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The Peculiarities of Place: Madrid Content City, Netflix and the Spanish Audiovisual Industries in the Streaming Era

Christopher Meir et Ana Vinuela

Résumés

Le développement du cluster Madrid Content City, inauguré en 2019 en périphérie de la capitale de l’Espagne, met en évidence les modalités d’expansion de Netflix dans le monde, tout en révélant un tournant dans les formes de collaboration public-privé dans le contexte de la mondialisation néolibérale. Après avoir présenté une chronologie du développement de ce pôle de production, l’article se concentre sur la manière dont l’espace et les infrastructures du cluster influencent les pratiques de production et la stratégie d’internationalisation de Netflix. Il examine ensuite comment une initiative privée menée par le groupe Secuoya s’est associée aux projets du gouvernement espagnol pour stimuler l’économie et l’emploi dans l’audiovisuel, en adoptant une réglementation qui vise à attirer des investissements nationaux et étrangers en provenance des plateformes de streaming globales et d’autres acteurs majeurs des industries médiatiques.

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The authors wish to thank Cristina Abel, Communication Manager at Secuoya Content Group for her assistance in sharing information about the company and arranging our interviews with its executives.

1Just over twenty kilometers north of the Spanish capital, in the suburb of Tres Cantos, sits Madrid Content City (MCC), a recently constructed audiovisual production hub covering 140,000 square meters. The complex includes twelve sound stages, a university campus, a large supermarket and numerous restaurants and bars (see Figure 1). This location is virtually synonymous with Netflix’s presence in the country, and it was here that then Netflix CEO Reed Hastings came – after a stop at the Royal Palace to meet Spain’s king Felipe VI – to celebrate the opening of the five sound stages that the company inaugurated in 2019. This fanfare would soon be followed by an unprecedented boom in the production of films and series in Spain, many of which were commissioned by Netflix, but others were also produced for some of the streamer’s competitors, including other global platforms as well as local broadcasters and pay-television operators.

Figure 1: A bird’s eye view image of Madrid Content City in Tres Cantos, a town on the outskirts of Madrid. © Secuoya Content Group, 2025.

2With a veritable golden age for audiovisual production coalescing in 2021, Spain’s president Pedro Sánchez announced an array of policy measures and dedicated European and domestic funds intended to consolidate the country’s position as a global audiovisual production power. He hoped this initiative would cross-fertilize other important sectors such as tourism and the cultural industries more broadly, create thousands of jobs and help to grow the country’s skills base and tax revenue. The Spanish government agency tasked with making this vision a reality was ICEX, the division of Export and Investment that has long been associated with Madrid Content City and Netflix’s residency there. After all, it was ICEX CEO María Peña who helped to celebrate Netflix’s arrival in the first announcement of the planned hub, promising that «it will be entitled to our full support» (quoted in Netflix 2018).

3Despite the high-profile announcements, the involvement from Silicon Valley titans and the Spanish government, the new hub in Tres Cantos – then known as Ciudad de la Tele – belonged neither to Netflix nor to any public agency. Netflix had in 2018 only signed a long-term lease for studio space, five sound stages to be precise, whereas neither ICEX nor any other branch of the Spanish government was involved in the planning and construction of those spaces. Instead, Madrid Content City, as it would soon be known, was the creation of Secuoya Studios CEO Raúl Berdonés and his partner Pablo Jimeno, who saw a gap in the country’s audiovisual infrastructure and began developing a state-of-the-art studio space. What Secuoya had not fully appreciated, however, was how much demand there would be for that space. Therefore, plans quickly came together for an additional five sound stages and a post-production suite, all of which would also be leased to Netflix, as well as two other sound stages outside of the Netflix deal used by Secuoya and available for hire. With Spain’s content boom still roaring at the time of writing in 2025, Secuoya is contemplating yet further expansion, including the construction of up to 12 additional sound stages. In its current form, with the existing stages and the surrounding office space, university campus and amenities, Madrid Content City has a daytime population of well over 1,000 people and innumerable ongoing projects in production and post-production onsite at any moment.

4Its centrality to Spain’s audiovisual industries on one hand, and the emerging global streaming industry on the other, makes Madrid Content City a compelling object of study, equally for scholars of Spanish and Global Film and Television, as well as Media Industry Studies generally. With its interrelated components, the MCC as a whole can be considered as a form of «urban cultural development», a concept that has mainly been addressed in academic debates by examining its implications for both the cultural economy and the cultural ecology of cities (Goldsmith and O’Regan 2004), and focusing on the way in which the cultural, creative and media industries influence territorial imaginaries and contribute to the production of hegemonic definitions of spaces and geographical areas (Bénistant, Dalibert and Lécossais 2024). However, it is worth noting that rather than building a mediated imagination of the city by promoting its architecture and surrounding landscapes, foreign investment in films and series produced in Madrid Content City have mainly contributed to putting Spain on the map of the global entertainment economy thanks to a set of alliances with national and international partners. Given these features, we contend that Madrid Content City as a cultural urban development should be understood as a cluster. As such, the concentration of industrial, leisure and educational firms that has emerged in the outskirts of Madrid can be seen, following Porter’s definition of this notion, as «a geographically proximate group of interconnected companies and associated institutions in a particular field, linked by commonalities and complementarities» (Porter 1998, p. 199). This definition should be completed by conceptualizing this cluster as a spatially concentrated value chain with ramifications in different continents and sectors of activity, integrating knowledge, relationships and motivation, three sources of competitive advantage according to Porter (1998 p. 78). These three elements have enabled to progressively develop the site as global cluster that extends its operations in Spain, the United States, Latin America and the Middle East.

