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Figures de la ségrégation résidentielle en Europe du Sud

Vertical segregation: Mapping the vertical social stratification of residents in Athenian apartment buildings

Ségrégation verticale : cartographier la stratification verticale dans les immeubles résidentiels d’Athènes
Thomas Maloutas and Stavros N. Spyrellis
p. 27-36

Abstracts

This paper is about vertical segregation in Athens and the ways it has evolved up to the early 2010s. Vertical segregation refers to social stratification by floor of residence in the typical apartment building that dominates the city’s housing stock. Unlike its Parisian precedent, vertical segregation in Athens was developed much more recently (third quarter of the 20th Century), its social hierarchy is in the opposite direction (wealthier households occupy the higher rather than the lower floors) and its importance is not marginal, since it affects more than a fifth of the metropolitan population.
Mapping vertical segregation is a challenge since the different groups –social or ethnic– are located the one on top of the other. Ordinary segregation mapping depicts the areas of vertical segregation as mixed areas, but provides no indication on whether they are simply mixed or their population is also vertically stratified according to class or ethnicity. The paper introduces a mapping technique to overcome this difficulty.

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1Southern European cities present a rather high degree of functional and social mix (LEONTIDOU, 1990). This mix is related to the dominant mode of their urbanization, which did not follow the model of the industrial city (ALLEN et al., 2004). The urban tissue of these cities was much less affected by the functional organization of industrial development (zoning). A similar effect was produced by the weak development of the welfare state, i.e. by the absence of a well-organized network of welfare services. The functional mix facilitated social mix, which was also assisted by other factors that are common in South European cities, like the high rate of home-ownership, the low rate of residential mobility and the great importance of families’ landed property and family networks in determining residential location choices (MALOUTAS, 1990).

2On the other hand, spatial proximity does not necessarily mean social proximity, as was firstly discussed for large social housing estates in Paris in the late 1960s (CHAMBOREDON and LEMAIRE, 1970). In Southern Europe the spatial proximity of socially distant groups appears like a more general feature encompassing the divide along ethnic as well as class lines (ARBACI, 2008; ARBACI and RAE, 2013). In Athens, there are several processes, which promote the spatial proximity of socially distant groups. The spatial ‘entrapment’ of social mobility, for instance, refers to young socially mobile individuals, originating from working-class families, who choose to settle in their parental areas –rather than move to an area matching their upgraded status– in order to take advantage from their local family network and/or from existing family landed property (MALOUTAS, 2004 ; LEAL, 2004) for the same process in Madrid). Vertical segregation refers to the spatial coexistence of different social groups in a hierarchically stratified mode within the apartment buildings of the broad area of the city centre (MALOUTAS and KARADIMITRIOU, 2001).

3This paper is about the process of vertical segregation; the ways it has evolved up to the early 2010s and the challenges that its mapping presents.

1 - What is vertical segregation?

4Vertical segregation –in contrast with (horizontal) community segregation– signifies the different geometrical direction that residential space is socially and/or ethnically stratified. Vertical segregation in Athens refers to the social stratification by floor of residence in the typical apartment building (polykatoikia) that dominates the city’s housing stock, especially in the broader area of the centre. The name designates multiple [poly] housing [katoikia] units within single buildings that were made possible through new legislation in the late 1920s (MARMARAS, 1991: 16).

5There are historical precedents with vertical social differentiation being developed in a number of western and central European cities, like Paris and Vienna. The Parisian model consisted of a social division between the bourgeois lower floors — with larger apartments of luxurious construction — and the upper floors, where poorly equipped independent rooms and small apartments were occupied by servants and other manual workers’ households who often accessed their quarters by separate –service– doors. P. WHITE (1984: 155) considers vertical segregation a residue of the pre-industrial, mercantile city, where there was ‘coexistence, within single houses, of individuals and families at different positions in the class hierarchy’; Y. GRAFMEYER (1991: 113) claims that vertical segregation in Paris is overstated following impressive literary descriptions and illustrations; and A. DAUMARD (1967) shows that there is some evidence of vertical segregation in commercial quarters, but much less in residential areas dominated either by the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. Massive embourgeoisement or gentrification has even further reduced this phenomenon in the centre of Paris, which has become increasingly socially homogenous (TABARD and ALDEGHI, 1990; PRÉTECEILLE, 1993; see also GRAFMEYER, 1991: 113–16 for Lyon).

