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Résumés

Cet article porte sur les qualités médicales attribuées aux vins grecs par les médecins anciens. On y trouve abordées les questions de l'utilisation de différents vins comme ingrédients de régimes nutritionnels et comme composants de certains médicaments. L'un des principaux objectifs de cette contribution est de démontrer l'impact de la médecine grecque sur les habitudes alimentaires romaines.

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Mots-clés :

vin, amphore, médecine, diète, santé
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Texte intégral

“Setinum dominaeque nives densique trientes.
Quando ego vos medico non prohibente bibam?”

O wine of Setia, O excellent snow, O goblets constantly refilled,
when am I to drink you with no doctor to prevent me?

Mart., 6, 86

Introduction

  • 1 This research was financed by the National Science Centre, awarded as a part of placement funding (...)
  • 2 Jouanna 1996, p. 422, 424, 431.
  • 3 The term ‘Greek wine’ in this paper refers to a beverage that was made in the Aegean region, which (...)

11There is no doubt that wine was a very important element of the diet in classical antiquity. However, this beverage was also used in medicine. Ancient physicians knew that excessive wine drinking may be noxious, however wine was still frequently used as an ingredient in numerous medicinal remedies. Moreover, it was included in diets that supposedly could cure certain diseases or help to regain strength after illnesses. Also, wine served for external use in surgery (e.g. it helped in the healing of wounds) and gynaecology.2 This paper concentrates upon the medical properties that were attributed to Greek wines3 by classical, Hellenistic and Roman physicians, with a particular emphasis being placed on the influence that Greek physicians of the Classical and Hellenistic period had upon Roman medical writings and Roman consumption practices. The chronological scope of this paper therefore stretches from the 5th c. BC to the 5th c. AD. My point is by no means to prove that certain Greek wines were indeed treated as medicines; it is to show what the ancient physicians thought about them, and about their supposed health benefits.

2Greek wines were available not only in Greece, but all over the Mediterranean, including Roman Italy, and hence it should not come as a surprise that they often appear in imperial medical and non-medical texts. Is there, however, evidence that the Romans drank Greek wines because of the recommendations of Classical and Hellenistic physicians? Did Greek and Roman physicians recommend the same wines? Did they attribute the same medical properties to Greek wines? What characteristics made a certain wine beneficial to one’s health? This research aims to answer the above-mentioned questions, and consequently, by showing the impact that Greek diets and medicine had on Roman dietary habits and imperial medical thinking, will contribute to the ongoing studies regarding the role of the diet in ancient medicine. Furthermore, it will complement the scholarly discussion regarding the influence that Greek culture possessed on the inhabitants of Italy.

  • 4 Jouanna 1996; 2002; Alessi 1999; Touwaide 2000; Béguin 2002; Fausti 2012; Roghi 2012; Mudd 2015.
  • 5 Momigliano 1984, p. 438.
  • 6 For example those mentioning that a Trojan hero, Aeneas, was the ancestor of Remus and Romulus, th (...)
  • 7 Wiseman 2008; Wiseman 2004, p. 13-36, 87-118.
  • 8 Bartoloni 2003; Di Sandro 1981, p. 5-10; Zevi 1985; p. 119; Slej 2008, p. 204-208; Sacchetti 2013, (...)
  • 9 Gruen 1990 and 1992. See also Wiseman 1994, especially p. 1-36; 68-85; 90-97; Wiseman 1995, p. 43.
  • 10 Dunbabin 2003, p. 12-3.
  • 11 Komar 2014a; Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

3There has been some previous scholarly research regarding wine in medical contexts, but these studies did not examine the medical qualities of different types of Greek wines. Most of the studies were devoted to the medical role of wine in general.4 Furthermore, the impact of Greek customs on Roman diet and medicine was not emphasized, however we know that the Greeks exerted considerable influence on Italian culture during the Archaic and Republican era. A. Momigliano argued many years ago that ‘there is no time and place in which the Romans were free from Greek influences’.5 These influences can be noted in Roman historiography, drama, myths6 and religious rituals (e.g. Liberalia) from the earliest periods of the Roman culture. As a matter of fact, the first Greek inscription ever discovered comes from a vase found in Latium.7 The inhabitants of Latium might have been equally early familiarized with Greek wines - Greek amphoras and vessels associated with wine drinking appeared in Rome already during the Archaic age.8 This, of course, does not mean that the Romans adopted Greek culture, they rather assimilated certain aspects of Hellenistic art, religion, ideology, philosophy and theater, and adapted them to their own, Roman lifestyle.9 During the 2nd c. BCE as a consequence of the Roman conquest of the East these influences became more evident. For example, importations from the East in the form of sculptures, vases and foodstuffs started. These products became fashionable and were very often considered as luxuries, and as a result they must have affected Roman way of living. Also, in the 2nd c. BC wealthy Romans started to build triclinia in their houses, which means that banquets became popular among the Roman imperial and provincial elites. Furthermore, representations of banquets in paintings and mosaics, which were typical decorations of the palaces of Hellenistic kings, became a common element of residences of wealthy Romans.10 In addition, opinions of Greek writers shaped the wine tastes of the Roman elite during the late Republican period11, and, as this paper attempts to demonstrate, they were not forgotten when Achaea became just one of many conquered provinces and when eastern luxury was perceived as a vice. Given the influence that Greek consumption habits had on Roman lifestyle, it should be no surprise if Greek medical discourse also had impact on shaping Roman notions of taste and habit. This article is the first attempt to present an examination of the role of Greek medical writings in the formation of Roman dietary habits. It shows the part that Greek wines played in nutritional regimes, how they affected digestion and other processes in the body, as well as what was their role in pharmacology.

Sources and chronology

  • 12 OCD s.v. ‘Dioscorides (2)’.
  • 13 Osbaldeston 2000, p. xx.
  • 14 Flemming 2000, p. 476-477.
  • 15 Athenaeus also copied a fragment of an uncertain physician (Deipn. 32f-33d.), which according to B (...)
  • 16 Plin., H.N., 1, 14, 23. For more about Pliny’s sources see Scarborough 1986.
  • 17 Tchernia 1997, p. 1247-1248.

4This paper concentrates on the works of physicians from the Imperial period, namely Aretaeus (1st c. AD), Scribonius Largus (1st c. AD), Dioscorides (1st c. AD), Galen (2nd c. AD), and Oribasius (4th c. AD). Moreover, it includes writings of Pliny the Elder and Athenaeus, who also mentioned the use of Greek wines in medicine. However, these writers often referred to longstanding Greek traditions to shape their views about wine. For example, the medical knowledge of the fifth part of Medical Materials (64 or 77 AD) by Dioscorides’, though mostly of an empiric nature,12 in certain cases might have been based on other sources, e.g. texts from the Alexandrian Library to which Dioscorides had access.13 Athenaeus cited numerous physicians who lived between the 5th and the 1st c. BC,14 but it seems that only Mnesitheus of Athens (4th c. BC) mentioned the medical qualities of Greek wines.15 Pliny, even though not particularly friendly towards foreign influences, included an impressive collection of Greek medical writings of Classical and Hellenistic period in his Natural History (1st c. CE). Book 23 (and to a lesser degree book 14), devoted to the medical use of vines and wines, was based upon the works of Hippocrates (5th c. BC), Mnesitheus of Athens (4th c. BC), Erasistratus (3rd c. BC, Alexandria), Asclepiades of Bithynia (2nd/1st c. BC), Apollodorus of Tarentum and Apollodorus of Citium among others.16 For example, the hierarchy of wines that is presented in book 14 is probably based upon Sextius Niger, a Roman writer on medicine active during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, but it might have also been inspired by Asclepiades of Bithynia, a Greek physician who lived between 124 (or 129) and 40 BC and was famous for introducing Greek medical theories into Rome during the late Republic.17

  • 18 Grant 2000, p. 2-3; Hankinson 2009, p. 4-5.
  • 19 Nutton 2004, p. 216, 240.
  • 20 Tchernia 1986, p. 272.
  • 21 Gal., MM X, 832-3K.
  • 22 Gal., Ant., 14, 28-9K.
  • 23 Fabricius 1972, p. 185-189, 192-197, 200-201.
  • 24 Brock 1916, p. xix.

5Galen of Pergamum (late 2nd c. AD) lived in Pergamum and Rome, but also travelled throughout the eastern provinces,18 which means that he was probably familiar with foodstuffs that were available in these areas, wines being among them. Considering that Galen’s father owned a vineyard where he experimented with methods to increase yields,19 Galen must have also been familiar with vine cultivation and wine making. According to Tchernia, he was one of the best connoisseurs of wine in antiquity.20 This makes him an extremely useful source of information regarding the presence of Greek wines in Roman Italy and their use in ancient medicine. Of course, even Galen’s observations cannot be taken for granted, as some of them are more credible than the others. In many of his works, including Method of Healing21 and On Antidotes 22, Galen refers above all to his own observations and provides his own advice. However, he also drew a lot from physicians that lived before him. For example, when writing about Greek wines Galen referred to, inter alia, Heracleides of Tarentum (1st c. BC), Scribonius Largus (1st c. AD), Andromachus the Elder and the Younger (1st c. AD), Archigenes (1st/2nd c. AD), and finally Asclepiades Pharmacion (1st/2nd c. AD).23 The Galenic Corpus was a main point of reference for Oribasius (a personal physician of Julian the Apostate), a typical late imperial compiler of previous medical writers, whose Synopsis was written in order to make Galen’s works more available.24 It is included here as a complement of Galen’s thoughts.

  • 25 Although the Hippocratic Corpus is composed of texts by various authors associated with the Coan a (...)

6Overall, the above list of imperial medical writers and their sources demonstrates that Greek medicine, reaching as far back as early Hippocratic texts, exerted considerable influence on Greek and Latin medicine throughout the Roman Empire. As a consequence, the roots of Roman medicine can be traced to the 5th c. BC.25 Is there continuity in the medical use of Greek wines between the Classical and Imperial period?

Greek wines in Roman Italy

  • 26 Roman Italy is the main scope of this paper, as there is little literary evidence for the medical (...)

7Considering that one of the aims of this paper is to show the Greek impact on Roman diet and medicine we should first answer the question, did Romans from different social classes had access to Greek wines? This is in order to verify whether the inhabitants of Italy26 could easily profit from the advice of imperial physicians, such as Dioscorides or Galen.

