tóó
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
see
|
|
‘I saw my brother.’ (C)
|
|
(64)
|
ń
|
ná
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
mà-tóò-fè
|
|
I
|
cop
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
ma-see-prog
|
|
‘I am looking at my brother.’ (C)
|
49There are 3 mà-derivates in the database that are attenuatives, i.e. they express a reduced event in comparison to the one expressed by the unprefixed verb. All the three unprefixed verbs attested to have two attenuative mà-derivates are verbs of directed motion, so their derivates express a shorter motion than the standard motion expressed by the unprefixed verbs, cf. (65-66), (67-68):
-
sìgá ‘leave’ > màsígà ‘move away from smb./smth.’ (H:74, ‘s’écarter de, se pousser, reculer’; T:209, ‘éloigner, reculer, déplacer’);
-
fáá ‘come’ (T:174, ‘venir’) > màfáà ‘approach’ (T:206, ‘approcher’);
-
sóó ‘enter’ > màsóò ‘come near, approach’ (H:74, ‘faire entrer dans un groupe, un tas; approcher, avancer près de’; T:207, ‘s’approcher, s’habiller’).
|
(65)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
sìgá
|
Kónákírí
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
leave
|
Conakry
|
|
‘My brother left for Conakry.’ (C)
|
|
(66)
|
ń
|
mà-sígà-mà
|
wó
|
rá
|
|
I
|
ma-leave-habfut
|
you.pl
|
with
|
|
‘I’ll move away from you (Je m’écarterai de vous).’ (H:74)
|
|
(67)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
sóó
|
bànxí
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
enter
|
house
|
|
‘I came home / I entered the house.’ (C)
|
|
(68)
|
mà-sóò,
|
ń
|
xá
|
xúi
|
mɛ́
|
|
ma-enter
|
I
|
sbjv
|
voice
|
hear
|
|
‘Get closer to me so that I can hear your voice.’ (H:74)
|
50In this section the meanings of mà-derivates that are attested only for 1–2 verbs are listed when the semantic correlations of the mà-derivates and the unprefixed verbs they are derived from are clear. I assume that, since the semantic correlations are clear, one can expect more verbs in each group (of course, as well as in the main groups discussed in the previous sections); that is why, technically, subsections containing a single verb are created.
51There is one mà-derivate in the database that is a dispersive, i.e. it is used to express the fact that an event takes place in different locations, cf. (69-70). As opposed to a more numerous group containing dispersive multiplicative distributives, here the events taking place in different locations do not have to occur jointly and therefore are not necessarily sub-events of a single event:
-
fúntú ‘distend, swell up’ (H:72, ‘enfler, gonfler’) > màfúntù ‘distend, swell up everywhere’ (H:72, ‘enfler de partout’).
|
(69)
|
ń
|
bɛ̀lɛ̀xɛ́
|
bárà
|
fúntú
|
|
I
|
arm
|
trmn
|
swell_up
|
|
‘My arm swelled up.’ (H:72)
|
|
(70)
|
á
|
sànyí
|
bírín
|
mà-fúntù-mà
|
nɛ̀
|
|
(s)he
|
leg
|
all
|
ma-swell_up-habfut
|
ass
|
|
‘(If a woman is pregnant for the first time), her legs swell up everywhere.’ (H:72)
|
52Another mà-derivate in the database is a frustrative, i. e. it is used to express an event that takes place in vain, in contrast to a normal event expressed by the unprefixed verb, cf. (71-72). The only unprefixed verb that has a mà-derivate with a frustrative meaning is a verb of activity, and the derivate denotes a vain activity:
-
fén ‘look for’ (H:72, ‘aller chercher’; T:175, ‘chercher’) > màféǹ ‘look for in vain’ (H:72).
|
(71)
|
á
|
náxà
|
yèlìbá-è
|
fén
|
|
(s)he
|
cons
|
griot-pl
|
look_for
|
|
‘He went to look for griots.’ (H:72)
|
|
(72)
|
í
|
tàn
|
nàn
|
bárà
|
é
|
mà-féǹ,
|
kɔ́nɔ́
|
é
|
sìgá-xì
|
|
you
|
foc
|
emph
|
trmn
|
they
|
ma-look_for
|
but
|
they
|
leave-prf
|
|
‘It was you who looked for them, but they had left.’ (H:72)
|
53One more mà-derivate in the database is pejorative, i.e. it is used to express an event that has a negative evaluation, in contrast to the neutral event:
-
fàlá ‘say’ (T:180, ‘dire, tresser’) > màfálà ‘criticize, slander’ (T:208, ‘critiquer, médire’).
54The prefix mà- is also occasionally used as a verbalizer that derives verbs from other parts of speech:
-
tààlí ‘parable, proverb’ (R:155, ‘parabole, proverbe’; T:84, ‘proverbe, fable’) > màtáálì ‘tell’ (T:210, ‘raconter’);
-
yándì ‘please’ (H:121, ‘s’il te plaît’; R:160, ‘s’il te plaît’) > màyándì ‘beg pardon’ (T:211, ‘prier, demander pardon’).
55A number of mà-derivates have an unclear (so far) semantic correlation with the unprefixed verbs they are derived from. In most cases the meaning that is added by the prefix mà- to the lexical meaning of the corresponding unprefixed verb is difficult to identify mainly because of insufficient data (therefore, this is to be fixed during further research).