5Even if it is Secuoya’s management that had the initial vision to develop what has become a global cluster, in this article we argue that Madrid Content City has become an emblem for both Netflix and the Spanish government in the streaming era, with both hoping to use it to build their own brands. For Netflix, the hub was the first of a series of major investments in localized production infrastructure in Europe (Netflix 2018), as the company was keen to devolve its management oversight from Los Gatos, California, entrusting managerial tasks to local staff in the various markets where it sought to build relationships with creative talents, subscribers, and national and regional policymakers. For Spain, the relationship with Netflix was a way to position itself as a favored home not only for Netflix’s local productions, but also for its many international films and series, which could equally be produced and post-produced in the country, be that in Tres Cantos or elsewhere. Finally, it was also a chance for both Netflix and Spain to brand themselves as dynamic, innovative and technologically sophisticated leaders in the 21st century audiovisual economy.

6The article will provide a detailed chronology of the development of Madrid Content City and a critical analysis of the space and infrastructure found there. Whatever Madrid Content City may mean in symbolic terms, it is also a very real space and place that has influenced Netflix’s production practices in the country itself, while also hosting numerous films and series from other European and Latin American countries. The article will then offer two overviews of the place of the MCC in Netflix’s broader strategies. The first of these will be concerned with the impact of the facilities on the company’s production practices and the representational tendencies that flow from those. The second will be concerned with the ways in which the streamer has used the hub as part of its self-promotional discourses as a benevolent presence in Spain and Europe, discourses that can be understood within the context of the company’s fight for favorable regulatory policies in Spain and elsewhere in Europe. Finally, the article concludes with an examination of the Spanish government’s efforts to foster the country’s economy, skill set and infrastructure, by making regulatory accommodations to continue attracting investment from streamers and other major players in the media industries.

7Throughout this analysis, we will show that Madrid Content City and its place within the contemporary audiovisual industries are both marked by numerous peculiarities. These include its origins as a vital infrastructure that was created by entrepreneurial capitalism, rather than public policy as is more often the case with production hubs in Europe and elsewhere (O’Regan 2018, p. 10). Among other implications, this realization puts the ways in which the Spanish government has utilized the hub as an emblem of its policies in a peculiar light, as it is perhaps being even more opportunistic than Netflix vis-à-vis the facility. Other important peculiarities will include the paradoxical impact that the studio has had on the style and representational tendencies of the series and films Netflix has produced there, as these make less use of Spanish locations and geography in favor of the indoor studio spaces created on the site. These and other peculiarities will be critical motifs of our analysis as the story of the MCC departs in unexpected ways from the typical narratives of infrastructural development in the audiovisual industries.

8From a methodological perspective, besides building on critical literature in the fields of media industry studies as well as film historiography centered on film studios, the article also draws on institutional documents consulted on the websites of ICEX and the Ministry of Digital Transition, as well as on articles in trade publications reporting on Netflix arrival to Madrid Content City. The research is complemented by four semi-structured interviews carried out in February 2025 with Raúl Berdonés, CEO of the Secuoya Content Group, José Chorro, audiovisual services director at Secuoya and head of Secuoya’s subsidiary Drago Broadcast Services, Javier Vidaurreta, Vice-dean of The Core School, integrated to the Madrid Content City cluster, and with Luis Cueto, audiovisual policy advisor at the Ministry of Digital Transition. These interviews are complemented by detailed analysis of trade and promotional discourses from Secuoya Studios, Netflix and the Spanish government.

Madrid Content City: From a «Mudflat» to a «Television City», and to a Global Content Hub

  • 1 Raúl Berdonés was interviewed for this article in Spanish. His exact word to describe the empty lot (...)

9Before laying the first brick of what would come to be known as Madrid Content City in 2017, Raúl Berdonés had run an audiovisual production company in his home town of Granada in the south of Spain, and then founded Secuoya Studios in December 2007. In 2008 the group closed its first production services deal with the Spanish broadcaster Antena 3, and one year later it started to produce TV content as part of a diversification strategy. This strategy also involved the development of Ciudad de la Tele, the embryo of Madrid Content City. The reasons for building a customized studio space are important for understanding the process of professionalization of the Spanish audiovisual industry that is epitomized by the construction of the MCC. Berdonés and his business partner Pablo Jimeno were frustrated with the problems that arose when filming in studios across Spain in the early 21st century, as these were often old industrial warehouse spaces not adapted for the needs of audiovisual producers. While these warehouses afforded a great deal of space for the construction of sets and the mounting of lights, they were not fit for purpose when it came to sound in particular, with exterior noises often being picked up by the microphones used on the set. With this understanding of the needs of producers in mind, Secuoya found a location for the Ciudad de la Tele in undeveloped open fields – that Berdonés has described as «mudflats»1 – in the Tres Cantos area on the outskirts of Madrid.