  • 27 Di Sandro 1981, p. 5-10; Zevi 1985, p. 119; Slej 2008, p. 204-208; Sacchetti 2013, p. 30. It shoul (...)
  • 28 Boersma – Yntema – Van der Werff 1986, p. 97, 99, 117; De Sena – Ikäheimo 2003, p. 304-307; Peña 2 (...)

8Archaeological material confirms that Greek wines were present in Italy throughout antiquity. Sporadic importations of Aegean products started as early as the archaic period, which is indicated by the discoveries of a few fragments of Corinthian A, A’ and B, Samian, Chian and Mendean containers dated between the 7th and 4th c. BC in Latium and Campania.27 Starting from the end of the 3rd c. BC and throughout the late-Republican period the number of imported Greek wine amphorae increased, reaching massive quantities in the Augustan era. During the late Republic the Romans imported wines from Chios, Cos and its neighborhood (amphorae Dressel 4-5), Rhodes and Rhodian Peraia (early Rhodian and Camulodunum 184), Cnidus (late Cnidian amphora), Sicyon and Ikos. Wine amphorae were found in Campania (especially Pompeii) and Ostia, as well as in Rome and its suburbium, in urban and suburban residential contexts.28 At least two of these contexts (the House of Ariadne in Pompeii and the House of the Porch in Ostia) should be classified as aristocratic residences. Taking into consideration that during the late Republic Greek wine containers imported to Roman Italy were not very numerous and that they were found in the houses of wealthier individuals, one may conclude that foreign wines were probably not widely accessible, which means that they were drank mostly by the Roman aristocracy. This will shortly be confirmed by various written sources.

  • 29 Plaut., Curc., 78; Poenul., 699; Rud., 588.
  • 30 Cato, Agr., 24, 105, 112.
  • 31 Plin., H.N., 14, 95. Pliny mentions a quadrantal (ca. 26,2 l.) here, but it was explained by Frank (...)
  • 32 Komar 2014a, p. 237.
  • 33 Van der Veen 2003, p. 410.
  • 34 Varro, Rust., 2, praef.
  • 35 Verg., Georg., 2, 90-91, 102; Hor., Carm., 3, 19; 10, 17, Serm., 1, 10; 2, 3; 2, 4; Col., 12, 37; (...)

9The comedies by Plautus, dated to the turn of the 3rd and 2nd c. BC indicate that the Romans drank wines from Chios, Lesbos, Thasos, and Leucas, as well as wines mixed with seawater,29 such as Coan and Rhodian. Around 40-50 years after the creation of Plautus’ dramas Cato gave us detailed recipes for preparing imitations of vinum Graecum and particularly vinum Coum,30 which confirms that in the 2nd c. BC Greek wines were probably commonly known on Roman markets, otherwise the Romans would not be able to imitate their taste. This also shows that Greek diet had a considerable impact on Roman nutritional practices—they imitated the taste of Greek beverages using their own, Italian vine varieties. Nevertheless, it is interesting that this famous senator and writer on agriculture mentioned the preparation of imitations of vina Graeca in Italy, instead of referring to original Greek products. This might have been due to the fact that Cato was generally against foreign influence and preferred ‘native’ products. Also, it might have been associated with his frugality and the above-mentioned high price for Greek imports. In 89 BC P. Licinius Crassus and L. Julius Caesar issued a sumptuary law establishing a maximum price of Greek wines at 8 asses per quartarius (0.25 sextarii).31 This made them around 25 times more expensive than ordinary wines.32 These prices are obviously dated later than the time of Cato, but given that Roman economy was rather stable during this period we may suppose that the prices of imports did not change much, or that during the 2nd c. BC foreign products were even more expensive, because they were less numerous. Thus, it was probably cheaper to make imitations than to import foreign wines. Finally, sumptuary laws were often implemented to ‘limit the tendency of luxuries to become widely available, … monopolizing certain goods only for elite’s consumption’,33 as well as maintaining competition within the elite. This passage may thus be seen as evidence that Greek wines were in demand, but not commonly available - those who could not afford/or gain access to limited imports had to rely on imitations. By no means can this be viewed as proof of a lack of importations of Greek wines, since the amphora evidence clearly shows that these importations took place. Moreover, Varro confirms the fact that wines from Chios and Cos were imported during the 2nd/1st c. BC.34 From this time until the end of the 1st c. AD, Aegean wines appear frequently in Latin literature, for example in works by Virgil, Horace, Columella, Martial and Pliny.35

  • 36 Sat. Men., 104b.

10Furthermore, literary evidence confirms the conclusion derived from the study of amphorae, it is that Greek wines were consumed by the upper social orders. For example, wine from Chios was called by Varro the wine of the rich people,36 which clearly indicates that it was not drunk by the common folk. The same author quoted in Natural History says:

  • 37 Plin., H.N., 14, 96: L. Lucullus puer apud patrem numquam lautum convivium vidit, in quo plus seme (...)

When Lucius Lucullus was a boy he never saw a full-dress banquet in his father's house at which Greek wine was given more than once, but when he himself came back from Asia he distributed more than 100,000 jars in largess; also Gaius Sentius, who was praetor in our time, used to say that the first time that Chian wine entered his house was when the doctor had prescribed it for him for heartburn; but Hortensius left over ten thousand jars to his next-of-kin.37

11This fragment clearly states that Greek wines were consumed by noble people from the Roman aristocracy, such as praetor Gaius Sentius, and Lucullus. At the same time, these wines were not popular among the common folk, given that they were very expensive. Moreover, as I will discuss shortly, Pliny suggests that Sentius started to use Chian wine due to a recommendation from his physician. Therefore, it is possible that the Roman diet during the late-Republic was influenced by Greek medical thinking, and Greek wines, considered as healthy, became gradually more common on Roman aristocratic tables.

  • 38 Plin., H.N., 14, 73-75 and 81.

12The above-mentioned literary evidence, combined with archaeological sources, allows us to conclude that the Romans during the Republican period drank wines from Leucas, Thasos, Lesbos, Chios, Cos, Cnidus, Sicyon and Rhodes. Subsequently, in the Imperial period their tables were enriched by beverages from Crete, Cilicia, the area of Mt. Tmolus (Asia Minor) and probably also Clazomenae and Ephesus.38 It is uncertain whether they still imported Lesbian, Thasian, Chian, Leucadian and Sicyonian, because there is no archaeological evidence confirming such importations and the literature simply names these wines, without providing any details.

  • 39 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 335-340.
  • 40 Bezeczky 2013, p. 70-71.
  • 41 Rizzo 2003, p. 7-17, 146-147, tab. 26b, 163-165, tab 27b and 27c, 175, tab. 29, 180, tab. 30b; Cas (...)
  • 42 Miniero 1999, p. 323-324; Grete 2003, p. 211; Timby 2004, p. 385-387; Albiach et al. 2008, p. 249- (...)
  • 43 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 411-412, tab. 8a and b.
  • 44 There was a special waste heap of oriental, mostly Cretan amphorae, found in the area of Nuovo Mer (...)
  • 45 See Komar 2020, Chapter 3 for a comparison of the proportions of wine amphorae in different contex (...)
  • 46 See Komar 2014a.

13According to the archaeological evidence, wines from Chios, Rhodes (Camulodunum 184), Cos (Dressel 4-5, Knossos 19 and Knossos A/53) and Cnidus (Mau XXXVIII) continued to be imported during the Imperial age. Cretan (amphorae called AC1-4), Cilician (Agora G198/Schoene-Mau XIII, Agora M54, Schoene-Mau V and Agora G199/Schoene-Mau XXVII-XXVIII39) and Anatolian (the so called ‘contenitori monoansati’ classified as forms Agora F65-66, M45, J46-7, M125, and produced principally around Ephesus40) first appeared in Italy under Augustus. Also, starting from this period Greek wine amphorae became considerably more numerous, which indicates that Greek wines (like other imported products) were more common than during the Republican period. Their containers were found mostly in Rome (fora, domestic areas and waste heaps),41 but they also appeared in the Vesuvian cities (houses and taverns)42 and in Ostia (houses and baths).43 It is interesting that south-Aegean containers predominated during this period, Cretan being the most numerous.44 Wine from Crete was referred to as ‘mulsum pauperis’ by Martial, which indicates that it was not a high-end beverage. Moreover, the proportions of Greek amphorae were lower in aristocratic houses (e.g. the House of Tiberius in Rome, the House of Menander in Pompeii, Villa San Marco in Stabiae) than in ordinary dwellings and public spaces dated to the Imperial age,45 which suggests that Greek wines were no longer favoured by the upper social orders. This allows us to formulate a hypothesis that during the Imperial age Greek wines were imported for common people rather than for the aristocracy, and hence their consumers were much more numerous. It seems that almost all representatives of the Roman society could drink them with the exception of the poorest.46

  • 47 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 327-329.
  • 48 Casalini 2015, p. 543, 545; Filippi et al. 2004; Fontana et al. 2004; Munzi et al. 2004; Pacetti 2 (...)

14The range of wines on the Italian market did not change until the 3rd c. AD. Aegean wine containers of an unknown origin, known as Kapitän 1 and 2 (Samos, Cos, Rhodes, western Asia Minor, as well as the Pontic area have been proposed as their production places47) appeared in great numbers in contexts dating from the 2nd to 4th c. AD. Subsequently, starting from the 3rd/4th c. AD up to the 6th-7th c. AD late Roman containers (LRA1, LRA3 and Samos Cistern Type) appeared in Italy.48 Wine was presumably the content of late Roman amphorae and it is known that they were produced in the south-Aegean Islands, western Anatolia, Cilicia and on Cyprus. Therefore, certain Greek wines must have still been imported to Italy and it seems that the activity lasted at least until the end of antiquity.

  • 49 Fronto, Eloq., 1, 4.
  • 50 Geopon., 8, 23-24. These recipes probably concern the production of imitations of Thasian and Coan (...)
  • 51 Carm., 17, 15.
  • 52 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita S. Martini, 2, 81–2.