56There are four mà-derivates in the database that are used to express activities which are semantically equal or close to the activities expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verbs:
-
kérí ‘pursue, chase’ (T:177, ‘chasser, poursuivre’) > màkérì ‘pursue, relieve’ (T:209, ‘poursuivre, venir en aide’);
-
kíítí ‘judge’ (T:185, ‘juger, aller en justice’) > màkíítì ‘judge’ (T:211, ‘juger, aller en justice’);
-
ságátá ‘follow, pursue’ (T:192, ‘suivre, rejoindre’) > màságàtà ‘pursue’ (T:214, ‘poursuivre, rejoindre’);
-
gìlín ‘roast, fry’ (T:183, ‘griller, rôtir’) > màgílìn ‘roast, fry’ (T:212, ‘griller, rôtir’).
57There are three mà-derivates in the database that are used to express accomplishments which are semantically equal or close to the accomplishments expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verbs:
-
sɔ̀tɔ́ ‘get, obtain’ (T:181, ‘recevoir, obtenir’) > màsɔ́tɔ̀ ‘get, obtain, possess’ (T:210, ‘recevoir, obtenir, posséder’);
-
yɔ̀ntɔ́n ‘decrease tension’ (T:191, ‘diminuer de tension’) > màyɔ́ntɔ̀n ‘weaken’ (T:213, ‘détendre’);
-
yànfá ‘betray, distract, deceive’ (T:189, ‘trahir, distraire, tromper’) > màyánfà ‘distract, deceive’ (T:211, ‘distraire, tromper’).
58Possibly, mà-derivates expressing activities and accomplishments which are semantically equal or close to those expressed by the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, are obtained from the desemantization of mà-intensives (cf. the aforementioned case of xàá ‘wash’ > màxàà ‘wash thoroughly’, later ‘? wash’) or mà-derivates with other meanings, but more data and further research are needed to verify this.
59Another mà-derivate in the database has a participant with an internally plural structure unlike the unprefixed verb from which it is derived, cf. (73-74):
-
bílín ‘encircle’ (H:70, ‘entourer, cerner’) > màbílìn ‘go round’ (H:70, ‘tourner autour’; T:212, ‘contourner, tourner autour’).
|
(73)
|
dònsoé-è
|
bárà
|
sílí
|
bìlín
|
|
hunter-pl
|
trmn
|
elephant
|
encircle
|
|
‘Hunters surrounded the elephant.’ (H:70)
|
|
(74)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
yí
|
gɛ̀mɛ̀kóntà
|
mà-bílìn
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
this
|
stone_heap
|
ma-encircle
|
|
‘I went around this heap of stones.’ (H:70)
|
60There are three mà-derivates in the database that differ from the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, having an increased valency, cf. (75-76). Either only the argument structure distinguishes the derivates from the unprefixed verbs, or there is also an idiomatic semantic difference. One of the unprefixed verbs is labile, and the mà-derivate is restricted to transitive uses. The other two unprefixed verbs are intransitive, and the corresponding mà-derivates are transitive. One of them is a transitive, which adds a new object and retains the subject of the unprefixed verb. Another one is a causative, and its object corresponds to the subject of the unprefixed verb:
-
nɔ́xɔ́ ‘soil, be dirty’ ‘soil, be dirty’ (T:178, ‘salir’; H:90, ‘être sale’; R:147, ‘abîmer, tacher, salir’) > mànɔ́xɔ̀ ‘soil’ (R:142, ‘tacher, salir’);
-
sálí ‘pray’ (T:178, ‘prier’; F:67, ‘молиться’) > màsálì ‘say prayer (over a deceased)’ (F:67, ‘читать молитву над умершим’);
-
líí ‘reach’ (T:174, ‘atteindre, trouver’; R:189, ‘arriver’) > málíì ‘help’ (T:206, ‘aider, secourir’).
|
(75)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
sálí
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
pray
|
|
‘I prayed.’ (F:66)
|
|
(76)
|
é
|
bárà
|
fùré
|
mà-sálì
|
|
they
|
trmn
|
deceased
|
ma-pray
|
|
‘They said a prayer over the deceased.’ (F:67)
|
61In the other four unclear cases of mà-derivates no generalization can be made at all. Intuitively, in contrast to fully idiomatic cases discussed below, here the meanings of unprefixed verbs and their mà-derivates are interrelated, but in a very obscure way, cf. (77-78):
-
kótó ‘put one on another, stack’ (H:73, ‘mettre les choses les unes sur les autres’; T:178, ‘entasser, empiler’) > màkótò ‘close’ (T:209, ‘couvrir, recouvrir’);
-
dàxú ‘be absent-minded’ (T:179, ‘être fou’) > màdáxù ‘deceive, disappoint’ (T:208, ‘tromper’);
-
fán ‘be good’ (T:175, ‘être bon’) > màfáǹ ‘be loved’ (T:207, ‘être aimé’);
-
gàlànbú ‘disagree, cross’ (T:195, ‘se manquer, être en désaccord, croiser’) > màgálànbù ‘cross, mix’ (T:214, ‘croiser, mélanger’).