10Besides being conveniently empty and unpopulated, the area is notable for its paradoxical combination of proximity and distance from the city of Madrid itself. It is close enough that creative talent, below-the-line workers and executives can reside in the capital or one of its suburbs comfortably, with only a short commute to work at the site. At the same time, it is geographically isolated from the city and even the surrounding suburb of Tres Cantos, with no walkable stops on either the region’s metro or commuter rail systems, thereby keeping the general public at bay while also minimizing other forms of distractions for the workers onsite. With the now growing population of Madrid Content City, this isolation is less pronounced as restaurants and a supermarket have been added to the complex, and authorities have pledged to add a stop closer to the hub to the region’s commuter train line that passes through Tres Cantos. Such improvements to the hub’s infrastructure will undoubtedly make commuting to the studio space easier for workers and students who do not own cars.

11The construction of the complex was undertaken in four phases, with the first starting in July 2017, followed by two other phases that were finished in 2022 and in 2024, respectively, and a fourth phase that was launched in 2025. As a global cluster, Madrid Content City started to take shape as early as in September 2018, when Netflix chose to set up its first production center in Europe in the hub promoted by Secuoya. However, as Berdonés has pointed out, the streamer’s decision to choose Madrid to set-up a large-scale production center of audiovisual content with a global reach was not the result of a carefully crafted strategy by Secuoya or by the Spanish government. In fact, about six months after a meeting between executives from Netflix and Secuoya in Los Angeles, Netflix contacted Berdonés to see if a delegation that was on a scouting trip could visit the studios. Even though Secuoya CEO’s main objective when meeting with Netflix executives in Los Angeles had been to pitch Secuoya’s series ideas to the streamer, Berdonés mentioned that his company was building state-of-the-art sound stages near Madrid, which at that moment were intended to enable the production of Secuoya's own projects and to be rented out to local production companies during periods of inactivity. After visiting what was still an undeveloped lot in Tres Cantos, Netflix proposed a long-term lease of all the sound stages under construction, and additionally, to have their exclusive use. The US streamer made later another offer to Secuoya to lease five more sound stages, the post-production facilities built in the project’s second phase and an office building to which all the Netflix staff in Madrid moved in the summer of 2024 from the headquarters that they had previously occupied in a central district of Madrid.

  • 2 Grupo Planeta owns 70 publishing companies, 64 bookstores, 22 educational institutions, 6 televisio (...)

12 In addition to Netflix’s presence, the transformation of an empty space into a business site also involved adding amenities such as restaurants and a supermarket. But above all, the executives interviewed for this research have pointed out the structuring role played by a private university integrated into the production hub, considered as «a factor of differentiation from other audiovisual clusters, strongly contributing to the performance and the sustainability of the Tres Cantos hub» (Berdonés 2025). Named The Core School, the university owned by the powerful Planeta Group2 has since 2022 offered graduate and undergraduate diplomas in «Entertainment Studies». Conceived as a private venture that places the student at the center of an industrial ecosystem, teaching is overseen by working professionals, including experts from all fields of the traditional audiovisual industries as well as specialists in data analysis and programming, in order to bring the digital culture and related methods into the content production practice.

Figure 2: The Core School in the MCC has benefited from its proximity to Netflix’s production spaces, even if it has no formal relationship with the American company. © Christopher Meir, 2025.

  • 3 Interview by the authors with Javier Vidaurreta, Vice-dean of The Core School, on 24 February 2025. (...)

13Netflix’s presence has undoubtedly helped attract students to the campus, even if the relationship between the streamer and The Core School is rather intangible. Firstly, because Netflix jealously guards its space, employing its own security staff and requesting the signing of non-disclosure agreements from all those involved in the productions that they commission. Secondly, because Netflix systematically collaborates with local producers to carry out the creative and physical production of the works commissioned by the company. Therefore, it is with these local producers that The Core School negotiates the internships which are then offered to its students. As noted by Javier Vidaurreta, the vice-dean of the school, Netflix acts more as «a manager of collaborating independent production companies, talent and projects3» than as a partner supporting the curricular development or the professional integration of students attracted by the idea of studying in a school located next to a major factory of global content.

14 The confluence of production, knowledge and amenities has enabled Madrid Content City to become a model not only likely to interest international partners, but also to be replicated elsewhere. Indeed, Secuoya has sought to «franchise» the Content City concept around the world, beginning in the Spanish city of Seville, and with other locations planned across Latin America and elsewhere (Berdonés 2025). This success has relied on both extrinsic conditions such as institutional support mainly through tax incentives and a neoliberal urban policy, and intrinsic conditions such as state of the art studio facilities, competitive labor costs, and high profile creative and technical talent already experienced on prime-time TV series production for free-to-air broadcasters since the 1990s.

  • 4 The sale operation involves the 12 studios, 3 office buildings, 24 warehouses, a university campus, (...)
  • 5 See « Berdonés y Jimeno, junto con Banca March, lanzan un fondo de titulización para invertir en pr (...)