15Literary sources confirm and complement the information provided by the archaeological material. Fronto gives evidence for the importation of Cretan wine to Rome in the 2nd c. AD.49 Also, there is a recipe for making Thasian wine attributed to Florentinus, and for making Coan wine attributed to Vindanionius Anatolius Berytius, both of whom were Roman authors on farming. Their texts are dated respectively to the 3rd and 4th c. AD and are preserved in a 10th c. compilation by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus entitled Geoponica.50 Finally, Sidonius Apollinaris suggests that Chian wine might have been consumed in the western Mediterranean around the mid-5th c. AD,51 whereas Venantius Fortunatus at the turn of the 6th and 7th c. AD writes about Cretan and Samian wine at a banquet of the emperor Maximus (4th c. AD).52

  • 53 Plaut., Curc., 78-9; Poen., 699-700; Plin., H.N., 14, 73.
  • 54 Tchernia 1986, p. 102.
  • 55 For more on this, see Komar 2014a.
  • 56 Other containers of the supposed Aegean and/or Anatolian origin were discovered on the Apennine Pe (...)

16Summarizing, literary and archaeological evidence are coherent regarding the chronology of the importations of Greek wines in Rome, since both indicate that they lasted at least from the end of the 3rd c. BC until the late Imperial period. This means that the inhabitants of Italy could easily access Aegean beverages in order to improve their health. There is, however, a certain inconsistency: Latin written sources often mention wines from Chios, Thasos and Lesbos in a context which suggest that these wines were consumed in Rome.53 At the same time, neither Lesbian nor Thasian amphorae dated to the Republican or Imperial period were found in Latium or in Campania, whereas Chian were scarce and disappeared from the archaeological record in the second half of the 1st c. AD. An explanation for this may lay in the fact that during the Republic these wines were rare, high-end goods, and hence their containers might have been overlooked in the archaeological material.54 However, one ought to remember that only a few Republican contexts from Rome and Ostia have so far been published, which might have also influenced the variety of Greek wine amphoras discovered in Italy and dated to this period. Subsequently, during the empire they were no longer consumed by the Romans, who produced their own, good wines, and the fashion for Greek products among the Roman elite waned. Only cheaper, south-Aegean wines were needed to satisfy the demand among the common people.55 It appears that in the Republican period the Romans could drink Thasian, Lesbian, Chian, Coan, Rhodian, Cnidian and Sicyonian wines. Starting from the 1st c. AD importations of north-Aegean and Chian wines to Italy probably stopped, whereas south-Aegean beverages continued to be imported, in the company of Cretan and Anatolian wines (most likely Tmolian, Clazomenian, Ephesian).56 These imports probably continued until late antiquity. Can a similar pattern be observed in medical texts?

Greek wines in ancient medicine

  • 57 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43; Int. Af., 22, 474; Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10 and CD, 7, 5, 14; Dsc., Mat. Me (...)
  • 58 It should be noted that not all geographic epithets in ancient medical texts regard places of orig (...)
  • 59 Gal., SanTu 6, 276, 334-335, 337, 338K; Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 800, 801, 805, 806K; MM, 10, 483, 833K; (...)
  • 60 Except for Catacecaumenitan mentioned by Vitr., De arch., 8, 3, 12 and Plin., H.N., 14, 54 and 75.

17Now that the issues concerning the sources and their chronology, as well as the accessibility of Greek wines on Roman tables have been clarified, we may concentrate upon the medical qualities of Greek wines, according to Greek and Roman physicians. Ancient medical texts from the Hellenistic and Imperial age described Coan, Thasian, Chian, Lesbian, Leucadian, Ephesian (Phygellites), Tmolian (Mesogitic), Rhodian, Cretan, Clazomenian and Cilician wines.57 This means that Greek wines that had considerable medical properties came predominantly from the Aegean Islands and Asia Minor.58 It should be noted that Galen sometimes mentions Aegeate (from Aeolis), Arsyene, Mysian, Perperine (from the area of Smyrna), Skybellites (from the Pamphylian region), Tibene, Titacazene, as well as Karyinos and Therinos (from inland Lydia, the region known as Catacecaumene or Maeonia).59 However, it is difficult to tell whether these wines were available outside Asia, as they are unknown to Latin authors.60 Moreover, Galen did not really see these wines in a positive light, as he wrote:

  • 61 Gal., Vic. Att., 12, 99-102 (transl. Singer).

Such wines are not held in high regard, and so people tend to be unaware of their existence, in spite of the fact that they are in fact quite widely produced. They are not profitable wines for the merchants, nor will a person who owns such a wine take much note of it. After all, no one is going to serve a sour, thick, dark wine at a drinking party, at a wedding, at a religious festival, or indeed at any other kind of celebration….The only thing it is any use for is fluids in the stomach, and even for these it should be taken in small doses.61

18Archaeological evidence confirms only Anatolian exportations from around Ephesus (see the case of ‘one-handled’ amphora). Overall, one may conclude that the Romans imported roughly the same wines, which were useful in medicine. Sicyonian, which does not appear in medical recommendations, is the exception.

19Most of the wines that were popular in medical writings and imported to Italy were regarded as wholesome and given their medical qualities their use in medicine had a long-standing tradition, in some cases from Hippocrates up to the late Roman age. Is it possible that these wines were imported to Italy especially because physicians thought they were healthy? The above-mentioned case of G. Sentius, who started to drink Chian wine, because his doctor claimed that it would help him with his disease, suggests that it might have been so. It is clear that some Romans decided to buy imported wines due to their healthy properties, but was this the sole reason? Did the Romans only import wines that were regarded as wholesome? Is there any change in medical attitude towards particular Greek wines between the Classical, Hellenistic and Roman age?

  • 62 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43; Int. Af., 22, 474K.
  • 63 Plin., H.N., 14, 73: his addidit Lesbium Erasistrati maximi medici auctoritas, circiter CCCCL anno (...)
  • 64 Roman Amphorae: a digital resource, University of Southampton, 2005 (updated 2014), accessed 8.04. (...)
  • 65 Lund 2011, p. 287-289 and fig. 13.3, 13.4.

20First of all, it should be emphasized that the Hippocratic Corpus mentions only two Greek wines: from Thasos and Cos.62 Chian and Lesbian were added to medicinal wines later, the latter upon the authority of the famous physician, Erasistratus (304-250 BC),63 and they continue to be present in medical writings until the end of antiquity. Contrarily, wines from Asia Minor, Rhodes and Crete did not appear in medical texts before the late-Republican or even Imperial age. This pattern in general resembles the chronology of Greek wine importations to Italy that was presented in the previous part of this paper. Amphorae that probably carried wines from western Asia Minor and Crete, were not produced before the middle of the 1st c. BC,64 which means that these beverages were either not produced during the Hellenistic age or not exported beyond their production place, and hence their qualities could not be known to the physicians. The case of Rhodian wine is different, given that it was already widely exported throughout the Mediterranean in the 3rd c. BC.65 Why was it then ignored by physicians? I will propose an answer to this question later, now I will present the medical qualities that were attributed to Greek wines.

21The Hippocratic Corpus enumerates Thasian wine as one of the ‘cooling agents to drink in ardent fevers’:

  • 66 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43: Τοῦτο δὲ, Θάσιον οἶνον παλαιὸν, πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ὕδατος καὶ ἕνα οἴνου (...)

Old Thasian wine; give twenty-five parts water and one part wine.66

  • 67 Plin., H.N., 14, 55.
  • 68 Alessi 2002, p. 108.
  • 69 Plin., H.N., 14, 117; Ath., Deipn., 31f.
  • 70 Salviat 1986, p. 194-195.
  • 71 Plin., H.N., 14, 73.
  • 72 Salviat 1986, p. 178.
  • 73 Tchernia 1990, p. 65.
  • 74 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 124.

22It is surprising that this wine needed to be diluted to such an extent, as its taste would surely be lost. However, it was an old beverage whose type, according to Pliny, had the consistency of honey and was rough in taste.67 Another possibility is that since wine in general had warming properties,68 it must have been diluted to cause the opposite effect. It is interesting that later medical sources are silent about Thasian wine. It is only from Pliny that we learn that the island of Thasos produced beverages that had specific properties. For example, there were two kinds of Thasian wine: one that had dormitive effects and the other that prevented sleep.69 It is meaningful that Thasian wine was mentioned in the Hippocratic Corpus, whereas it is not included in the list of the best wines by Dioscorides or Galen.70 The latter regards Chian, Lesbian and Tmolian as the three best wines from Asia, even though in Pliny’s hierarchy Chian, Lesbian and Thasian were ‘in summa gloria post Homerica’.71 Of course, this may be due to the fact that in the 2nd c. AD the island of Thasos no longer exported wine, and since it was no longer available beyond the immediate vicinity of the island Galen did not add it to his list. However, this may also be due to its color, which according to Salviat was red.72 Tchernia notes that almost all famous Roman wines were white,73 whilst Kourakou-Dragona claims that medical recommendations were the most important reason for the decline in popularity of red wines and the increase in the consumption of white wines throughout the Mediterranean during the Hellenistic and Roman age. Hellenistic and Roman physicians regarded white and watery (thus ‘colder’ according to some humoral theory) wines as more delicate, diuretic and digestive, as well as being suitable for those who suffered from fevers.74 Was it then the color of Thasian wine that caused it extinction?

  • 75 Hipp., Acut., 14.
  • 76 Hipp., Epid., 5, 52; 7, 119.
  • 77 Bertier 1972, Fr. 46 = Ath., Deipn., 32d.
  • 78 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 2 (Wellmann).
  • 79 Touwaide 2000, p. 106, 108.
  • 80 Plin., H.N., 33, 39: stomacho minus utile est pingue, nigrum, sed corpora magis alit.
  • 81 Gal. MM, 10, 837K. According to Mudd 2015, p. 143 n. 348, similar logic is attested in the Hippocr (...)
  • 82 Mudd 2015, p. 386.
  • 83 Wilkins 2002, p. 50; Gal., Vic. Att., 12, 93.
  • 84 Gal., MM, 10, 837K; Jouanna 1996, p. 424; Béguin 2002, p. 147.