|
(77)
|
yègé
|
kótó
|
|
wood
|
stack
|
|
‘Stack the wood.’ (H:73)
|
|
(78)
|
bàndé
|
mà-kótò
|
|
rice
|
ma-stack
|
|
‘Cover the rice (that is in the calabash).’ (H:73)
|
62Finally, a considerable group of mà-derivates are fully idiomatic, i.e. there is no synchronic semantic relation between them and the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, cf. (79-80), (81-82), (83-84):
-
mɛ̀ɛ́ ‘hear, feel’ (T:175, ‘entendre’; R:142, ‘entendre, comprendre’) > màmɛ́ɛ̀ ‘wait’ (T:206, ‘attendre’);
-
sáá ‘put, lie down’ (T:174, ‘mettre, poser, coucher’; R:150’, placer, mettre, déposer, se coucher’) > màsáà ‘swim, make love’ (T:207, ‘nager, faire l’amour avec’);
-
tèlèxún ‘carry on one’s head’ (T:194, ‘porter qch. sur la tête sans le tenir des mains’) > màtélèxùn ‘be eloquent’ (T:214, ‘être éloquent’);
-
kɛ́nɛ́n ‘please’ (T:182, ‘plaire’; R:130 ‘plaire, être agréable’) > màkɛ́nɛ̀n ‘clarify’ (T:213, ‘affirmer, clarifier’);
-
níɲá ‘do’ (T:178, ‘faire’) > màníɲà ‘be similar’ (T:209, ‘essayer, goûter, mésurer, ressembler à’);
-
xɔ́nɔ́ ‘get angry’ (C; T:179, ‘se fâcher, être amer’) > màxɔ́nɔ̀ ‘injure’ (T:210, ‘blesser’);
-
làń ‘agree, be necessary, must’ (T:176, ‘être d’accord, falloir’) > màláǹ ‘convoke, join’ (T:208, ‘rassembler, reunir’).
|
(79)
|
á
|
kùrɛ́
|
xílísí
|
mɛ̀ɛ́-mà
|
|
(s)he
|
tortoise
|
smell
|
feel-habfut
|
|
‘He will feel a tortoise’s smell.’ (H:55)
|
|
(80)
|
ń
|
nú
|
á
|
mà-mɛ́ɛ̀-fè
|
|
I
|
retr
|
(s)he
|
ma-feel-prog
|
|
‘(While my brother was writing a letter), I was waiting for him.’ (C)
|
|
(81)
|
á
|
sáá-xì
|
kɔ́ɔ́láá
|
búnyí
|
|
(s)he
|
lie_down
|
cola
|
under
|
|
‘He is lying under the cola tree.’ (H:58)
|
|
(82)
|
sɔ́ɲɛ́
|
gbégbè
|
ná
|
bé,
|
ń
|
mú
|
nɔ̀ɔ́-mà
|
yé
|
mà-sáà-dè
|
|
crocodile
|
many
|
cop
|
here
|
I
|
neg
|
can-habfut
|
this
|
ma-lie_down-inf
|
|
‘There are many crocodiles here, I cannot swim here.’ (H:137)
|
|
(83)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
xɔ́nɔ́
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
má
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
get_angry
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
at
|
|
‘I got angry with my brother.’ (C)
|
|
(84)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
mà-xɔ́nɔ̀
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
ma-get_angry
|
|
‘I injured my brother.’ (C)
|
63A description of the prefix mà- semantics in Susu is given in §2.2–2.10.
64There is an evident core group of mà-derivates, mà-multiplicatives. Their main subgroups are multiplicatives proper, multiplicative distributives, multiplicatives semantically equal to unprefixed stems and alternatives. The type of the semantic subgroup of the core group can always be predicted from its lexical features:
-
transitive telic verbs that express brief events with no irreversible result have multiplicative proper mà-derivates;
-
transitive telic verbs that express brief events with an irreversible result have multiplicative distributive mà-derivates;
-
multiplicative unprefixed verbs have multiplicative mà-derivates with no apparent change of the lexical meaning;
-
verbs of motion manner verbs have alternative mà-derivates.
65In the non-core groups of mà-derivates there are also correlations between the lexical meaning of a verb and the meaning of its mà-derivate:
-
verbs that express mental states have mà-derivates with the meaning of property;
-
mà-derivates with an incremental theme have mà-derivates with the meaning of full coverage;
-
verbs of directed motion have attenuative mà-derivates.
66These correlations are less strong, because unlike the correlations of the core group, they can be confused by lexicalization: e.g. the verb with an incremental theme dón ‘eat’ has no expected mà-derivate with the meaning of full coverage, but has a lexicalized mà- multiplicative-distributive causative màdóǹ ‘feed many beings, pasture’.
67Other unprefixed verbs which do not participate in the discovered correlations (mainly, non-motional activities, non-brief non-incremental accomplishments), have mà-derivates that are lexically distributed between the mentioned groups (mà-derivates with different types of multiplicative meanings, with the meanings of property, of full coverage, of attenuative) and lexicalized groups.
68The prefix mà- frequently changes verbal valencies by increasing their quantity or more marginally by decreasing it. Normally, the valency-changing effect is an addition to the meaning of the prefix and not its proper function. The process of the valency-changing by mà- is lexicalized, and not incited by any general factors.