15As was mentioned at the outset of the article, one of the many peculiarities about the MCC as a production hub, particularly a European hub, is that it was not founded by a governmental entity set on developing infrastructure as a way to attract investment. That said, regarding indirect institutional support, even though Madrid Content City is an entirely private initiative conceived by Berdonés and Jimeno, the cluster should not be dissociated from a series of measures backed by national, regional and local conservative governments responding to a neoliberal political agenda. The application of such measures has resulted in a substantial reduction in public spending, as well as the privatization of public services with a consequent boost for private enterprises, including those entering and operating in the higher education sector such as the Planeta Group-backed The Core School. In the domain of urban policies, a «neoliberal turn» took place in Spain in the second half of the 20th century (Romero González, Brandis and Melo 2015), leading to the consolidation of the real estate business as a major driving force of the economic activity and favoring the financialization of land and its inclusion in global capital circuits. In this context, it is worth noting that in 2022, the whole of Madrid Content City was put up for sale, with an asking price of 400 million euros, by Roots Real Estate, a company owned by Secuoya along with the investment fund H.I.G. Capital4. While as of July 2025 no deal has been closed, global asset management companies such as Apollo, Blackstone and KKR, are reported to be interested in buying the hub (Arroyo and Montalvo 2022). Concomitantly, Berdonés and Jimeno have announced the launching of a private equity fund to finance Spanish films and series5, thus reinforcing the presence of Secuoya in the field of content production.

Locating Global Streamers: Methods for Understanding the International Expansion of VOD Platforms

16Even if there is more to the MCC than Netflix’s activities there, the company is nevertheless the hub’s most important tenant. Ever since the company announced its first original productions to be made outside of the United States – series such as Mexico’s Club de Cuervos or Brazil’s 3% – scholars have been seeking how to quantify and analyze the ways in which those efforts have impacted the audiovisual industries in countries in which Netflix has expanded. Notable ways of doing so have, for instance, focused on business strategies to ensure marketing and distribution of the platform (e.g. Wayne and Castro 2021); dialogues and sometimes clashes with national and regional regulators (e.g. Lobato 2019; Vinuela 2024); original production investments, including partnerships with local stakeholders (Bullich and Schmitt 2022, Barra and Noto 2024). This growing body of literature has produced insights into how the platform has adapted its businesses to local realities and how those local markets have themselves changed due to the company’s arrival.

17One method that has thus far not been deployed to any significant extent has been the analysis of the physical presence that Netflix, or any of the other platform operators have established in local markets. In seeking to utilize precisely this approach, we will build on other studies of studio spaces in film historiography and contemporary media industry studies having produced influential studies of the spaces used to film early and silent cinema’s first works (Jacobson 2015), Germany’s Babelsberg (Krätke 2002) and Britain’s Pinewood Studios (Street 2024), with the latter space having served “as the model for Secuoya’s vision for Madrid Content City” (Berdonés 2025). Media industry studies has for its part produced seminal works on methodologies for spatial analysis (e.g. Goldsmith and O’Regan 2005) as well as studies of the impact of the decentralization of the film industry on American cities, as film-making shifted to working on location (Christopherson and Storper 1986), among others.

18Besides contributing to these growing fields of study, further motivating this article are the paradoxical ways in which Netflix’s location in Tres Cantos has been both a recurrent fixture in scholarly writing about the company’s activities in Spain, while those facilities have undergone little to no close analysis. For example, scholars including Michael Wayne and Deborah Castro (2021 p. 8), Luis Albornoz and Trinidad García Leiva (2022 p. 70), and Christopher Meir (2024 p. 197) have made passing mention of the production hub, but tellingly never refer to it as Madrid Content City or go much deeper than pointing out the symbolic importance of the space as a reflection of the deepening ties between the streamer and Spain itself. This observation is not in and of itself incorrect nor is it misleading; indeed, in the final analysis this may be the most important role that the studio space that Netflix leases at Madrid Content City plays for the company and the country: that of an emblem for the localization of Netflix and global modernization of Spain’s audiovisual sector. Understanding this emblematic use of Madrid Content City by both the SVOD company and the Spanish government will be an important part of this article, but before getting to that conclusion, we must first look more closely at the multifaceted ways in which the studio space has been used by Netflix.

Netflix’s Usage of the MCC: Style, Representation and National Branding

19Our discussion of Netflix’s use of the MCC will be done in two movements. The first of these is concerned with the production activities that go on at the site and the representations they generate, whereas the second will examine its use in Netflix’s discursive self-promotion using the studio space as evidence of its benevolent impact on the Spanish audiovisual industries. In order to understand the impact of the MCC’s facilities on Netflix’s original Spanish content, we must begin with an overview of the company’s commissioning activities in the country. These include the first Netflix original series made in Spain, Las chicas del cable / The Cable Girls, which was announced in 2016 and released in 2017. The relationship between Netflix and Bambú Producciones, the production company behind The Cable Girls, and the series itself have been analyzed at length by Concepción Cascajosa and Deborah Castro (2023), with their study demonstrating that it was commissioned in part because of the success that Bambú’s earlier series made for broadcast television (such as Velvet and Gran Hotel / Grand Hotel) were having on Netflix. Another major watershed moment for Netflix was the runaway success on the platform of the series La casa de papel / Money Heist, which the streamer acquired for international release in 2017 as a Netflix original before buying the underlying intellectual property for the series and commissioning new seasons (Edgerton 2023). Both Money Heist and The Cable Girls are important for understanding Netflix’s decision to seek studio space in Spain, but according to Secuoya executives, it was Money Heist that was the more immediate catalyst, solidifying Netflix’s strategic desire to invest heavily in Spanish original content. A final key early series for understanding Netflix’s move to Tres Cantos was Élite / Elite, released in 2018, which also proved to be extremely popular and ran for a total of eight seasons on the platform.