6Vertical social differentiation is not discussed in Anglo-American textbooks of urban geography (KNOX, 1982; 1994; CADWALLADER, 1996; HALL, 1998; KNOX and PINCH, 2014) or in compendiums of social area analysis (ROBSON, 1969; TIMMS, 1971; DAVIES, 1984). One should turn to studies of regional (European) interest — like P. WHITE (1984) or L. LEONTIDOU (1990), but unlike D.-C. MCELRATH (1962) or D. BURTENSHAW et al. (1994), who refer exclusively to community segregation — to find some tribute paid to this phenomenon.

7Unlike its Parisian precedent, vertical segregation in Athens is much more recently developed (second half of the 20th Century and especially in its last quarter); social hierarchy is in the opposite direction (wealthier households occupy the higher rather than the lower floors) and the importance of the phenomenon is not marginal in terms of specific weight since it affects more than a fifth of the metropolitan population and much more in central city areas.

2 - The discussion and the data

8The discussion about vertical segregation in Athens was started by L. LEONTIDOU (1990) who argued about a vertical divide between middle and working-class groups that she named vertical social differentiation. She claimed that this was true for the broader South European region due to a common and highly developed urban culture; this culture supposedly transgressed the usual outcome of housing market mechanisms in the modern metropolis (i.e. segregation) by bringing together different segments of the population in the densely built central areas due to the socially spread appreciation of urban living. A different approach was adopted by T. MALOUTAS and N. KARADIMITRIOU (2001) who argued that vertical segregation is not a common feature of Southern Europe and that its considerable development in Athens is mainly linked to specificities regarding the structure of its built environment.

9The specificities of the built environment in Athens that promoted vertical segregation are related to the mode most of the city’s building stock was produced. The stock is composed of apartment buildings of five to eight floors that were built through small-scale operations on small parcels, usually comprising only one single building. The agents involved were the landowner –who often initiated the process– and a small builder with whom they formed a joint venture to carry out a single operation at the end of which they split the apartments and business locals produced according to their initial contract. This form of building process –called antiparochi (MANTOUVALOU et al., 1995; ANTONOPOULOU, 1991)– was facilitated by public policy through generous tax relief and became extremely successful during the first post-war decades. From 1950 to 1980, 34.000 apartment buildings over five floors were built in Athens, replacing the low-rise neoclassical patrimony dating from the mid-19th Century and massively increasing the density of the city that had only 1.000 such buildings until 1950 (MALOUTAS and KARADIMITRIOU, 2001: 710-11).

10The bulk of the Athenian multi‑storey housing stock has been produced from the end of the war to 1980 under the same building regulation, leading to a similar internal structure for individual apartment buildings. This structure is the most important feature of the built environment that supported the development of vertical segregation. Apartments on higher floors were always larger, with better view, more sun and very often with large balconies, since upper floors were usually built en retiré (photography 1).

Photography 1 – The advantaged higher floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas

Photography 1 – The advantaged higher floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas

Source: T. Maloutas.

11On lower floors –ground floor, but also partly underground– apartments were much smaller, darker and noisier (photography 2).

Photography 2 – The disadvantaged lower floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas

Photography 2 – The disadvantaged lower floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas

Source: T. Maloutas.

12The unequal quality of living conditions by floor increased with higher density. The new stock of apartment buildings replaced a much lower and much smaller stock. This affected mainly living conditions on lower floors, which became darker and noisier, since the new voluminous stock was produced on the existing, very narrow street layout.

13At the beginning of the process, in the late 1950s and the 1960s, the apartments on upper floors were often kept by the landowner or sold to rather affluent buyers for their personal use. Apartments on lower floors were, on the contrary, usually destined to the rental market, where they mainly met the housing needs of people in transitional stages of their housing careers (for example students or other single young adults recently emancipated from their parental homes) or of those who avoided homeownership either by choice or because they could not afford it. As the process developed and brought increasing disadvantages to apartments on lower floors, the status of tenants’ social profile declined and the number of vacant apartments increased.