69Generally, the prefix rà- was fairly identified earlier as a causative marker. In the majority of cases this marker is used as a valency-increasing one that adds (at least semantically) a new participant, typically a new agent. However, firstly, a new participant with another semantic role can also be added, therefore this marker can also be used as an applicative, cf. (Peterson 1997; Jeong 2006). Secondly, there are also marginal non-valency-changing uses of the prefix rà-.
70Most typically, rà-derivates have a causative meaning. It means that usually the prefix rà- has a different syntactic subject in comparison to the unprefixed verb it is derived from; the added subject has the semantic role of an agent or an effector.
71Causatives proper account for the majority of rà-derivates in the database (40 cases). The prefix rà- supplements an event with a new participant with the semantic role of an agent (if animate) or an effector (if inanimate) and with the syntactic role of a subject. The subject of an unprefixed verb from which the rà-causative is derived becomes a direct object of the rà-causative.
72The overwhelming majority of unprefixed verbs from which the rà-causative are derived are intransitive. See below for the four exceptions: two of them are reflexive verbs (i.e. they are formally transitive, but always have a reflexive pronoun as the formal direct object) and the other two are verbs of perception.
73Similarly, the majority of unprefixed verbs from which the rà-causative are derived are uncontrolled non-agentive verbs that initially have no agent valency and therefore easily add it to their argument structure. In the database there can be found eight verbs denoting an uncontrolled achievement, cf. (85-86), (87-88), three verbs for uncontrolled atelic processes, cf. (89-90), three verbs for uncontrolled accomplishments, cf. (91-92), four verbs for emotional states, cf. (93-94), six verbs for other states, cf. (95-96):
-
dúlá ‘drown (intr), go down, disappear’ (H:72, ‘disparaître dans l’eau, sombrer, se noyer’; T:177, ‘s’enfoncer, se noyer’) > ràdúlà ‘sink, drown (tr)’ (H:72, ‘couler, immerger’; T:219, ‘immerger, noyer’);
-
kísí ‘be saved from death’ (C; T:177, ‘être sauvé’) > ràkísì ‘save from death’ (C; T:221, ‘sauver de la mort’);
-
dɛ́xɛ́ ‘shine’ (H:71, ‘donner de la lumière, eclairer, brûler’) > ràdɛ́xɛ̀ ‘light, inflame’ (H:71, ‘allumer’; T:219, ‘allumer’);
-
fúntú ‘distend, swell up’ (H:72, ‘enfler, gonfler’) > ràfúntù ‘inflate, swell’ (T:226, ‘gonfler, faire enfler’);
-
gààxú ‘be afraid of’ (H:73, ‘avoir peur de’; R:125, ‘craindre, appréhender, avoir peur...’) > ràgááxù ‘frighten’ (H:73, ‘faire peur’; T:224, ‘faire peur’; F:69, ‘испугать’);
-
bɔ̀rɔ̀xɔ́ ‘be mild’ (H:71, ‘être mou’) > ràbɔ́rɔ̀xɔ̀ ‘make mild’ (H:71, ‘amollir, assouplir’; T:230, ‘ramolir, assouplir’).
|
(85)
|
kúnkì
|
bárà
|
dúlá
|
|
ship
|
trmn
|
drown
|
|
‘The ship went down.’ (H:72)
|
|
(86)
|
dímé-è
|
náxà
|
kúnkì
|
rà-dúlà
|
|
child-pl
|
cons
|
ship
|
ra-drown
|
|
‘The children sank the pirogue.’ (H:72)
|
|
(87)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
kísí
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
be_saved
|
|
‘My brother was saved (from death).’ (C)
|
|
(88)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
ń
|
nà-kísì
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
I
|
ra-be_saved
|
|
‘My brother saved me (from death).’ (C)
|
|
(89)
|
lánpuì
|
ná
|
dɛ́xɛ́-fè
|
|
lamp
|
cop
|
shine-prog
|
|
‘The lamp is on.’ (Lit. ‘The lamp is is shining.’) (H:71)
|
|
(90)
|
ń
|
má
|
díí
|
bárà
|
lánpuì
|
rà-dɛ́xɛ̀
|
|
I
|
at
|
child
|
trmn
|
lamp
|
ra-shine
|
|
‘My child turned on the lamp.’ (F:68)
|
|
(91)
|
ń
|
bɛ̀lɛ̀xɛ́
|
bárà
|
fúntú
|
=(69)
|
|
I
|
arm
|
trmn
|
swell_up
|
|
|
‘My arm swelled up.’ (H:72)
|
|
|
(92)
|
fóyé
|
bárà
|
bɛ́là
|
rà-fúntù
|
|
wind
|
trmn
|
sail
|
ra-swell
|
|
‘The wind swelled the sail.’ (H:72)
|
|
(93)
|
í
|
námà
|
gààxú
|
bàré
|
rá
|
|
you
|
proh
|
be_afraid
|
dog
|
with
|
|
‘Don’t be afraid of the dog.’ (H:73)
|
|
(94)
|
fàtú
|
bárà
|
dùyɛ́rɛ́
|
rà-gááxù
|
|
Fatu
|
trmn
|
baby
|
ra-be_afraid
|
|
‘Fatu frightened the baby.’ (F:69)
|
|
(95)
|
yí
|
mángò-è
|
bɔ́rɔ́xɔ́-xì
|
=(29)
|
|
this
|
mango-pl
|
be_mild-prf
|
|
|
‘These mangoes are soft.’ (H:71)
|
|
|
(96)
|
í
|
bɛ̀lɛ̀xɛ́
|
rà-bɔ́rɔ̀xɔ̀
|
|
you
|
hand
|
ra-be_mild
|
|
‘Relax your hand.’ (H:71)
|
74A significant number of unprefixed intransitive controlled (agentive) verbs also have rà-causatives. In the database there can be found 10 intransitive telic controlled verbs, cf. (97-98), (99-100), 2 intransitive atelic controlled verbs, cf. (101-102), 2 reflexive atelic controlled verbs, cf. (103-104). But it is remarkable that there is a strong tendency for the rà-causatives of this group to trigger a reinterpretation of a controlled event as an uncontrolled one. This means that uncontrolledness is an almost obligatory feature of a rà-causative:
-
sóó ‘enter’ > ràsóò ‘bring in’ (T:217, ‘faire entrer’; F:69, ‘ввести, внести’);
-
bìrá ‘throw oneself down, fall’ (C; H:89 ‘tomber’) > ràbírà ‘let fall’ (C; T:218, ‘faire tomber, rappeler a la memoire’);
-
bèré ‘play’ (H:70, ‘jouer’) > ràbérè ‘play with, amuse’ (H:70, ‘faire jouer, amuser’);
-
gíí ‘move(intr), run’ (H:73, ‘courrir’, T:174, ‘courir, fuir’) > ràgíì ‘move, drive’ (C; T:216, ‘faire courir, faire fuir’).