20Despite their differences in genre and audience address – The Cable Girls was a period melodrama aimed primarily at an older female demographic, whereas Elite was a contemporary-set teen drama aimed at young adult audiences and Money Heist was an action thriller aimed at a broad adult audience – all three series depended heavily on interior photography and bespoke sets, thus requiring extensive use of studio space. Indeed, one of the first projects to be filmed by Netflix at Madrid Content City was one of the later seasons of Money Heist, in which the show’s fictional setting moved from the National Mint to the Bank of Spain, thus using new sets. Indeed, the veritable ‘unreality’ of these three shows is worth some commentary as they are all at a representational level far removed from the realities of contemporary Spain. This quality is perhaps easily explained in the case of The Cable Girls due to its period setting, but Money Heist’s rendering of the Bank of Spain and the National Mint are equally fabricated despite both locations actually existing in reality. Meanwhile, there are few, if any, secondary schools – no matter how wealthy the students are – that look like the American simulacrum that is used in Elite, a series that in many senses is «dislocated» from the realities of its ostensible setting in Madrid (Castro et al. 2023, p. 119). While all of these series started production before Netflix arrived in Madrid Content City, all would film later seasons there.

  • 6 Interview by the authors with José Chorro, audiovisual services director at Secuoya and head of Sec (...)

21Over time, Netflix’s leased studio space at the MCC grew to include a total of ten sound stages which have a combined area of 22,000 square meters. These include a virtual sound stage, a complex arrangement of LED screens that allows for the creation of digital mise-en-scène which goes far beyond green screen technology, according to José Chorro6. The use of sets and studio space at the MCC to create works that were removed from the physical landscapes or cityscapes of Spain can be seen across the corpus of works commissioned by Netflix since it has leased stages from Secuoya. All these works take advantage of the sheer volume of space available, that has allowed producers to build large and elaborate sets. For example, the studio space to stand in for a transatlantic ocean liner from the 1940s in the Bambú series Alta Mar / High Seas covered a reported 2,695 square meters (Hopewell 2019). This was just one of the Bambú period pieces that benefitted from the MCC studio space, as the company’s later Netflix series Manual para señoritas / Manual for Young Women also utilized a set built at the facility (Moore 2024). The studio space also allowed the production company Desorden Que Crea to build an entire fictional hospital for the medical drama series Respira / Breathless, a set which took up 1,500 square meters and which the producers kept in place for an extended period of time while Netflix decided whether or not to renew the series for a second season (Mottram 2024; Moore 2024).

22Breathless is also an indicator of the ways in which the studio space has served to dislocate productions from their filming space, as the series is set in Valencia, but most of its filming takes place in suburban Madrid. This dislocation is even more pronounced when producers have used the virtual sound stage to film sequences that have stood in for the Andes mountains (in the film La sociedad de la nieve / The Society of the Snow), the sewers of Paris (in the series Berlin) and a post-apocalyptic Barcelona (in the film Bird Box Barcelona), among other works shot in the studios. Besides these exotic and fantastical settings, the virtual video effects technology is also routinely used to film scenes in which characters are seen driving in cars (Moore 2024), meaning that even mundane images of Spanish cities are synthetically created. While many Netflix original works are made with a strong sense of location – including series such as Clanes/Gangs of Galicia, which refers to the region it is set in within the international title – the works that were made using the virtual sound stage have been removed from their ostensible settings, despite being made within close geographic proximity in many cases.

  • 7 This information, as well as most of the information about the technical facilities at Madrid Conte (...)

23In addition to the Spanish productions that are filmed at the MCC, numerous originals from other countries have been made at least in part onsite, including projects from Europe, Africa and the Middle East (Mottram 2024), a point that brings us to a closer look at what can be considered as a globalized post-production practice. The post-production facility was initially set up by Secuoya through its Drago subsidiary, with the intention of renting it out to Netflix as well as other clients within the hub. However, once it was complete, Netflix decided to negotiate the outright purchase of the equipment7. Then, with the equipment in place, Netflix connected the post-production center to the entirety of its global post-production network, which means that picture and sound editing being undertaken in Madrid can be supervised or at least reviewed by executives around the world. Moreover, Netflix technical team at the Madrid facility can likewise access and review postproduction work going on at a Netflix facility in another country. Finally, this high-speed internet connectivity also implies that rushes can be sent from productions anywhere in the world for postproduction work by the Madrid team. Such workflow arrangements surely take advantage of Spain’s relatively low labor costs for audiovisual workers, and they also position the country highly in a technological and skills hierarchy that sees workers in Madrid supervising the editing work of their counterparts in Latin America and Europe, as executives showed journalists during a 2024 tour of the facility, boasting of the Madrid team’s oversight of projects in Mexico and Colombia, as well as the rendering of the Portuguese series Rabo de Peixe / Turn of the Tide (Moore 2024).

24 Netflix’s pride in these facilities – the studio space as a whole, but more specifically the post-production suites – is such that numerous interviews have been published highlighting the facility’s state-of-the-art capabilities (e.g. Gómez 2022). Victor Martí, Netflix’s Head of Production for Spain and Portugal, has also hosted several editions of the Netflix EMEA Production Summit in which the company shows off its «best practices in workflows» and «cutting-edge technologies» (Production Summit 2025). These events come in addition to the aforementioned 2024 press tour aimed at a team of international journalists, illustrating some of the ways in which Netflix has used the site to underscore the company’s branding as a technological disruptor of the world’s media industries.