14An important change occurred in the early 1990s. The large wave of immigration from neighboring countries, and mainly from Albania, was a major new factor for the city’s housing market. In 1991 foreign citizens in Athens accounted for less than two per cent of the population; in 2001 they were ten per cent and in the central municipality this rate was almost double. The fact that most migrants did not possess legal documents and the complete absence of rented social housing in Greece, induced these newcomers to seek housing in the most affordable part of the private rented sector. Thus, they were driven to the lower floors of the apartment buildings massively produced and rapidly degraded during the first post-war decades. With the presence of immigrants, vertical segregation became more complex since it referred to both socio‑economic inequality and ethnic discrimination and hierarchy, even though the two are highly correlated.

15The migrant wave of the 1990s had a double impact on segregation patterns and levels in Athens. With immigrants’ numbers increasing in the broader city centre, the suburbanization trend of middle-class groups that started in the mid-1970s, following the degrading living conditions produced by overbuilding, was accelerated. In this sense, it can be argued that the migrant wave has contributed to consolidate the middle-class profile of several Athenian suburbs and thus to increase segregation in the metropolitan area as a whole. Another effect of this wave on segregation is related to the changes they brought to the areas they mostly settled. By filling the gaps in the lower floors of apartment buildings in areas in and near the centre, migrants reinforced the meager presence of lower occupational categories in these declining middle-class areas and, therefore, instigated a process of de-segregation (MALOUTAS et al., 2012).

  • 1 The building code changed in 1985 (Law 1577/85) and ordained that all new apartment buildings sh (...)

16In the early 1980s, the building code changed and apartment buildings were no longer structured in the way that previously facilitated vertical segregation through the vertically uneven distribution of living quality. Housing became sparse below ground floor level, and ground floors were mostly used as parking or shopping spaces.1 Differences remained between the new lower and upper floors, but their quality and price range was limited as was their impact on segregation. However, this change has not substantially reduced vertical segregation since building activity declined greatly, especially in central areas, where the bulk of the housing stock still dates mainly from the 1960s and 1970s. Figure 1 shows the important specific weight of apartment buildings produced before 1980 for the Athenian housing market in 2011, especially in the central municipality.

Fig. 1 ‑ Population by housing type and construction period in 2001 and 2011

Fig. 1 ‑ Population by housing type and construction period in 2001 and 2011

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011,[[online].

17The evidence about vertical segregation in Athens is rather recent. L. LEONTIDOU (1990) described the process intuitively rather than on the basis of solid empirical evidence. This shortcoming was criticized by T. MALOUTAS and N. KARADIMITRIOU (2001) who brought the first empirical evidence founded on a case study, comprising 254 households in 62 different apartment buildings, of a typical densely built area (part of the Ampelokipoi neighborhood) at the north-east part of the central municipality. The evidence confirmed the assumed existence of vertical segregation, at least in the case study area. Further evidence about the vertical stratification of residents in apartment buildings in terms of occupation, educational level, ethnicity etc. was provided by a large survey of the National Centre for Social Research in 2013 (SECSTACON, [online]). A larger sample was used in this case (432 households in apartment buildings across different areas of the broader city centre). This survey provided also evidence on the range of affordability separating housing on lower from higher floors. Rents and prices by square meter are not very unequal since upper floors are more expensive by approximately 20 per cent. What increases the affordability gap among floors is the much larger size of apartments on upper floors.

18Solid and comprehensive evidence about vertical segregation was eventually provided by the 2011 Census, where a question on the floor of residence was introduced for the first time in the Greek Census. The vertical social and ethnic hierarchies could hence be depicted in a comprehensive manner, since the accessible data refer to the total number of residents and their individual features.

19First of all, it was confirmed that the size of apartments is substantially increasing as we move towards the upper floors (figure 2). The division is mainly between lower floors (below ground and ground floor) and the rest. The social hierarchy –as depicted by the distribution of occupational groups by floor (figure 3)– is less polarized and more gradual. On upper floors, the percentage of higher occupational categories is five times greater than on lower floors and the exact opposite is true about lower categories, while the percentage of middle categories remains relatively stable across floors.

Fig. 2 – Percentage of households in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by apartment size and by floor in the municipality of Athens 2011

Fig. 2 – Percentage of households in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by apartment size and by floor in the municipality of Athens 2011

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].

Fig. 3 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Fig. 3 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].

Fig. 4 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad category of citizenship and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Fig. 4 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad category of citizenship and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].

20The percentage of migrants from developing countries in apartments below ground floor is almost nine times greater than in upper floors and more than five times greater than their average percentage in the metropolitan area. They are also over-represented in ground floor apartments, but to a lesser extent, and they are increasingly under-represented above the 1st floor.