|
(97)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
sóó
|
bànxí
|
=(67)
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
enter
|
house
|
|
|
‘I came home / I entered the house.’ (C)
|
|
|
(98)
|
pɔ̀ɔ́tì
|
rà-sóò
|
|
cup
|
ra-enter
|
|
‘Bring the cup in.’ (F:69)
|
|
(99)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
bìrá
|
bɔ́xì
|
fárì
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
throw_oneself
|
ground
|
on
|
|
‘My brother threw himself on the ground.’ (C)
|
|
(100)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
bɔ̀nfɔ́ɛ
|
rà-bírà
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
bag
|
ra-throw_oneself
|
|
‘My brother let fall his bag.’ (C)
|
|
(101)
|
dímé-dí
|
ná
|
bèré-fè
|
búùl
|
rá
|
|
child-DIM
|
cop
|
play-prog
|
ball
|
with
|
|
‘The chidren are playing ball.’ (H:70)
|
|
(102)
|
kùlé-dí
|
ná
|
é
|
rà-bérè-fè
|
|
monkey-DIM
|
cop
|
3PL
|
ra-play-prog
|
|
‘The little monkey is amusing them’, (H:70)
|
|
(103)
|
sìí
|
bárà
|
á
|
gíí
|
=(24)
|
|
goat
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
run
|
|
|
‘The goat ran.’ (F:40)
|
|
(104)
|
ń
|
ná
|
mà-tìnkàn-fè
|
wòtóò
|
rà-gíì-dè
|
|
I
|
cop
|
ma-study-prog
|
car
|
ra-run-inf
|
|
‘I am learning to drive.’ (C)
|
75The database provides only 3 exceptional rà-causatives whose semantics presumes that the causee has some control over the event, cf. (105-106):
-
gbìlén ‘come back’ (T:183, ‘revenir, se retourner’) > ràgbílèn ‘make come back’ (T:227, ‘retourner, restituer’; F:69, ‘возвратить’);
-
kàlí ‘swear’ (H:73, ‘jurer’; T:180, ‘jurer’) > ràkálì ‘make swear’ (H:73, ‘faire jurer’; T:220, ‘faire jurer, prêter serment’);
-
sìgá ‘leave’ > ràsígà ‘send smb.’ (H:74, ‘faire partir, envoyer’, T:222, ‘faire partir’).
|
(105)
|
é
|
bárà
|
gbìlén
|
é
|
xɔ̀nyí
|
|
they
|
trmn
|
come_back
|
they
|
home
|
|
‘They came back home.’ (H:81)
|
|
(106)
|
ń
|
sɔ́xɔ̀
|
bárà
|
á
|
xá
|
gìnɛ̀
|
rà-gbílèn
|
|
I
|
uncle
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
poss
|
woman
|
ra-come_back
|
|
‘My uncle made his wife come back.’ (F:69)
|
76The only two transitive unprefixed verbs in the database that have rà-causatives are a verb of perception, cf. (107-108), and a verb of mental state, cf. (109-110). Both have no agentive valency in their frames. Syntactically rà-causatives derived from these verbs differ: ràtóò has the same object as the unprefixed verb (and the causee is not expressed) and ràkólòn makes the causee its syntactic object (and the object of the unprefixed verb is not expressed):
-
tóó ‘see’ (C; T:175, ‘voir, apercevoir’) > ràtóò ‘show’ (C);
-
kólón ‘know, be acquainted with’ (H:73, ‘connaître’; T:182, ‘connaître, savoir’) > ràkólòn ‘let know’ (H:73, ‘faire connaitre, avertir, prévenir’; T:227, ‘informer, prévenir’; F:70: ‘сообщать, ставить в известность’).