Figure 3: The postproduction facilities in the MCC complex are used by Netflix as emblems of the company’s technological sophistication. © Secuoya Content Group, 2025.

25Besides promoting the company’s technological capacities, these events also help to burnish the company’s image as a global player with a local face, one with all the latest (and implicitly most expensive) technology, but one which is using that technology to employ and empower Spanish talent. For this reason, executives repeatedly invoke ideas of the local to explain Netflix’s supposedly unique approach to global media production. In this sense, Larry Tanz, Netflix’s head of operations in Europe, the Middle East and Africa, told reporters that whereas in other eras of media history creators had to go to Los Angeles to get their projects made, today the company has localized operations in 11 countries, with teams working with local talent handling creative development, production, post-production, business affairs and production finance— «everything that you would have in a studio operation» (quoted in Moore 2024). In making these claims, Tanz is referring to Netflix’s other production hubs across Europe, hubs that are held up as tangible evidence of Netflix’s claims of talent-friendliness and support to local cultures. The hubs in cities such as Paris, Amsterdam, and Stockholm, to name just a few, have been opened with similar fanfare to that which was used to inaugurate the stages in Madrid, and have sought to combine this image of a benevolent patron of European culture with a physical reification of the jobs and economic activity that accompany the investments made by Netflix. In short, they are presented as emblems of Netflix’s promise to bring technological innovation, as well as economic and cultural empowerment to Europe.

Place and Policy: The MCC’s Role in the Rebranding of Spain as Europe’s Audiovisual Hub

  • 8 The information about the plan to boost the audiovisual industry named « Spain Audiovisual Hub » is (...)

26Appreciating the use of Madrid Content City as a branding tool by Netflix provides an opportune moment to turn to the ways in which the Spanish government has also attempted to associate itself with the space, and by extension re-brand the country as a European and global audiovisual hub. By having ICEX – the Spanish federal agency responsible for international trade – feature prominently in the announcement of the lease deal between Secuoya and Netflix in July 2018, the agreement between two private companies gained a political dimension. This initial public relations exercise was followed by more substantive interventions by the Spanish’s government in the nation’s audiovisual industries. Seeking to boost the sector, an array of policy measures grouped under the title « Spain, Audiovisual Hub of Europe8 » was unveiled by president Pedro Sánchez in 2021, aiming at converting Spain into a leading home for content production, as well as to attracting international investment and talent. Thus, as one of the cornerstones of this policy, Madrid Content City has come to serve the interests of both Secuoya and the Spanish government.

27The government plan to create such an ambitious hub mobilized public resources amounting to 1.6 billion euros to be invested between 2021 and 2025, funds which come mainly from the State’s budget, the European Union Next Generation Fund, the European Regional Development Fund and the Creative Europe program. Using public financing to leverage private investment, the Spanish government sought to facilitate an industrial turn in the culturally-oriented policy regime administered by the Instituto de la Cinematografía y de las Artes Audiovisuales (ICAA), the national film agency. In this policy shift, the competitive system of tax incentives that has positioned Spain among the top tier of destinations for big international shoots constitutes an important pillar. Most regions, including Madrid, offer a 30% tax rebate, but the rebates reach 50% of the expenditure in the Canary Islands, and beginning in 2023, the Basque Country has offered tax breaks of up to 70% for domestic projects and 60% for international productions.

  • 9 Interview by the authors with Luis Cueto Álvarez de Sotomayor, audiovisual policy advisor at the Mi (...)

28Netflix’s choice to set up a production center in Tres Cantos can be seen as pioneering a process leading to a capitalistic transformation of a now globalized audiovisual sector. Nevertheless, the industrial turn in the government agenda, backed by neoliberal urban policies, could not have taken place without a significant amount of European funding. The transfer of funds was approved by Brussels in 2022, once Spain completed the transposition of the revised EU Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) into Spanish national law in order to integrate foreign streamers into the national audiovisual ecosystem. Luis Cueto, policy advisor at the Ministry of Digital Transition, describes the measures adopted in Spain in this direction as «ductile», meaning by that a willingness to «favor the industry growth as much as possible, in such a way that the big players may invest two to three times more than what the law would ordinarily oblige them to9». If Cueto acknowledges the interest of imposing a minimum legal standard to foreign streamers, this is justified by « the objective of developing an interesting business in Spain, by permitting streamers to make their own investment choices instead of counting on the investment arising from legal obligations to contribute to financing local production » (Cueto, 2025). Thus, by enabling global streamers to choose between paying a levy to the national film agency or to directly invest in the production of local audiovisual works, devoting in either case 5% of their local annual income, Spain has implemented a streamer-friendly policy. Arguably this policy measure was taken at the expense of local independent production companies, which are able to retain very little or none of the intellectual property rights from the content they produce, with those rights now mostly in the hands of companies like Netflix and other foreign stakeholders.