23Both red and white wines were mentioned in the Hippocratic Corpus. According to this work, white, strong wines were diuretic, laxative and recommended for acute diseases, but yellow as well as dark and dry wines could also be consumed.75 Moreover, light, red wine was prescribed in Epidemics.76 Mnesitheus of Athens claimed that red wines were the most nourishing.77 Similarly, Dioscorides argued that white wines were thin and easily digested, whereas dark were thick and hard to digest, heady and fattening. He approved yellow wines, as those that had medium strength, but highlighted that ‘white should be chosen both in health and sickness’.78 According to Touwaide, Dioscorides generally favored white wines, ranking tawny beverages of middle age as the best.79 In Pliny’s opinion, black and thick beverages were less useful for the stomach, but more flesh-forming.80 If we analyze Galen’s works we may see that yellow/tawny wines were, due to their color, considered to be the most conducive to digestion in the stomach, as they were the most heating.81 As such, this type of wine was not recommended in cool therapeutic regimes.82 At the same time, watery white wines with no aroma were good for treating fever, as well as other ailments. Sweet and dry wines that were yellow or dark should be avoided. However, black and red wines were regarded as the most nutritious, especially when they were thick. They were also good for the formation of blood. According to Wilkins, Galen regarded thick, black and sweet wines as filling the veins with thick blood; while those that were white and thin could ‘cut the thick humors and cleanse the blood’.83 White wines, even if they were thick, were often στρυφνοί (sour, astringent) and hence less nutritious than dark wines. The least nutritive were those that were classified as λεπτοί (thin, light).84 Therefore, we may say that in the 2nd c. AD both red and white wines were regarded as useful in medicine. The general difference between the two types was that red wines were considered as more nutritious, whereas white wines were better against fever, more digestive and useful in the production of medicines. Therefore, there is no reason to think that Thasian was neglected because of its red color. It probably simply disappeared from the markets and this is why it does not appear in imperial medical texts.

24Coan is another wine that enjoyed a long-standing tradition in medicine. It was mentioned once in Internal Affections, where it is recommended as a part of a diet that helped in the case of spleen diseases:

  • 85 Hipp., Int. Af., 22, 474: πινέτω δὲ οἶνον Κῷον ὑπόστρυφνον ὡς μελάντατον.

drink dry very dark Coan wine, and abstain from sweets85

  • 86 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 72, 2 (Wellmann).
  • 87 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).
  • 88 Gal., Rem. Parab., 14, 470K.
  • 89 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 867K.
  • 90 Gal., Vic. Att., 12; Wilkins 2002, p. 50.

25This suggests that the earliest function of Greek wines in medicine concerned a healthy diet. Later physicians also mention Coan wine, but not very often and not always as a wholesome beverage. Dioscorides claimed that it was used to prepare the so called ‘Hellebore Wine’ that had abortive properties;86 but generally, he regarded Coan wine as unwholesome. According to him, it disturbed the intestines causing, for example, flatulence; it could hurt the drinker’s nerves, and it spoiled quickly.87 Galen recommended this wine as an ingredient of a medicine that helped in the case of pain in the midriff,88 stating also that the best sort of Coan could replace Chian in prescriptions for wobbly teeth.89 It seems that imperial Coan wine was useful in pharmacology, but it was no longer a positive element of nutritional regimes (as in Hippocrates). Moreover, Galen considered wine generally harmful in the case of problems with liver or spleen.90 Therefore, we may observe a change between classical and imperial attitude to this wine.

  • 91 For example, Galen in The thinning diet uses mostly these epithets, see Gal. Vic. Att.
  • 92 Gal., Hip: De vict. acut. comm., 15, 627K.
  • 93 Hor., Serm., 2, 4, 29; Cato, Agr., 24; Plin., H.N., 14, 78.
  • 94 Tchernia 1986, p. 343, Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 133, Tchernia 2001, p. 128-129; Dsc., Mat. Med., 5 (...)
  • 95 Gal., MM, 10, 834K.
  • 96 Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 132-133 and fig. 173.
  • 97 Ath., Deipn., 26a.
  • 98 Cels., 26, 1-2.
  • 99 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 1 (Wellmann).

26It is meaningful that according to the Hippocratic Corpus, Coan wine should be αὐστηρός and ὡς μελάντατον. It is commonly accepted that the first adjective should be translated as ‘dry’ in terms of wine, but the exact meaning of the other is unclear. At first sight ὡς μελάντατον, which means ‘as dark as possible’ or ‘very dark’ suggests the red color of wine. Although μέλας (black), λευκός (white) and ξανθός (yellow) are the most often mentioned colors of wine in general, particularly in medical writings,91 there is evidence that the word ερυθρός should be used meaning red wine.92 Moreover, all other sources indicate that wine from Cos was white.93 Therefore, it is possible that ὡς μελάντατον means that Hippocrates recommended old Coan wine. The identification of black/dark wine as a white and old beverage was first proposed by Tchernia, who showed that Falernian wine, that was often described as white or yellow, turned brown or even black with time.94 Galen mentions that there were no wines that were both white and old, because they changed color with age becoming yellow or acquiring the color of fire.95 This darkening process may also be observed in the case of modern white wines, which are stored in bottles.96 Athenaeus informs us that old wines were generally perceived as healthier and more pleasant in taste. They were thinner and hence more digestible; they increased bodily strength and were beneficial to undisturbed sleep.97 Celsus claimed that old wines caused the least flatulence.98 However, according to Dioscorides, old wines were tasty, but they could be dangerous for health, hurting nerves, for example. Thus, they were not recommended for people with weaknesses. The best was a wine of a middle age.99 Summing up, we may suppose that Hippocrates was indeed recommending white and old, or red wine from Cos. However, why such a discrepancy in opinions regarding old wines? And what did the ancient writers really mean by ‘old wine’?

  • 100 Dig. 33, 6, 11. Translation by S. P. Scott.
  • 101 Tchernia 1986, p. 29.
  • 102 Tchernia 1986, p. 30.
  • 103 Plin., H.N., 14, 78.
  • 104 Ath., Deipn., 26d-27d. The list of wines is spoken by Athenaeus’ character called Galen, and it is (...)

27According to Ulpian, ‘‘Old wine is understood to be such as is not new, that is to say, wine of the preceding year will be included under the term old”, 100 which means that probably wine from the previous year would be labelled in antiquity as ‘old’.101 But of course the Greeks and Romans knew wines that were much older, which is indicated by inscriptions and tituli picti on amphorae,102 as well as by literature. For example, Pliny claims that all the wines from beyond the sea were in the middle of their maturity when around six or seven-years-old,103 while the list of Italian wines mentioned by Athenaeus enumerates beverages that were between five and twenty-five years old. This text allows for a conclusion that wines that were matured longer than necessary could be unwholesome, as in the case of Sorrentine, which having exceeded twenty-five years could cause headaches and attack the nervous system.104

  • 105 Béguin 2002, p. 146; Mudd 2015, p. 171; based on Gal., San.Tu., 6, 392K; Caus. Morb., 7, 6K; SMT, (...)
  • 106 Plin., H.N., 23, 38.

28Why were very old wines unwholesome? According to Hippocrates and Galen, wine was generally perceived as hot. Analyzing Galen’s works, Mudd and Béguin observe that, according to him, wine’s heat and heating properties continued to increase with age (the more mature the wine, the hotter it was). This means that old wines were regarded as hotter than the average, thus they were not suitable for people with an extremely warm constitution.105 In addition, Pliny noted that even though old wines were usually diluted with a larger proportion of water, and hence they were more diuretic, they quenched thirst less effectively than an average wine.106 Thus, very old wines were regarded as providing too much heat to the body and hydrating it too little.

  • 107 1/12 of a sextarius, it is 0.0445 l.

29Therefore, it seems that old, but not very old, Coan wine could be regarded by physicians as wholesome. It is notable that Pliny recommended a decoction of a root of wild vine mixed with two cyathi107 of Coan wine as a remedy against dropsy, since it was supposed to evacuate watery humors in the belly.

  • 108 Plin., H.N., 23, 19: radix decocta in aqua pota in vini Coi cyathis duobus umorem alvi ciet, ideo (...)

A decoction of the root in water and drunk in two cyathi of Coan wine evacuates watery humor in the belly, and for this reason is prescribed for dropsy.108

30However, a very old Coan wine would not be considered a healthy drink, and hence it is unlikely that Hippocrates recommended this type of beverage when saying ‘ὡς μελάντατον’. Therefore, we may conclude that the Hippocratic text probably recommended red wine from Cos.

  • 109 Plin., H.N., 14, 78.
  • 110 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 122, 124.
  • 111 Varro, Rust., 2, praef.

31But why do imperial sources claim that wine from Cos was white? One possible explanation would be that Hippocratic Coan was not the same as Coan wine produced during the Imperial period. This could also explain why the opinion of physicians about Coan wine changed with time – as the wine itself changed its qualities. Imperial sources mention that it was among those beverages that were mixed with seawater (τεθαλασσωμένοι).109 Kourakou-Dragona argues that the custom of adding seawater to wine did not exist in Hippocratic times and that in the Classical period most wines were red.110 Thus, Hippocratic Coan would be a red beverage without admixtures. Later, when the practice of adding seawater to the liquid before fermentation spread among Coan winemakers, this wine lost its good medical reputation, which is suggested by the information provided by Dioscorides. Even so, it was widely exported, and the Romans eagerly drank and imitated it. Considering that the earliest evidence for the importation of Coan wine comes from the Republican age,111 when this beverage was already prepared with the use of seawater, it seems that the Romans liked it regardless of the opinion of physicians.

  • 112 Bertier 1972, Fr. 46 = Ath., Deipn., 32d.
  • 113 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 3 (Wellmann).
  • 114 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).
  • 115 Plin., N.H., 23, 46.
  • 116 Plin., N.H., 14, 73: nunc gratia ante omnia est Clazomenio, postquam parcius mari condiunt.
  • 117 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann); Roghi 2012, p. 366.
  • 118 Plin., H.N., 14, 75.