|
(107)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
tóó
|
=(63)
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
see
|
|
|
‘I saw my brother.’ (C)
|
|
|
(108)
|
ń
|
tàrá
|
bárà
|
á
|
kòbé
|
rà-tóò
|
|
I
|
elder_sibling
|
trmn
|
(s)he
|
occiput
|
ra-see
|
|
‘My brother showed the back of his head.’ (C)
|
|
(109)
|
ń
|
mú
|
yí
|
kólón-mà
|
=(36)
|
|
I
|
neg
|
this
|
know-habfut
|
|
|
‘I don’t know this one.’ (H:73)
|
|
|
(110)
|
é
|
náxà
|
xɛ́mɛ́
|
bírín
|
rà-kólòn
|
|
they
|
cons
|
people
|
all
|
ra-know
|
|
‘They notified all the people.’ (H:73)
|
77The database provides five unprefixed labile verbs of state in their intransitive uses and of change of state in their transitive uses that have rà-derivates with no apparent semantic difference from the transitive uses of the unprefixed verbs, cf. (111) & (112-113). Presumably, this group of rà-derivates can be interpreted as rà-causatives derived from intransitive uses of the labile verbs:
-
dɔ̀xɔ́ ‘put, seat, sit’ (H:72, ‘poser, asseoir’; T:180, ‘s’asseoir’) > ràdɔ́xɔ̀ ‘put, seat’ (H:72, ‘poser dans un but bien déterminé’; T:219, ‘raccorder, faire asseoir’);
-
fìndí ‘become, turn, change’ (H:72, ‘passer d’un état dans un autre, devenir’; R:123, ‘tourner, devenir’; T:189, ‘devenir’) > ràfíndì ‘turn (tr), put’ (H:72, ‘changer d’état dans un but determiné, retourner qch., faire face à’; T:225, ‘transformer’);
-
nɔ́xɔ́ ‘soil, be dirty’ (T:178, ‘salir’; H:90, ‘être sale’; R:147, ‘abîmer, tacher, salir’) > rànɔ́xɔ̀ ‘soil’ (T:221, ‘salir’);
-
sáá ‘put, lie down’ (T:174, ‘mettre, poser, coucher’; R:150, ‘placer, mettre, deposer, se coucher’) > ràsáà ‘put’ (T:217, ‘coucher qch.’);
-
xìrí ‘attach, be attached’ (H:73, ‘attacher’; T:181, ‘attacher, lier’) > ràxírì ‘unite, connect’ (H:73, ‘lier’; T:223, ‘lier, raccorder, attacher’).
|
(111)
|
é
|
dɔ̀xɔ́-xì
|
nìngé
|
kántá-dè
|
|
they
|
sit-prf
|
bull
|
look_after-inf
|
|
‘They are here to take care of the bulls.’ (H:72)
|
|
(112)
|
á
|
ná
|
kóté
|
dɔ̀xɔ́-fè
|
sòóe
|
fárì
|
|
(s)he
|
cop
|
load
|
sit-prog
|
horse
|
on
|
|
‘He is putting the load onto the horse’s back.’ (H:72)
|
|
(113)
|
í
|
xá
|
ná
|
kébényí-è
|
rà-dɔ́xɔ̀
|
é
|
bóóré
|
rá
|
|
you
|
sbjv
|
cop
|
board-pl
|
ra-sit
|
they
|
rec
|
with
|
|
‘Let you lay these boards on one another.’ (H:72)
|
78rà-benefactives add a valency of a beneficiary to the argument structure of the unprefixed verbs they are derived from. The syntactic status of the beneficiary may vary: with some ra-benefactives the beneficiary is an adjunct, with others it is a direct object. Most of the unprefixed verbs (4 of 5 in the database) that have rà-benefectives are controlled (agentive) verbs.
79There are three unprefixed controlled transitive telic verbs (two of them are strictly transitive, one is a labile verb taken in the transitive meaning) in the database, that have rà-derivates which, having a benefactive meaning, provide a syntactically optional peripheral valency of a beneficiary expressed by the postposition bɛ́ ‘to’, cf. (114-115):
-
tòlín ‘twist’ (H:74, ‘faire des torsions’; T:184, ‘tordre’) > ràtólìn ‘twist for smb.’ (H:74);
-
bíí ‘cut, root out, shave’ (H:70, ‘couper (herbes), défricher, raser (poils)’; T:174, ‘raser, sarcler’) > ràbíì ‘cut, shave, root out for smb.’ (H:70, ‘se raser, défricher un endroit déterminé’; T:215, ‘ouvrir, inaugurer’);
-
bálán ‘close, be closed’ (H:70, ‘fermer, être fermé’; T:182, ‘fermer’) > ràbálàn ‘close for smb.’ (H:70).
|
(114)
|
á
|
ná
|
dùgí
|
tòlín-fè
|
=(46)
|
|
(s)he
|
cop
|
cloth
|
twist
|
|
|
‘She is squeezing the cloth.’ (H:74)
|
|
|
(115)
|
ń
|
xùnyí
|
rà-tólìn
|
ń
|
bɛ́
|
|
I
|
head
|
ra-twist
|
I
|
to
|
|
‘Twist my head for me (i.e., braid my hair).’ (H:74)
|
80There are two unprefixed intransitive verbs (one of them is a controlled verb of process, while the other is an uncontrolled verb of state) in the database, which have rà-derivates with a benefactive meaning. These derivates have a direct object valency of a beneficiary, cf. (116-117), (118-119):
-
sálí ‘pray’ (T:178, ‘prier’; F:67, ‘молиться’) > ràsálì ‘bless’ (F:67, ‘проводить молитвой, благословить’);
-
ɲááxú ‘be bad’ (H:73, ‘être mauvais, méchant’; T:185, ‘être méchant’) > ràɲááxù ‘be malicious with smb.’ (H:73, ‘être méchant envers quelqu'un’; T:224, ‘haïr, detester’).