29The primary goal of the government’s plan, as outlined by Cueto, is clear: to grow three economic indicators by at least 30% between 2021 and 2026. These economic indicators are firstly the volume of content produced, then the employment rate, and finally the investment in the audiovisual industry, an objective that according to Cueto was on the way to being achieved. The MCC hub makes a significant contribution to these goals by providing a tangible emblem of industrial growth, and the long-term lease signed between Secuoya and Netflix has undoubtedly helped to inspire a state policy aimed at industrializing a cultural sector. Moreover, the Secuoya-Netflix association can be seen as the reification of the government’s plan for the audiovisual industry. Interviewed for this article, Cueto has cited the progressive development of the MCC into a viable business, first and foremost with Netflix on board, then with other national and international companies, as evidence that policy measures are working. In other words, the development of the space took place in a context in which the entrepreneurial vision of the promoters of the MCC has matched the demand of a globalized industry as well as the political agenda of the Sánchez administration. Indeed, the MCC demonstrates that by bringing together US capital and business strategies with local business and creative talent, a cultural industry traditionally driven by small and medium-size enterprises engaged in low-budget projects can be transformed into one that aspires to compete with mainstream Hollywood production.

Figure 4: By branding its studio space in the MCC with images from its Spanish original series, Netflix emphasizes its role as a significant player in the national audiovisual industries. © Christopher Meir, 2025.

Conclusion

30In this article we have sought to trace the development of Madrid Content City and to demonstrate its importance in both practical and symbolic terms for Netflix and the Spanish government, even if neither were directly involved in the creation of the complex. As a way of concluding this study, we would like to offer some reflections on the hub’s place in the emerging history of the streaming era, as well as its resonances in the history of Spanish cinema and television specifically. These reflections begin with an important change to the very name of the complex in the days following the signing of Netflix, a change from Ciudad de la Tele (literally «Television City») to Madrid Content City. This change underscores a fundamental shift in the Spanish and global audiovisual industry in several related ways. Firstly, it speaks to a change in the industrial power structure in Spain, where in the mid-2010s the biggest and most powerful commissioners were television networks, including Antena 3, with which Secuoya was working at the time. Changing the medium of production in the hub’s name from «television» to «content» is a reminder that streaming platforms are now the most important commissioners and buyers, as «content» has become a ubiquitous, generically non-specific term for films, series, and just about everything else in the streamers’ catalogues. On its own, this word could be construed as referring to any streaming platform – including Spanish services for example – but the fact that the name of the Tres Cantos complex is also written in English is revealing of a desire to target the American-owned global platforms specifically. We can thus see industrial change, an embrace of neoliberal globalization and a growing dependence on American streaming platforms written into the name of the hub itself.

Figure 5: The change of the hub’s name from “Ciudad de la Tele” to “Madrid Content City” reflects broader changes that have taken place over the last decade in the Spanish audiovisual industries. © Christopher Meir, 2025.

31The other important context for analyzing the development of the MCC can be found drawing a parallel with another period of growing dependence on American companies on the part of the Spanish film industry. Madrid has a long history as a center for film production, largely influenced by investments by American producers in the country dating back to the 1950s, during the Franco dictatorship. The cooperation of the Spanish government with Hollywood reached its apogee with the partnership forged between the regime and producer Samuel Bronston – then based in Spain – to shoot such epic films as El Cid (Anthony Mann, 1961), 55 Days at Peking (Nicholas Ray, 1963), King of Kings (Nicholas Ray, 1961), and Fall of the Roman Empire (Anthony Mann, 1964) (Fernández Hoya and Fernández Hoya 2009). In 1959, Bronston acquired the Estudios Cinematográficos Chamartín, located in the north of Madrid, and in 1962 he established a full-scale permanent studio in Las Rozas, a suburb of the capital (García de Dueñas 2001). As with today’s Netflix productions, the Hollywood-sponsored productions in Spain during the 1950s and the 1960s constituted a numerical minority, but they were made on a far larger scale of production than the domestic ones and are credited to have succeed in transferring knowledge by employing and training local technicians, actors and artisans (Rosendorf 2007). Additionally, the Spanish government then, as now, was keen to instrumentalize the presence of US companies, presenting investment, both financial and symbolic, as evidence of the modernity of the country, its capacity to develop transnational connections and the competitiveness of its audiovisual industry.

32Given its place within the representational, historical and political contexts detailed in this article, Madrid Content City is much more than a set of sound stages in a sleepy (albeit growing) suburb. What we have hoped to show in this article is that the MCC is both a product of unique historical circumstances in the form of the increasing power of US streaming platforms in Europe, but also of the long-standing attempts by the Spanish government to grow its audiovisual industries and soft power through economic liberalization and industrial alignment with American corporations. With such a genealogy, this hub has a degree of contemporary relevance and historical resonance that make it one of most important sites in the world for studies of the contemporary media industries.

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Note de fin

1 Raúl Berdonés was interviewed for this article in Spanish. His exact word to describe the empty lot was « barrizal ». « Mudflat » is the authors’ translation of that term. Interview by the authors with Raúl Berdonés, CEO of Secuoya Content Group, on 27 February 2025. The 1 hour and 30 minutes interview was done online.

2 Grupo Planeta owns 70 publishing companies, 64 bookstores, 22 educational institutions, 6 television channels (including Antena 3 the most-watched broadcast television channel in Spain in 2024), 3 radio stations, and an audiovisual production and distribution company. Within the flourishing business of private universities in Spain, and in particular in Madrid, Planeta Formación y Universidades, the higher education division of the Group, is a major player.