32The case of the wine from Cos suggests what might have made certain wines healthy - that being the lack of admixtures. Only Mnesitheus of Athens mentions wines that were treated with seawater (though carefully) in a positive light, saying that they helped in digestion and did not cause headaches.112 Other physicians had a rather negative opinion. For example, Dioscorides generally regarded wines with seawater as unwholesome: they were unsuitable for people who had recently recovered from a long sickness; being bad for the stomach and nerves, thirst-making and having laxative properties.113 Dioscorides added that wine from Clazomenae caused inflation, disturbed the intestines, and hurt the strength, because it contained seawater.114 In Pliny’s Natural History we find information that wines containing seawater were less beneficial for the stomach, bladder and sinews.115 It may surprise that Pliny appreciated Clazomenian wine; however he said that “At the present time the most popular of all is the wine of Clazomenae now that they have begun to flavor it more sparingly with sea-water”,116 which means that it started to be appreciated when it contained less seawater. There is a certain ambiguity regarding wine from the area of Ephesus. Dioscorides called it phygellites and placed it among wines without seawater. According to him, it had positive medical qualities and similarly to Lesbian it was easily digested and had laxative properties.117 However, Pliny claimed that it was unhealthy, because seawater and boiled must were employed to season it.118

  • 119 Ps.- Galen, Suc., 19,738K; Paul Aeg., 7, 25, 15.
  • 120 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 462K.
  • 121 Gal., Comp. Med. Gen., 23, 1035K.

33The admixture of seawater might have been the reason why hellenistic and Roman physicians neglected Rhodian wine, which according to the archaeological evidence was a very common drink in the Mediterranean. This beverage was mentioned in medical texts only three times and its usage always regarded pharmacology. In a short work from the Galenic Corpus — On Alternative Medicaments, which states that Rhodian could be used as a substitute for dry wine.119 Additionally, Rhodian must was an ingredient of Archigenis’ medicine against dandruff.120 Finally, fragrant Rhodian wine might have been used in Andromachus’ recipe for a pain-killer.121 Besides its pharmacological uses, Rhodian does not appear in a positive light in any nutritional regime.

  • 122 Plin., H.N., 14, 76.
  • 123 Ath., Deipn., 33b.
  • 124 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 5 (Wellmann).
  • 125 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 34 (Wellmann).
  • 126 Plin., H.N., 23, 39 and 45-47.

34Seawater was not the only admixture that made wine less healthy. For example, Apollodorus recommended wine from Leucas to Ptolemy,122 which suggests that it was a good wine. However, in Athenaeus we find information that Leucadian was bad for the head, because it contained gypsum.123 Dioscorides confirms that a beverage made with the addition of gypsum could cause headaches and affect the nerves.124 Similarly, resinated wines, although they were diuretic, aided digestion and were helpful in certain sicknesses, could also cause headaches and nausea.125 Therefore, we may tentatively suggest that Roman medicine favored beverages that were prepared naturally without additional substances being added. This observation seems to be confirmed by Pliny, who noted that wines ‘matured by age not by smoke’ were the most wholesome, whereas wines treated with marble, gypsum or lime could have negative effects on health. The healthiest was a beverage to which nothing had been added during the fermentation process.126

  • 127 Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10: οἶνος εὐώδης μὴ κάρτα στύφων, παχὺς δὲ ὡς ἥκιϲτα. ῾Ελληνικοὶ μὲν Χῖος ἢ Λέϲβι (...)
  • 128 Dalby 2003, p. 359.
  • 129 Brock – Wirtjes 2000, p. 456-458.

35Chian and Lesbian were among such wines and they generally enjoyed a very good opinion. Aretaeus says that wine that is helpful in cardiac affections should be ‘fragrant, and not very astringent; but by no means thick. Of the Greek wines, the Chian or Lesbian, and such other of the insular wines as are thin’.127 This means that Chian and Lesbian were appropriate for those who suffered from cardiac diseases, because they were ‘thin’ (λεπτός). But what does this mean? According to Dalby, the word λεπτός correlates with the translucence,128 whereas Brock and Wirtjes argue that it determines the consistency of wine, or, as we would say nowadays, its weight or body.129 The latter hypothesis seems more plausible, as the antonym of λεπτός is παχύς and its substantive, πάχος, when associated with liquids, also describes their consistency. Therefore, Chian and Lesbian were good for people with cardiac diseases because they were light-bodied.

  • 130 Plin., H.N., 14, 96.

36According to Pliny, C. Sentius started to drink Chian when his doctor prescribed it to him for his disease. Therefore, it cannot be excluded that medical advice influenced the diet of the Roman elite in terms of their choice of Greek wines. It is also meaningful, that, as has already been mentioned, Lesbian was added to the group of the best wines (such as Thasian and Chian) upon the authority of the famous physician, Erasistratus (304-250 BC).130 Pliny quotes and shares this opinion, which again shows that the attitude of physicians towards wines was important for the Romans.

  • 131 Orib., Col. med., 5, 6, 45.
  • 132 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 728K.
  • 133 Gal., MMG, 11, 52K; SMT, 11, 604K; Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 405K, 513-4K. It should be noted that wine (...)
  • 134 Gal., Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 659K, MM, 10, 835K; Vic. Att., 93, 1-95, 1 (Kalbfleisch); San. Tu., 6, (...)

37Oribasius, quoting Galen’s works, mentioned that there were three very good wines in Asia, which were Tmolian, Lesbian, and Ariousian from Chios. They were all used in the best medicines and antidotes,131 for example in eye-medicines,132 as well as being recommended by Galen in his recipes for various emplastra. They were classified as wines that were yellow, translucent, of thin consistency, and with warming properties.133 It seems that these characteristics, as well as the sweetness of these wines, were responsible for the good opinion that the physicians shared about them.134

  • 135 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 8 (Wellmann).
  • 136 Scrib. Larg., Comp., 26, 36, 126, 165, 170.
  • 137 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 45; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 513K.
  • 138 Gal., Rem., 14, 454K; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 680K.
  • 139 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 867K.
  • 140 Gal., Ant., 14, 107-108K.
  • 141 Gal., Ant., 14, 111K.
  • 142 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 70K.
  • 143 Gal., Ant., 14, 153, 162, 185, 202-203K.
  • 144 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 8 (Wellmann); for a recipe for an eye-medicine with the use of ebony and Ch (...)
  • 145 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 777K.
  • 146 Orib., Syn., 2, 66, 4.

38Wine from Chios was the most popular among ancient physicians, since its positive health properties are the most commonly mentioned. It was regarded as astringent, nourishing, drinkable and not very intoxicating.135 This wine appears often in the medical recipes of Scribonius Largus.136 Similarly, Galen and Oribasius often recommended Chian as an ingredient of numerous medicines.137 For example, it was used in remedies for hepatitis and against fetid polypus in the nose.138 Also, it was mentioned by Heracleides of Tarentum in his treatment for wobbly teeth (where, as mentioned above it could have been replaced with Coan).139 Furthermore, it was an ingredient of a few antidotes, including one which helped to combat internal pains,140 as well as one that was supposed to be helpful in the extraction of fetuses.141 Chian wine was used in a recipe for cough medicine, and was, at the same time, helpful for women during menstruation.142 In addition, it was an ingredient of various theriaca, which were used to treat those infected by animal poison, for example from snakebites.143 It seems significant that Chian was very often mentioned by Dioscorides, Scribonius Largus, Galen and Oribasius, Aetius and Paul of Aegina as an ingredient of eye medicines.144 These medicines, often in the form of eye-salves, helped to preserve good sight or acted against conditions like suppuration. The external use of Chian was mentioned by Galen in a medicinal recipe against cicatrices and other defects of the skin.145 Finally, Oribasius recommended the use of Chian, while preparing an aphrodisiac that was supposed to stimulate the pudenda.146 Summing up, Chian wine not only played an important role in nutrition, being a part of healthy regimens and affecting positively digestion and circulatory system, but it was also extremely useful in pharmacology.

  • 147 Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10.
  • 148 Ath., Deipn., 32f.
  • 149 Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9.
  • 150 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 45; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 513K.
  • 151 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 31.
  • 152 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 14 (Wellmann).

39Lesbian wine had similar medical properties in terms of nutrition and digestion, but it was less popular than Chian in the production of medicines. It was regarded as fragrant and not very astringent.147 It was less astringent, and more diuretic than Cnidian.148 According to Dioscorides, Lesbian wine was ‘lighter’ (κουφότερoς) than Chian and ‘easily digested’ (εὐανάδοτος) and was, therefore, ‘good for the intestines’ (εὐκοίλιος).149 Also, mature white Lesbian wine, comparable to the Chian variety with the same characteristics, was useful in medicine.150 However, according to Oribasius, the sweet Lesbian variety might have caused fever and problems with nerves, apart from headaches.151 It is worth mentioning that there was a particular kind of Lesbian wine, called omphakites, which was made of sour, not fully ripe grapes that were dried in the sun. It was not drinkable until after many years. It was astringent, good for the stomach and improved digestion. It was also believed that it could help people suffering from fatal diseases.152

  • 153 Gal., Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 802K.
  • 154 Gal., MM, 10, 835K.
  • 155 Aet., 2, 252, 23.
  • 156 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).
  • 157 Strab., 14, 1, 15.

40Tmolian is the third of the three best wines from Asia that were appreciated by Galen. According whom it had both sweet and dry varieties, however the former was regarded as more wholesome.153 Dry wine from around Mt. Tmolus could replace Lesbian and Chian in certain circumstances.154 The good opinion regarding Tmolian wine is also highlighted in Aetius’ work.155 On the other hand, Dioscorides identified Tmolian wine with mesogites and claimed that it caused headaches and could hurt the strength.156 However, Strabo distinguished beverages from around Mt. Tmolus from those from the area of Mt. Mesogis. Moreover, he classified them as exceptionally good both for their taste and medical values.157 Given that Strabo confirms the positive medical properties of this wine and considering that Dioscorides mentions only one drawback (headaches), we should include it into the group of Greek wines that possessed positive medical properties. However, this discrepancy may indicate that the opinion about Tmolian wine changed between Strabo’s and Dioscorides’ times.

  • 158 Gal., San. Tu., 6, 334-335K; Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 803K; Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 30-31. On bilious bo (...)
  • 159 Gal., MM, 10, 835K.

41Nonetheless, even good wines were not advisable in certain cases. According to Galen, yellow, translucent, thin and strong wines, such as Lesbian, Ariousian and dry Tmolian, which were regarded as warming (Lesbian in particular), were not suitable for everyone. Even though they were good for mature people, they were not recommended for the young and for people of bilious bodies.158 Moreover, yellow and fragrant wines, such as Falernian, Lesbian and Tmolian could harm the head.159

  • 160 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 212K.
  • 161 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 8 and 25K; Aet., 7, 55, 65-69.
  • 162 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 46K.
  • 163 Scrib. Larg., Comp., 30, 5; 55, 28; 74, 4.
  • 164 Aret., CD, 8, 13, 6.
  • 165 Plin., H.N., 20, 208.
  • 166 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 3, 11, 15, 26, 29, 30, 32, 33, 49-50, 70K.
  • 167 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 323, 355-356K.
  • 168 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 15.