|
(116)
|
ń
|
bárà
|
sálí
|
=(75)
|
|
I
|
trmn
|
pray
|
|
|
‘I prayed.’ (F:66)
|
|
|
(117)
|
sálìálìmámí
|
bárà
|
mùxú
|
rà-sálì
|
|
imam
|
trmn
|
we.exc
|
ra-pray
|
|
‘The imam blessed us.’ (F:67)
|
|
(118)
|
yí
|
bàré
|
ɲááxú
|
=(57)
|
|
this
|
dog
|
be_bad
|
|
|
‘This dog is (permanently) angry.’ (H:73)
|
|
(119)
|
yí
|
gìnɛ́
|
á
|
xúnyà
|
rà-ɲááxù
|
|
this
|
woman
|
(s)he
|
younger_sibling
|
ra-be_bad
|
|
‘This woman is malicious with her younger brother.’ (H:74)
|
81A number of unprefixed transitive controlled telic verbs in the database have rà-derivates that add a new semantic valency of a specific purpose or manner. In the available data this valency is never expressed syntactically and is present only in the meaning of the rà-derivates of this group.
82Nine rà-derivates in the database derived from transitive controlled telic verbs are used to express actions performed with a specific purpose. It means that semantically (but not syntactically) a new purpose argument is added to the argument structure of the corresponding unprefixed verbs, cf. (120-121), (122-123):
-
xàá ‘wash’ (H:73, ‘laver’; T:175, ‘laver’) > ràxáà ‘wash with a specific purpose’ (H:73; T:218, ‘laver’);
-
bɛ̀ndún ‘drag, pull’ (H:70, ‘tirer’; T:191, ‘tirer’) > ràbɛ́ndùn ‘drag, pull with a specific purpose’ (H:70, ‘tirer dans une intention bien déterminée’);
-
bɔ̀nbɔ́ ‘beat’ (H:71, ‘frapper’; T:189, ‘frapper, battre’) > ràbɔ́nbɔ̀ ‘beat to a certain target’ (H:71 ‘frapper dans un but déterminé’);
-
dón ‘eat’ > ràdóǹ ‘eat with a specific purpose’ (H:71, ‘manger dans un but déterminé, remanger’);
-
fàlá ‘say’ (T:180, ‘dire, tresser’) > ràfálà ‘arrange’ (T:219 ‘préparer, arranger’);
-
fén ‘look for’ (H:72, ‘aller chercher’; T:175, ‘chercher’) > ràféǹ ‘look for with a specific purpose’ (H:72);
-
kɔ̀ɔ́ ‘take down, take away’ (H:73, ‘enlever’; T:175, ‘ramasser’) > ràkɔ́ɔ̀ ‘take away with a specific purpose’ (H:73, ‘enlever dans une intention déterminée’; T:216, ‘ramasser, enlever’);
-
xín ‘bite (once)’ (T:176, ‘mordre’) > ràxíǹ ‘crack’ (T:218, ‘couper avec les dents’);
-
fíí ‘give’ > ràfíì ‘propose’ (H:72, ‘offrir’).
|
(120)
|
á
|
sìgá-xì
|
dùgí-è
|
xàá-dè
|
=(59)
|
|
(s)he
|
leave-prf
|
cloth-pl
|
wash-inf
|
|
|
‘She went to wash the clothes.’ (H:73)
|
|
|
(121)
|
í
|
bɛ̀lɛ̀xɛ́
|
rà-xáà,
|
wón
|
fá
|
bàndé
|
dón
|
|
you
|
hand
|
ra-wash
|
we.inc
|
come
|
rice
|
eat
|
|
‘Wash your hands, we are going to eat rice.’ (H:73)
|
|
|
|
(122)
|
á
|
náxà
|
yèlìbá-è
|
fén
|
=(71)
|
|
(s)he
|
cons
|
griot-pl
|
look_for
|
|
|
‘He went to look for griots.’ (H:72)
|
|
|
(123)
|
í
|
námà
|
ń
|
rà-féǹ
|
gèré
|
rá
|
|
you
|
proh
|
I
|
ra-look_for
|
quarrel
|
with
|
|
‘Don’t look for me with the purpose of a quarrel.’ (H:72)
|
83Similarly, three rà-derivates in the database derived from transitive controlled telic verbs are used to express actions performed in a specific manner, cf. (124-125):
-
bɔ̀ɔ́ ‘cut, tear’ (H:71, ‘séparer, fendre, déchirer’; T:175, ‘déchirer’) > ràbɔ́ɔ̀ ‘cut up’ (H:71; T:215, ‘entailler, éventer’);
-
dɛ́gɛ́ ‘sew’ (H:71, ‘coudre’; R:119, ‘coudre’) > ràdɛ́gɛ̀ ‘sew in a particular way’ (H:71, ‘coudre un sac plein, découdre, ficeler un rôti’);
-
sɛ̀gɛ́ ‘cut’ (H:74, ‘couper avec un instrument’; T:181, ‘couper’) > ràsɛ́gɛ̀ ‘cut, hatch’ (H:74; T:221, ‘éclore, couper’).