3 Interview by the authors with Javier Vidaurreta, Vice-dean of The Core School, on 24 February 2025. The 55 minutes interview was done online.

4 The sale operation involves the 12 studios, 3 office buildings, 24 warehouses, a university campus, a student residence, 13 restaurants, a supermarket and a service station gathered in the complex.

5 See « Berdonés y Jimeno, junto con Banca March, lanzan un fondo de titulización para invertir en producciones españolas », available on <https://www.audiovisual451.com/berdones-y-jimeno-junto-con-banca-march-lanzan-un-fondo-de-titulizacion-para-invertir-en-producciones-espanolas/>, uploaded on 21 May 2025.

6 Interview by the authors with José Chorro, audiovisual services director at Secuoya and head of Secuoya’s subsidiary Drago Broadcast Services, on 25 February 2025. The 1 hour and 40 minutes interview was done online.

7 This information, as well as most of the information about the technical facilities at Madrid Content City, was provided by José Chorro.

8 The information about the plan to boost the audiovisual industry named « Spain Audiovisual Hub » is available on the web site of the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness : <https://spainaudiovisualhub.mineco.gob.es/en/spain-audiovisual-hub>.

9 Interview by the authors with Luis Cueto Álvarez de Sotomayor, audiovisual policy advisor at the Ministry of Digital Transition on 17 February 2025. The interview lasted 1 hour and 15 minutes and was carried out online.

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Table des illustrations

Légende Figure 1: A bird’s eye view image of Madrid Content City in Tres Cantos, a town on the outskirts of Madrid. © Secuoya Content Group, 2025.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/map/docannexe/image/8413/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 463k
Légende Figure 2: The Core School in the MCC has benefited from its proximity to Netflix’s production spaces, even if it has no formal relationship with the American company. © Christopher Meir, 2025.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/map/docannexe/image/8413/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 343k
Légende Figure 3: The postproduction facilities in the MCC complex are used by Netflix as emblems of the company’s technological sophistication. © Secuoya Content Group, 2025.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/map/docannexe/image/8413/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 340k
Légende Figure 4: By branding its studio space in the MCC with images from its Spanish original series, Netflix emphasizes its role as a significant player in the national audiovisual industries. © Christopher Meir, 2025.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/map/docannexe/image/8413/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 329k
Légende Figure 5: The change of the hub’s name from “Ciudad de la Tele” to “Madrid Content City” reflects broader changes that have taken place over the last decade in the Spanish audiovisual industries. © Christopher Meir, 2025.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/map/docannexe/image/8413/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 435k
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Christopher Meir et Ana Vinuela, « The Peculiarities of Place: Madrid Content City, Netflix and the Spanish Audiovisual Industries in the Streaming Era »Mise au point [En ligne], 21 | 2025, mis en ligne le 12 novembre 2025, consulté le 09 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/map/8413 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/154xb

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Auteurs

Christopher Meir

Christopher Meir is Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. He has published widely on industrial issues and European cinema, including the monograph Mass Producing European Cinema: Studiocanal and Its Works (Bloomsbury, 2019), the edited collection European Cinema in the Streaming Era: Policy, Platforms, and Production (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024), which he co-edited with Roderik Smits, and numerous articles and book chapters. He has also acted as a consultant on issues related to streaming platforms for organizations including the European Commission, Eurimages and the European Audiovisual Production Association (CEPI).
Christopher Meir est professeur adjoint au département de communication de l’université Carlos III de Madrid. Il a publié de nombreux travaux sur les industries et le cinéma européen, notamment la monographie Mass Producing European Cinema: Studiocanal and Its Works (Bloomsbury, 2019), l’ouvrage collectif European Cinema in the Streaming Era: Policy, Platforms, and Production (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024), codirigé avec Roderik Smits, ainsi que de nombreux articles et chapitres d’ouvrage. Il a également été consultant sur des questions en lien avec les plateformes de streaming auprès de la Commission européenne, Eurimages et l’Association européenne de production audiovisuelle (CEPI).

Ana Vinuela

Ana Vinuela is Associate Professor in the Cinema and Television Department at Sorbonne Nouvelle University and deputy director of the Institute for Research on Cinema and Audiovisual Media (IRCAV). She has published numerous articles and book chapters on the production and transnational circulation of independent cinema, cultural and economic intermediaries in the audiovisual industries, and the interventions of political and institutional actors in structuring and supporting the transformation of these industries in France and Europe. She has also been responsible for international training and education projects at the French National Audiovisual Institute (INA) and director of studies at the INA graduate school.
Ana Vinuela est enseignante-chercheuse (MCF HDR) au département Cinéma et audiovisuel de l’université Sorbonne Nouvelle et directrice adjointe de l’Institut de recherches sur le cinéma et l’audiovisuel (IRCAV). Elle a publié de nombreux articles et chapitres d’ouvrage sur la production et la circulation transnationale du cinéma indépendant, les intermédiaires culturels et économiques dans les industries audiovisuelles et les interventions des acteurs politico-institutionnels dans la structuration et l’accompagnement des transformations de ces industries en France et en Europe. Elle a été responsable des projets internationaux à la direction de la formation de l’INA et directrice des études de l’école INA Sup.

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