21Vertical segregation is related to a large extent to immigrant groups who populated mainly the lower floors and, at the same time, belong to the lower occupational categories. However, this vertical stratification within Athenian apartment buildings exists clearly even if we only consider the native Greek population (figure 5). Vertical segregation is, therefore, both social and ethnic.

Fig. 5 - Percentage of native Greek residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Fig. 5 - Percentage of native Greek residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].

22Several other hierarchical variables available in the census, e.g. educational level, are also correlated with the floor of residence. The more educated are over-represented on upper floors and the opposite is true for the less educated. Vertical segregation is also related to housing tenure: Homeowners are over-represented on upper floors and tenants on lower ones (figure 6). All the required data can be directly reached through a special application dedicated to process and map census data (Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online]).

Fig. 6 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by tenure and by floor of residence in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Fig. 6 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by tenure and by floor of residence in the municipality of Athens (2011)

Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].

233 - How to map vertical segregation?

24The analysis of the 2011 Census data for the large majority of residents of the Municipality of Athens (the central municipality comprising approximately 20 per cent of the metropolitan population) who live in apartment buildings, confirms the presence of vertical segregation in the very clear way we described earlier.

25An important challenge with the analysis of vertical segregation is to map it. There are many ways to map community segregation in terms of class and/or ethnic division, ranging from very simple mappings of single indicative variables (e.g. the percentage of higher occupational groups in a city’s areal units) to sophisticated ones that originate from factorial ecology and use multivariate analyses to create variables that are synthetic expressions of segregation profiles and levels (see for example ROBSON, 1969; TIMMS, 1971; PRETECEILLE, 2003; TABARD and ALDEGHI, 1990; MALOUTAS 1997). To our knowledge there is no precedent in trying to map vertical segregation.

26The use of the whole micro database of the 2011 census enabled us to map vertical segregation at the lowest possible spatial level, the Urban Analysis Units (URANUs). These units are a modified version of the 2011 Census Tracts. It was produced by the Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011 team to avoid confidentiality issues in sparsely populated Census Tracts, by merging neighboring units in order to reach a number of inhabitants close to 1.000. The metropolitan area comprises eventually 3.000 URANUs with an average population of 1.250.

27The major challenge in this task was to find ways to map segregation when the different groups of interest –social or ethnic– are systematically located the one on top of the other. Methods used for mapping community segregation depict the areas of vertical segregation as mixed areas, but provide no indication on whether these areas are simply mixed or their population is also vertically stratified according to class or ethnicity.

28A first way one can think to go around this problem is to map segregation by distinct floor. Six different maps can be produced (from below ground to 5th floor or higher) showing an increasing expansion of higher occupational categories on the upper floors; another six would be necessary to depict the same for lower occupational categories. However, although the pattern is relatively clear, especially for lower and upper floors, the overall picture is quite imprecise and the number of necessary maps is inconveniently large.

29Our effort was to map vertical segregation in a clear, synthetic way. Therefore we opted to focus on the population that is in principle related to this phenomenon –i.e. the residents of apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980. As we pointed out earlier, this covers a large part of the central municipality’s population, close to 70 per cent. We also decided to limit the mapping area to where vertical segregation could have some substance, i.e. the areal units where the population taken into account comprises at least 150 persons and where those living below the ground floor and those living at the other end –5th floor or higher– are more than 15 per cent of the unit’s total population. The choices we made led to focusing on 1.010 URANUs out of a total of 3.000 in the whole metropolitan area. Among these, 426 are located within the central municipality out of a total of 494 (86 per cent) and, therefore, almost the entire central municipality was taken into account. The mapping area taken eventually on board comprised, besides the central municipality, important extensions in adjacent municipalities (like Kallithea), suburbs with important high-rise stock (like Holargos or Palaio Faliro) and the second in size nucleus of the metropolitan area (Piraeus).

30The main question was how to distinguish areas of vertical segregation from those where it does not exist. We assumed that areas of vertical segregation should register, at the same time, an over-representation of higher groups on upper floors and an over-representation of lower groups on lower floors.