|
(124)
|
à
|
bárà
|
ń
|
má
|
dònmá
|
bɔ̀ɔ́
|
=(16)
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
I
|
at
|
boubou
|
tear
|
|
|
‘He tore my boubou.’ (H:71)
|
|
(125)
|
yɛ̀nxɛ́ɛ̀
|
rà-bɔ́ɔ̀
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
fish
|
ra-tear
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
‘Cut up the fish.’ (H:71)
|
84A few rà-derivates in the database have the same argument structure as the unprefixed verbs they are derived from. These include semelfactives and fully idiomatic derivates.
85Two unprefixed transitive controlled multiplicative verbs in the database have rà-derivates with a semelfactive meaning. This means that a rà-derivate designates a sub-event from the series of sub-events expressed by the corresponding unprefixed verb, cf. (126-127). Since the database contains no other rà-derivates from transitive multiplicative verbs, one can assume that this meaning is standard for them:
-
bórón ‘trample, move one’s legs’ (H:71, ‘agir avec des pieds’; T:182, ‘piétiner’) > ràbóròn (H:71 ‘donner un coup de pied’; F:69, ‘пинать’);
-
dìń ‘pound’ (H:72, ‘donner des coups, piler’; T:176, ‘piler, heurter, cogner’) > ràdíǹ ‘pound once’ (H:72, ‘heurter, bousculer, pousser devant soi’; T:217, ‘heurter, pousser’; F:68, ‘толкать’).
|
(126)
|
á
|
ná
|
á
|
xá
|
kùrɛ́
|
bórón-fè
|
|
(s)he
|
cop
|
(s)he
|
poss
|
bicycle
|
trample-prog
|
|
‘He is riding his bicycle.’ (Lit. ‘He is trampling his bicycle.’) (H:71)
|
|
(127)
|
Fódé
|
bárà
|
báré
|
rà-bóròn
|
|
Fode
|
trmn
|
dog
|
ra-trample
|
|
‘Fode kicked the dog.’ (F:69)
|
86There are three unprefixed transitive controlled telic verbs in the database that have fully idiomatic rà-derivates, i.e. there is no synchronic semantic correlation between rà-derivates and the unprefixed verbs they are derived from, cf. (128-129):
-
báá ‘take down, pick’ (T:174 ‘puiser, cueillir, ôter’; F:66, ‘срывать’) > ràbáà ‘do’ (T:215, ‘faire’; F:66, ‘сделать’);
-
tálá ‘pull out (once)?’ (T:178, ‘arracher’) > ràtálà ‘unreel, spread out’ (T:222, ‘étendre, dérouler’);
-
sɔ̀tɔ́ ‘get, obtain’ (T:181, ‘recevoir, obtenir’) > ràsɔ́tɔ̀ ‘offend, insult’ (T:222, ‘insulter’).
|
(128)
|
mɔ́mɔ́
|
mángò-è
|
báá-fè
|
|
Momo
|
mango-pl
|
pick-prog
|
|
‘Momo is picking mangoes.’ (F:66)
|
|
(129)
|
á
|
bárà
|
wàlí
|
rà-báà
|
|
(s)he
|
trmn
|
work
|
ra-pick
|
|
‘He did the work.’ (F:66)
|
87A description of the semantics of the prefix rà- in Susu has been given in §3.2–3.5.
88There is an evident regular core group of rà-derivates and unprefixed verbs they are derived from: rà-causatives derived from uncontrolled intransitive verbs.
Other rà-causatives are derived as follows:
-
rà-causatives can be derived from conrolled intransitive verbs, but in this case there is a strong tendency for the event to be reinterpreted as an uncontrolled one;
-
rà-causatives can be derived from a marginal group of uncontrolled transitive stative verbs;
-
labile verbs of state in their intransitive uses and verbs of change of state in their transitive uses derive rà-causatives from their intransitive meaning, and these derivates have therefore no apparent semantic difference with their transitive uses.
89Controlled transitive telic verbs have rà-derivates with other meanings, and the distribution of these meanings is mainly lexical:
-
some transitive telic verbs derive rà-benefactives;
-
some transitive telic verbs derive rà-applicatives specifying purpose;
-
some transitive telic verbs derive rà-applicatives specifying manner;
-
some transitive telic verbs derive fully idiomatic rà-derivates.
90There is also a small group of intransitive unprefixed verbs that derive rà-benefactives.
Multiplicative verbs derive rà-semelfactives.
91Admittedly, there are no rà-derivates in the database that are derived from transitive verbs of non-mentioned semantic types – e.g. atelic agentive verbs, telic effector verbs. Such derivates may be impossible in Susu, but this requires further research.
92A description of the meanings of the two most productive verbal prefixes in Susu, mà- and rà-, has been given in this paper. It has been shown that both prefixes have core meanings and more marginal meanings. Core meanings that are held by the majority of the prefixed derivates strongly correlate with lexical semantic features of the verbal stems they are derived from. More marginal meanings have weaker correlations, and are frequently defined lexically.