42Wine from Crete appears in medical texts considerably less frequently than Chian, Lesbian and Tmolian and it seems that it was useful in pharmacology rather than dietology. Asclepiades, in his mixtures for liver preserved in the Galenic Corpus, recommended weak, sweet wines, Cretan theraios being among them.160 This wine is also mentioned in medicines used against coughing and windpipe diseases,161 as well as in the case of digestion problems.162 Scribonius Largus prescribed wine from Crete (without specifying the type) as an ingredient of various drugs, including those for the eyes and trachea.163 At the same time, Aretaeus noted it in one of his medicines,164 and Pliny quoted a drug against epilepsy that used this wine.165 It should be emphasized that in the Galenic Corpus Cretan passum is very often an ingredient of medicines that help in treating diseases of the upper respiratory tract, especially infections of the throat and windpipe.166 Moreover, it appears in medicines that deal with kidney problems, as well as those that help in the case of gout and joint diseases.167 It is possible that the popularity of Cretan passum as an ingredient of numerous medicines was due to the fact that it was very sweet. According to Kourakou-Dragona, honey was added to dry wines that served as medicines in order to neutralize the bitter taste of φάρμακα. In addition, she noted that Galen recommended using sweet wine in a prescription for a theriac in order to improve the taste of the medicine.168 Therefore, we could suspect that ancient physicians favored sweet wines in the production of remedies, probably as flavour enhancers.

  • 169 Gal., VA, 99; ΒΜ, 6, 800-801K; San.Tu., 6, 337K; Hipp. Vict. Acut., 15, 645K. Also, Gal., MM, 10, (...)
  • 170 ST, 6, 337.
  • 171 Ath., Deipn., 33b.
  • 172 Decker 2005, 53, Plin., H.N., 14, 24: vina primo dulcia austeritatem annis accipiunt.
  • 173 Plin., H.N., 14, 81.
  • 174 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 56.

43The last issue that should be made clear regards Cilician wine. Galen and Athenaeus describe Cilician beverage called ‘Abates’. According to the former, this wine was black (μέλας) as well as sweet (γλυκύς) and dry, bitter (αὐστηρός) at the same time. It was similar to Aegeate and Perperine.169 In De sanitate tuenda Galen mentions that black and thick wines, such as Abates, were not easily digested,170 whereas Athenaeus says that this type of Cilician wine was merely a laxative.171 One could, therefore, suspect that it was not among the best beverages. M. Decker identifies Cilician passum with Abates and suggests that this wine had high alcohol content, which was responsible for its rough taste. He recalls a passage from Pliny, according to which sweet wines gain bitter/harsh taste with time.172 However, this identification seems dubious. First of all, Pliny does not refer to raisin-wines, but to beverages made of grapes of apianis vine variety, identified as modern muscatel. This vine, known as psinthia in Greece, was often used in Italy and in neighboring provinces to produce passum,173 but there is no evidence that it was indeed used in Cilicia. Secondly, no evidence suggests that passum had high alcohol content. On the contrary, it might have been almost alcohol-free, as indicated by the study of oenologist, S. Kourakou-Dragona174. Finally, Cilician passum was held in high esteem, whereas Abates did not enjoy a considerable reputation. Therefore, it seems more probable that Cilicia exported mainly passum, which was a very popular type of wine during the Roman age. Abates was rather local beverage, that was not highly appreciated and hence not commonly exported.

Conclusions

44Both literary and archaeological sources indicate that large-scale importations of Greek wines started in Roman Italy at the end of the 3rd or during the 2nd c. BC and that these wines they were present on Roman tables at least until the end of antiquity. Their appearance was associated with the Roman conquest of the east and the introduction of the inhabitants of Italy to oriental luxury. Aristocratic beverages, such as Chian, Lesbian and Thasian, probably came to Italy as elements of Greek lifestyle that the Romans eagerly imitated, being fascinated by the culture of the conquered Aegean land. Nonetheless, it is also possible that medical prescriptions added something to the popularity of the importations of Greek wines, which is indicated by the case of G. Sentius, who drank Chian wine not for its taste or cultural meaning, but for its health benefits. Medical recommendations indubitably influenced Roman opinion of wines, given that Pliny’s hierarchy is based on the works of Hellenistic physicians. On the other hand, during the Republic the Romans also consumed common wines, such as Rhodian, Coan, and Cnidian, which were not particularly important elements of a healthy diet. Subsequently, in the late-Republican and early Imperial age Cretan, as well as Anatolian beverages reached Italy.

45As we have seen, Greek wines were generally appreciated in antiquity due to their medical qualities, and they were used both in dietology and pharmacology. Lesbian and Tmolian were particularly beneficial for healthy regimens, while Rhodian, Coan and Cretan were useful in production of medicines. Chian could be used both for nutritional and dietetic purposes, as well as an element of drugs. Greek and Roman medical texts regarding health benefits or these wines are generally coherent, with a few exceptions. Thasian wine disappeared from medical writings during the Hellenistic age, whereas the opinion about Coan changed. This was due to the fact that exportations of the former stopped, whereas the latter probably changed its characteristics and became less wholesome.

46Notwithstanding, both Hellenistic and Roman physicians agreed that most Greek wines were useful in medicine. The majority enjoyed a good opinion; rarely, they might have had deleterious effects. In some cases, we may suppose that Greek wines were more than just dissolvent in the production of medicines. They might have been active substances in certain drugs. For example, Cretan wine was very often recommended in medicines against respiratory diseases, whereas wine from Chios seemed particularly useful in eye-remedies. Unfortunately, the reasoning behind this remains obscure.

47The texts of imperial physicians allow for a hierarchy of Greek wines to be created, regarding their health benefits. Chian and Lesbian were among the wines that were regarded as the healthiest. Although ancient physicians did not entirely agree in their opinions about Tmolian wine, it is most often mentioned in a positive context. Rhodian and Cretan were generally good, but they were not considered as particularly healthy. They were recommended in the production of medicines rather than as a part of nutritional regimes. Medical opinion regarding Coan, Ephesian and Clazomenian was ambiguous.

  • 175 Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

48What was the reasoning behind this hierarchy of wines in ancient medical texts? Is it possible to identify any common features of healthy wines? It appears that imperial physicians generally favored wines that were prepared without seawater. Beverages with this admixture, such as Coan, Ephesian and Clazomenian were considered unhealthy by some. Here, however, we may again observe a change between Classical/Hellenistic and imperial medical thinking – Mnesitheus of Athens (4th c. BC) did not really mind wines that contained seawater (though in reasonable quantities). His imperial successors, however, agreed that such wines were not very useful in medical terms. Other admixtures did not enjoy a positive opinion either during the Imperial age, as they might have exerted negative effects upon their consumers. The conclusion that wines prepared in a natural way were considered as better and healthier corroborates with the observations made during the study of the organoleptic characteristics of Greek wines imported to Roman Italy.175 This study, based on the analysis of literary evidence, showed that wines prepared without any admixtures were held in the highest esteem and were regarded as the tastiest. This means that medical and non-medical texts generally shared the same opinion about Greek beverages.

  • 176 Komar 2014a, p. 234-235; Komar 2014b, p. 117-118.
  • 177 Mart., 13, 106.
  • 178 Verg., Georg., 2, 101-102: Rhodian was ‘dis et mensis accepta secundis’ and Plin., H.N., 14, 79: ‘(...)

49Furthermore, the hierarchy of wines based on the opinions of ancient physicians resembles the hierarchy that can be formed based on non-medical imperial texts. For example, wines from Chios and Lesbos were regarded by Roman writers as the best in terms of their taste, with Thasian often being added to complete the top three wines. Tmolian enjoyed a positive opinion, but it was not among the most often mentioned beverages.176 Cretan, mulsum pauperis, as Martial called it,177 was probably eagerly drunk and popular, but not among the aristocracy. Rhodian and Coan were never particularly praised by poets, as Chian, Lesbian and Thasian were, but they were always described in a rather positive light, which suggests that they were middle-class wines, drunk probably by provincial elites, wealthy freedmen and common people.178 The opinion about wines from Clazomenae, Leucas and Ephesus was ambiguous, however the sources mentioning them are scarce. Also, in the case of Clazomenian and Ephesian it depended on whether they contained an admixture of seawater or not, which simply confirms the aforementioned conclusion that wines containing this admixture were generally regarded as inferior. Summing up, if medical and non-medical attitudes to Greek wines are coherent, this may indicate that recommendations of physicians influenced the general esteem of Greek wines, as did Erasistratus’ opinion about Lesbian wine (see above).

  • 179 Komar 2014b, p. 127-128.

50In addition, there is explicit evidence that the recommendations of Hellenistic physicians influenced Roman diet – Romans started to drink Greek wines due to their physicians’ recommendations (as in the case of the praetor G. Sentius). This, however, is true for the Republican age, when foreign wines were rare and expensive in Italy.179 The Romans of the Imperial period did not need medical encouragement to drink Greek wines, which were common on the Roman market. In addition, not only wines that enjoyed a high reputation in terms of their use in dietology were imported to Italy. Rhodian and Coan were eagerly consumed, even though they were not regarded as particularly healthy.

51It is worth mentioning that imperial physicians not only continued the Hellenistic medical tradition, but also adapted their recommendations to wines that were available on the market. For example, they omitted Thasian wine, which was no longer exported, while including new wine varieties, such as Cretan, Tmolian, Ephesian and Clazomenian, which started appearing in Italy from the turn of the 1st c. BC and 1st c. AD.

52We may wonder why Roman Italy during the Imperial age saw imported wines from Crete, Cos, Cnidus and Asia Minor, but not from Chios and Lesbos, even though they were present on Roman tables during the Republic and still recommended by imperial physicians. Does this mean that the inhabitants of the Apennine Peninsula ignored medical recommendations? Not necessarily. There is a passage in Galen’s On The Therapeutic Method, where the author mentions wines produced in Italy, and later on turns to those from Asia, because Italian wines were not present there:

  • 180 Gal., MM, 10, 832K: εἰ δ' ὁ κάμνων εἴθιστο χρῆσθαι περί τόν τῆς ὑγιείας χρόνον οἴνοις γλυκέσιν, οὐ (...)