31To simplify things, we divided floors in three categories (lower = ground floor and below; intermediate = 1st to 3th; upper = 4th or higher). We did a similar aggregation for occupational categories (higher = managers and professionals; intermediate = technicians, office clerks, employees in services; lower = manual skilled or unskilled workers). Then we defined two levels of over-representation for these aggregated occupational categories: if a category’s percentage in the active population of a spatial unit and on a particular range of floors was more than one standard deviation higher than its average in the metropolitan area, we considered it strongly over-represented. If its percentage ranged between the metropolitan average and the metropolitan average plus one standard deviation, we considered it simply over-represented.

32The aim was to distinguish between URANUs with a homogeneous social or ethnic profile across floors and the rest, i.e. those susceptible for vertical segregation. The first comprise those where one broad occupational category (higher, intermediate or lower) is over-represented across all floors. These are either the strongly homogeneous areas in terms of social composition and are represented with vivid colors on the map (map 1) or those where the same occupational category is over-represented across all floors, but the level of this over-representation is not high –i.e. it is less than one standard deviation higher from the average percentage of the same category in the metropolitan area. In the latter, over-representation is either simple across floors or is simple in some floors and strong in some others. The units belonging to this category are represented on map 1 by the same colors used for the strongly homogeneous units, but of a paler shade.

Map. 1 - Areas of vertical social segregation and socially homogeneous areas in Athens 2011

Map. 1 - Areas of vertical social segregation and socially homogeneous areas in Athens 2011

Residents of apartment buildings produced between 1946 and 1980

© T. Maloutas and S. N. Spyrellis, 2015

33The rest of the units are composed of three different categories. The first is where strong over-representation of higher occupations on upper floors coincides with strong over-representation of lower occupations on lower floors. These are the areas where vertical segregation is more pronounced and they are marked in dark green on map 1. The second is where this double over-representation exists, but is not strong either for the higher or the lower occupations, or for both. A softer tone of green is used for these areas. Finally, there are a few units that are neither vertically segregated nor socially homogeneous –i.e. atypical for vertical segregation– which are marked in yellow on the map.

34We used a similar procedure to map ethnic vertical segregation (map 2).

Map. 2 - Areas of vertical ethnic segregation and ethnically homogeneous areas in Athens 2011

Map. 2 - Areas of vertical ethnic segregation and ethnically homogeneous areas in Athens 2011

Residents of apartment buildings produced between 1946 and 1980

© T. Maloutas and S. N. Spyrellis, 2015

35The categories in this case are simpler (native Greeks and foreign citizens from developed economy countries on the one hand, and foreign citizens from developing economy countries on the other). The pattern is pretty much the same, with the perceptible difference of a stronger social than ethnic vertical segregation.

36Another important finding is that the more homogeneous areas in terms of immigrant presence coincide, to a large extent, with the socially homogeneous areas where lower occupations dominate (marked in red on the maps). These are the areas that native Greek middle class groups abandoned to a larger extent as they started declining since the mid-1970s. Eventually, these areas moved from vertical segregation to further decline through filtering-down that affected the upper floors as well. The question is whether this process is expanding towards neighboring areas of vertical segregation or is more or less contained in its current limits. The recession has almost completely stopped real-estate activities and reduced migration destined to Greece, reducing thus the rate of changes in the city centre and making the answer to this question less obvious. Our estimation, however, is that many other parts of the centre that are currently under vertical segregation will be much more difficult to change in the same direction since there are increasing numbers of young middle-class households that seek residence near the centre and since opportunities to live in the suburbs are more expensive and less appealing than they used to be.

Conclusion

37Social distance is not always translated to spatial distance. Even in the global city context –where, following S. SASSEN (2001)– social polarization leads to spatial polarization through the appropriation of prime spaces by corporate capital, the gentrification of residential spaces with high potential by middle-class groups and the ensuing increased segregation for the rest, the process is not as obvious as theoretically expected (MALOUTAS and FUZITA, 2012; TAMMARU et al., 2016). Gentrification, for instance, may lead to increased segregation eventually, but the process is quite long and in the meantime it rather increases social mix in the neighborhoods affected by its development. Reduced spatial distance in this case should not be taken as a positive sign at face value, and only ardent proponents of gentrification projects claim that this process contributes to reduce social distance.