But if the patient had been accustomed to using sweet wines during a time of health, there is nothing to prevent you giving him the sweeter Falernian. Nevertheless, in the case of Asia and Greece, and those nations adjoining them, if the wines spoken of are not available, sometimes the best of the wines in abundance in these regions in respect to distribution are the Ariusian and Lesbian.180

53Another passage from the same work is even more specific:

  • 181 Gal., MM, 10, 835K: πειρᾶσθαι μέν οὖν ἀεί τόν ἄριστον αἱρεῖσθαι. μὴ παρόντως δὲ τόν ὁμοιότατον ἐκε (...)

Attempt always to choose the best. If this is not available, choose the one most similar to it, according to the indicators mentioned.181

  • 182 Gal. Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 802K; Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 728K.
  • 183 For the development of Roman winemaking see Tchernia 1986, p. 34 and Tchernia 1997, p. 1249-1253.
  • 184 Tchernia 1998, p. 506; Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 126.
  • 185 Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

54These fragments (which are not the only examples), where Galen mentions Italian wines first and Greek wines second,182 may suggest that Falernian and other products of Roman vineyards would be the first and most obvious choice for most of his audience. Only if these were not available, for example, in the Eastern Mediterranean, one would turn to Greek wines with similar characteristics, which means Chian, Lesbian and Tmolian. This was probably due to the fact that in Galen’s times Italy had a long wine-making tradition and produced her own high-quality and healthy beverages,183 and hence did not need similar Greek varieties. However, this also suggests that the best Italian wines were akin to the Greek, which is further evidence for the impact that Greek diet and medicine had on Roman nutritional habits. An experiment by A. Tchernia, who made wine according to Columella’s recipe, showed that the Romans appreciated the taste of sotolon, adding fenugreek to their wines (one of very few plants that contain sotolon).184 At the same time, the taste of sotolon was probably a typical characteristic of the best Greek crus.185 Even though there is no direct evidence that the Romans made wines that were similar to Greek wines for health reasons, we know that they consumed Greek beverages not only because of fashion, but also because of the recommendations of ancient physicians. In addition, there is evidence that certain products of Aegean vineyards, such as Chian and Lesbian were the healthiest, similarly to Italian Falern. Finally, given that Falernian could be replaced by Chian and Lesbian in medical prescriptions, it was almost certainly a wine with similar characteristics and medical properties. Therefore, Greek influence on Roman diet and medicine is unquestionable.

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Bibliographie

Abreviations

LRCW= Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean.


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Notes

1 This research was financed by the National Science Centre, awarded as a part of placement funding for postdoctoral internships, based on decision No. DEC-2015/16/S/HS3/00098.

2 Jouanna 1996, p. 422, 424, 431.

3 The term ‘Greek wine’ in this paper refers to a beverage that was made in the Aegean region, which means in continental Greece, on the Aegean Islands and in western Asia Minor.

4 Jouanna 1996; 2002; Alessi 1999; Touwaide 2000; Béguin 2002; Fausti 2012; Roghi 2012; Mudd 2015.

5 Momigliano 1984, p. 438.

6 For example those mentioning that a Trojan hero, Aeneas, was the ancestor of Remus and Romulus, the founders of the Eternal City, see Gruen 1992, p. 6-51; Gruen 2013, p. 1-8.

7 Wiseman 2008; Wiseman 2004, p. 13-36, 87-118.

8 Bartoloni 2003; Di Sandro 1981, p. 5-10; Zevi 1985; p. 119; Slej 2008, p. 204-208; Sacchetti 2013, p. 30; Komar 2020, Chapter 1.

9 Gruen 1990 and 1992. See also Wiseman 1994, especially p. 1-36; 68-85; 90-97; Wiseman 1995, p. 43.

10 Dunbabin 2003, p. 12-3.

11 Komar 2014a; Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

12 OCD s.v. ‘Dioscorides (2)’.

13 Osbaldeston 2000, p. xx.

14 Flemming 2000, p. 476-477.

15 Athenaeus also copied a fragment of an uncertain physician (Deipn. 32f-33d.), which according to Brock – Wirtjes 2000, p. 456 could be attributed to Rufus of Ephesus, a physician of the later 1st c. AD.

16 Plin., H.N., 1, 14, 23. For more about Pliny’s sources see Scarborough 1986.

17 Tchernia 1997, p. 1247-1248.

18 Grant 2000, p. 2-3; Hankinson 2009, p. 4-5.

19 Nutton 2004, p. 216, 240.

20 Tchernia 1986, p. 272.

21 Gal., MM X, 832-3K.

22 Gal., Ant., 14, 28-9K.

23 Fabricius 1972, p. 185-189, 192-197, 200-201.

24 Brock 1916, p. xix.

25 Although the Hippocratic Corpus is composed of texts by various authors associated with the Coan and Cnidian school of ancient Greek medicine dated mostly to the Classical period, but including writings from the Hellenistic period or even from the 1st and 2nd c. AD, the books that mention Greek wines (Diseases and Internal Affections) most probably originated about 400 BC and were influenced by the Cnidian school.

26 Roman Italy is the main scope of this paper, as there is little literary evidence for the medical use of Greek wines in other areas of the Roman empire.

27 Di Sandro 1981, p. 5-10; Zevi 1985, p. 119; Slej 2008, p. 204-208; Sacchetti 2013, p. 30. It should be noted that in archaic Etruscan graves Greek amphorae were considerably more numerous and their range was broader, including also Clazomenian, Milesian, Lesbian and Thasian containers, see e.g. Slaska 1985, p. 19-21; Sacchetti 2013, p. 64-65, 75-76, 80-81, 93-95, 101-102.

28 Boersma – Yntema – Van der Werff 1986, p. 97, 99, 117; De Sena – Ikäheimo 2003, p. 304-307; Peña 2007, p. 84-98 and passim; Albiach et al. 2008, p. 249-264; Caspio et al. 2009, p. 487, fig. 35, p. 496, tav. VIII; Ferrandes 2014, p. 353-354, 363-364. Wine as a content of amphoras from Ikos is suggested by Doulgéri-Intzessiloglou – Garlan 1990.

29 Plaut., Curc., 78; Poenul., 699; Rud., 588.

30 Cato, Agr., 24, 105, 112.

31 Plin., H.N., 14, 95. Pliny mentions a quadrantal (ca. 26,2 l.) here, but it was explained by Frank 1931, p. 278, that a quartarius is more appropriate.

32 Komar 2014a, p. 237.

33 Van der Veen 2003, p. 410.

34 Varro, Rust., 2, praef.

35 Verg., Georg., 2, 90-91, 102; Hor., Carm., 3, 19; 10, 17, Serm., 1, 10; 2, 3; 2, 4; Col., 12, 37; Mart., 1,1, 106; Plin., H.N., 14, 73-75, 78-79, 81, 95-97, 117.

36 Sat. Men., 104b.

37 Plin., H.N., 14, 96: L. Lucullus puer apud patrem numquam lautum convivium vidit, in quo plus semel Graecum vinum daretur: ipse cum rediit ex Asia, milia cadum congiarium divisit amplius centum. C. Sentius, quem praetorem vidimus, Chium vinum suam domum inlatum dicebat tum primum, cum sibi cardiaco medicus dedisset: Hortensius super X cadum heredi reliquit.

38 Plin., H.N., 14, 73-75 and 81.

39 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 335-340.

40 Bezeczky 2013, p. 70-71.

41 Rizzo 2003, p. 7-17, 146-147, tab. 26b, 163-165, tab 27b and 27c, 175, tab. 29, 180, tab. 30b; Casaramona et al. 2010, p. 113; Tempesta 2011, p. 193-196.

42 Miniero 1999, p. 323-324; Grete 2003, p. 211; Timby 2004, p. 385-387; Albiach et al. 2008, p. 249-264.

43 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 411-412, tab. 8a and b.

44 There was a special waste heap of oriental, mostly Cretan amphorae, found in the area of Nuovo Mercato di Testaccio, see Casaramona et al. 2010; Tempesta 2011.

45 See Komar 2020, Chapter 3 for a comparison of the proportions of wine amphorae in different contexts in Latium and Campania.

46 See Komar 2014a.

47 Panella – Rizzo 2014, p. 327-329.

48 Casalini 2015, p. 543, 545; Filippi et al. 2004; Fontana et al. 2004; Munzi et al. 2004; Pacetti 2004; Paganelli 2004; Rizzo et al. 2004; Saguì – Coletti 2004; Vatta – Bertoldi 2004. Agora 273/Cistern Type amphorae were also found in Rome, Naples, Puzzuoli, Cumae and Salerno see Arthur 1990, p. 281, 284-285, 288. For the latest examples of the LRA1, which have been found in Crypta Balbi in Rome, see Saguì – Manacorda 1995, p. 125, fig. 4. It is worth mentioning that scholars do not entirely agree regarding the content (wine, olive oil, other product) and origin of LRA1, LRA2, see Karagiorgou 2001; Reynolds 2005; Pieri 2007 and Opait 2010.

49 Fronto, Eloq., 1, 4.

50 Geopon., 8, 23-24. These recipes probably concern the production of imitations of Thasian and Coan wines; however, they still provide evidence that these wines continued to be known in the Roman world, so it seems unlikely that their production ceased long ago.

51 Carm., 17, 15.

52 Venantius Fortunatus, Vita S. Martini, 2, 81–2.

53 Plaut., Curc., 78-9; Poen., 699-700; Plin., H.N., 14, 73.

54 Tchernia 1986, p. 102.

55 For more on this, see Komar 2014a.

56 Other containers of the supposed Aegean and/or Anatolian origin were discovered on the Apennine Peninsula, but the type of wine that they carried is unknown. For the variety of eastern amphoras in Rome and Ostia see for example Rizzo 2003; Panella - Rizzo 2014.