38Athens does not comply with the socially and spatially polarized global city model as this was depicted by S. SASSEN (2001) for New York, London and Tokyo, especially in terms of the growing upper social pole which comprises members of the international corporate elite (MALOUTAS, 2007). However, Athens is experiencing important socioeconomic inequalities expressed by comparatively high gini coefficients that have further increased during the crisis years. These inequalities reflect mainly the growth of marginalized and unemployed groups comprising important numbers of poorly integrated migrants. The important thing in this case –and the main object of this paper– is that growing socioeconomic distance has not been clearly expressed by growing spatial distance among different groups; and this has not been the outcome of policies or movements against segregation, which was never on the agenda, or the outcome of gentrification processes, since such processes are only marginally developed in Athens and their impact remains quite limited.

39A sufficiently commodifed housing allocation system is not enough to translate social distance/inequality to spatial distance; it is also needed that parts of the housing stock different, in terms of quality and price, are sufficiently distant in space to segregate effectively social groups according to their unequal capacity to access them.

40The Athenian apartment building (polykatoikia) that dominates the broad city centre is the product of a particular period (1950-80) of intense urbanization, economic growth and social mobility, to whose profile it has greatly contributed. At the same time, its internal structure has promoted class cohabitation since quality and price differences between upper and lower floors were –and continue to be– very significant, while new investment in lower floor apartments cannot produce gentrification-like processes that would eventually outdo these differences. Vertical segregation, therefore, was produced as the outcome of this specific feature of the housing stock and it remains an unintended consequence of policies that promoted the production of this specific building stock. This building stock has enabled class cohabitation without necessarily bridging gaps in terms of effective inter-group relations; but the social mix it has produced is certainly a better starting point for future policies to increase social justice in the city than clear community segregation.

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Notes

1 The building code changed in 1985 (Law 1577/85) and ordained that all new apartment buildings should provide parking space. This constraint evicted housing from basements and ground floors that were henceforth destined almost exclusively to parking and commercial uses.

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List of illustrations

Title Photography 1 – The advantaged higher floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas
Credits Source: T. Maloutas.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 168k
Title Photography 2 – The disadvantaged lower floors of Athenian apartment buildings in densely built areas
Credits Source: T. Maloutas.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 156k
Title Fig. 1 ‑ Population by housing type and construction period in 2001 and 2011
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011,[[online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-3.png
File image/png, 8.4k
Title Fig. 2 – Percentage of households in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by apartment size and by floor in the municipality of Athens 2011
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-4.png
File image/png, 5.2k
Title Fig. 3 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-5.png
File image/png, 4.7k
Title Fig. 4 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad category of citizenship and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-6.png
File image/png, 5.1k
Title Fig. 5 - Percentage of native Greek residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by broad occupational category and by floor in the municipality of Athens (2011)
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-7.png
File image/png, 4.6k
Title Fig. 6 - Percentage of residents in apartment buildings built between 1946 and 1980 by tenure and by floor of residence in the municipality of Athens (2011)
Credits Data source: Panorama of Greek Census Data 1991-2011, [online].
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-8.png
File image/png, 4.6k
Title Map. 1 - Areas of vertical social segregation and socially homogeneous areas in Athens 2011
Caption Residents of apartment buildings produced between 1946 and 1980
Credits © T. Maloutas and S. N. Spyrellis, 2015
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-9.jpg
File image/jpeg, 508k
Title Map. 2 - Areas of vertical ethnic segregation and ethnically homogeneous areas in Athens 2011
Caption Residents of apartment buildings produced between 1946 and 1980
Credits © T. Maloutas and S. N. Spyrellis, 2015
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/docannexe/image/8378/img-10.jpg
File image/jpeg, 501k
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References

Bibliographical reference

Thomas Maloutas and Stavros N. Spyrellis, « Vertical segregation: Mapping the vertical social stratification of residents in Athenian apartment buildings », Méditerranée, 127 | 2016, 27-36.

Electronic reference

Thomas Maloutas and Stavros N. Spyrellis, « Vertical segregation: Mapping the vertical social stratification of residents in Athenian apartment buildings », Méditerranée [Online], 127 | 2016, Online since 01 November 2016, connection on 19 September 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mediterranee/8378 ; DOI : 10.4000/mediterranee.8378

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About the authors

Thomas Maloutas

Professor, Department of Geography, Harokopio University, Athens, Greece, tmaloutas@gmail.com

Stavros N. Spyrellis

Post-Doctoral researcher, Géographie-cités - UMR 8504, Paris, France, spyr@gmail.com

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