57 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43; Int. Af., 22, 474; Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10 and CD, 7, 5, 14; Dsc., Mat. Med., 1, 129, 131; 2, 82, 91, 141; 5, 6, 9, 10-2, 85 (Wellmann); Gal., Vic. Att., 93-95 (Kalbfleisch); San.Tu., 275-276, 334-335K; Bon. Mal. Suc., 5, 802, 803K; MM, 10, 832-3, 8356K; MMG, 11, 52K; SMT 11, 604K; Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 462, 728, 774, 777, 867K; 13, 3, 8, 11, 15, 26, 29, 30-3, 49, 52–3, 70, 212, 215, 323, 355-6K, Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 405, 513-4, 659, 1035; Ant., 14, 28-9, 111, 153, 162, 202-3K; Rem., 14, 454 and 470K; Orib., Eclog. med., 73, 18-220; Col. med., 5, 6, 30-31, 45; Syn., 2, 66, 4; 131, 1-2; 136, 1; 139, 1-2.

58 It should be noted that not all geographic epithets in ancient medical texts regard places of origin (see Totelin 2009 and 2015), but luckily this does not refer to wines.

59 Gal., SanTu 6, 276, 334-335, 337, 338K; Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 800, 801, 805, 806K; MM, 10, 483, 833K; Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 517; Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 11, 212K; Vic. Att., 93-95, 99 (Kalbfleisch).

60 Except for Catacecaumenitan mentioned by Vitr., De arch., 8, 3, 12 and Plin., H.N., 14, 54 and 75.

61 Gal., Vic. Att., 12, 99-102 (transl. Singer).

62 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43; Int. Af., 22, 474K.

63 Plin., H.N., 14, 73: his addidit Lesbium Erasistrati maximi medici auctoritas, circiter CCCCL anno urbis Romae.

64 Roman Amphorae: a digital resource, University of Southampton, 2005 (updated 2014), accessed 8.04.2017.

65 Lund 2011, p. 287-289 and fig. 13.3, 13.4.

66 Hipp., Morb., 3, 17, 41-43: Τοῦτο δὲ, Θάσιον οἶνον παλαιὸν, πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ὕδατος καὶ ἕνα οἴνου δίδου. All translations of Greek and Latin are from the Loeb editions if not otherwise stated.

67 Plin., H.N., 14, 55.

68 Alessi 2002, p. 108.

69 Plin., H.N., 14, 117; Ath., Deipn., 31f.

70 Salviat 1986, p. 194-195.

71 Plin., H.N., 14, 73.

72 Salviat 1986, p. 178.

73 Tchernia 1990, p. 65.

74 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 124.

75 Hipp., Acut., 14.

76 Hipp., Epid., 5, 52; 7, 119.

77 Bertier 1972, Fr. 46 = Ath., Deipn., 32d.

78 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 2 (Wellmann).

79 Touwaide 2000, p. 106, 108.

80 Plin., H.N., 33, 39: stomacho minus utile est pingue, nigrum, sed corpora magis alit.

81 Gal. MM, 10, 837K. According to Mudd 2015, p. 143 n. 348, similar logic is attested in the Hippocratic Corpus and in fragments by Mnesitheus of Athens.

82 Mudd 2015, p. 386.

83 Wilkins 2002, p. 50; Gal., Vic. Att., 12, 93.

84 Gal., MM, 10, 837K; Jouanna 1996, p. 424; Béguin 2002, p. 147.

85 Hipp., Int. Af., 22, 474: πινέτω δὲ οἶνον Κῷον ὑπόστρυφνον ὡς μελάντατον.

86 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 72, 2 (Wellmann).

87 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).

88 Gal., Rem. Parab., 14, 470K.

89 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 867K.

90 Gal., Vic. Att., 12; Wilkins 2002, p. 50.

91 For example, Galen in The thinning diet uses mostly these epithets, see Gal. Vic. Att.

92 Gal., Hip: De vict. acut. comm., 15, 627K.

93 Hor., Serm., 2, 4, 29; Cato, Agr., 24; Plin., H.N., 14, 78.

94 Tchernia 1986, p. 343, Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 133, Tchernia 2001, p. 128-129; Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 11 (Wellmann); Gal., San.Tu., 6, 275K; MMG, 11, 87K; Mart., 2, 40, 5-6; 8, 55 (56), 14.

95 Gal., MM, 10, 834K.

96 Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 132-133 and fig. 173.

97 Ath., Deipn., 26a.

98 Cels., 26, 1-2.

99 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 1 (Wellmann).

100 Dig. 33, 6, 11. Translation by S. P. Scott.

101 Tchernia 1986, p. 29.

102 Tchernia 1986, p. 30.

103 Plin., H.N., 14, 78.

104 Ath., Deipn., 26d-27d. The list of wines is spoken by Athenaeus’ character called Galen, and it is commonly attributed to Galen of Pergamon, the physician. However, its style and vocabulary make such identification questionable, see Brock – Wirtjes 2000, p. 456-460.

105 Béguin 2002, p. 146; Mudd 2015, p. 171; based on Gal., San.Tu., 6, 392K; Caus. Morb., 7, 6K; SMT, 12, 88K.

106 Plin., H.N., 23, 38.

107 1/12 of a sextarius, it is 0.0445 l.

108 Plin., H.N., 23, 19: radix decocta in aqua pota in vini Coi cyathis duobus umorem alvi ciet, ideo datur.

109 Plin., H.N., 14, 78.

110 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 122, 124.

111 Varro, Rust., 2, praef.

112 Bertier 1972, Fr. 46 = Ath., Deipn., 32d.

113 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 3 (Wellmann).

114 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).

115 Plin., N.H., 23, 46.

116 Plin., N.H., 14, 73: nunc gratia ante omnia est Clazomenio, postquam parcius mari condiunt.

117 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann); Roghi 2012, p. 366.

118 Plin., H.N., 14, 75.

119 Ps.- Galen, Suc., 19,738K; Paul Aeg., 7, 25, 15.

120 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 462K.

121 Gal., Comp. Med. Gen., 23, 1035K.

122 Plin., H.N., 14, 76.

123 Ath., Deipn., 33b.

124 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 5 (Wellmann).

125 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 34 (Wellmann).

126 Plin., H.N., 23, 39 and 45-47.

127 Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10: οἶνος εὐώδης μὴ κάρτα στύφων, παχὺς δὲ ὡς ἥκιϲτα. ῾Ελληνικοὶ μὲν Χῖος ἢ Λέϲβιος, ὁκόσοι τε ἄλλοι νησιῶται λεπτοί.

128 Dalby 2003, p. 359.

129 Brock – Wirtjes 2000, p. 456-458.

130 Plin., H.N., 14, 96.

131 Orib., Col. med., 5, 6, 45.

132 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 728K.

133 Gal., MMG, 11, 52K; SMT, 11, 604K; Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 405K, 513-4K. It should be noted that wines were generally regarded as warming by Hippocrates, see Alessi 2002, p. 108, which means that Chian, Lesbian and Tmolian must have stood out from the others.

134 Gal., Comp. Med. Gen., 13, 659K, MM, 10, 835K; Vic. Att., 93, 1-95, 1 (Kalbfleisch); San. Tu., 6, 275-6, 334-5K.

135 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 8 (Wellmann).

136 Scrib. Larg., Comp., 26, 36, 126, 165, 170.

137 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 45; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 513K.

138 Gal., Rem., 14, 454K; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 680K.

139 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 867K.

140 Gal., Ant., 14, 107-108K.

141 Gal., Ant., 14, 111K.

142 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 70K.

143 Gal., Ant., 14, 153, 162, 185, 202-203K.

144 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 8 (Wellmann); for a recipe for an eye-medicine with the use of ebony and Chian see Dsc., Mat. Med., 1, 98, 2 (Wellmann); whereas with the use of basil and Chian, see Dsc., Mat. Med., 2, 141, 1 (Wellmann); Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 728, 774K; Orib., Syn., 2, 131, 1-2; 136,1; 139, 1-2.

145 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 777K.

146 Orib., Syn., 2, 66, 4.

147 Aret., CA, 6, 3, 10.

148 Ath., Deipn., 32f.

149 Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9.

150 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 45; Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 513K.

151 Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 31.

152 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 14 (Wellmann).

153 Gal., Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 802K.

154 Gal., MM, 10, 835K.

155 Aet., 2, 252, 23.

156 Dsc., Mat. Med., 5, 6, 9 (Wellmann).

157 Strab., 14, 1, 15.

158 Gal., San. Tu., 6, 334-335K; Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 803K; Orib., Col. Med., 5, 6, 30-31. On bilious bodies see Béguin 2002, p. 142.

159 Gal., MM, 10, 835K.

160 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 212K.

161 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 8 and 25K; Aet., 7, 55, 65-69.

162 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 46K.

163 Scrib. Larg., Comp., 30, 5; 55, 28; 74, 4.

164 Aret., CD, 8, 13, 6.

165 Plin., H.N., 20, 208.

166 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 3, 11, 15, 26, 29, 30, 32, 33, 49-50, 70K.

167 Gal., Comp. Med. Loc., 13, 323, 355-356K.

168 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 15.

169 Gal., VA, 99; ΒΜ, 6, 800-801K; San.Tu., 6, 337K; Hipp. Vict. Acut., 15, 645K. Also, Gal., MM, 10, 833-834K and SF, 11, 648K mention ᾿Αλβάτης, which was an example of wine that was thick as well as sweet and dry/bitter at the same time. This beverage was not recommended. This probably also refers to Cilician ‘Abates’.

170 ST, 6, 337.

171 Ath., Deipn., 33b.

172 Decker 2005, 53, Plin., H.N., 14, 24: vina primo dulcia austeritatem annis accipiunt.

173 Plin., H.N., 14, 81.

174 Kourakou-Dragona 2013, p. 56.

175 Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

176 Komar 2014a, p. 234-235; Komar 2014b, p. 117-118.

177 Mart., 13, 106.

178 Verg., Georg., 2, 101-102: Rhodian was ‘dis et mensis accepta secundis’ and Plin., H.N., 14, 79: ‘Rhodium Coo simile est’.

179 Komar 2014b, p. 127-128.

180 Gal., MM, 10, 832K: εἰ δ' ὁ κάμνων εἴθιστο χρῆσθαι περί τόν τῆς ὑγιείας χρόνον οἴνοις γλυκέσιν, οὐδὲν κωλύει τούτῳ δοῦναι τόν γλυκύτερον Φαλερῖνον. ἐπὶ μέντοι τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ τῆς ῾Ελλάδος, ὅσα τε τούτοις ἔθνη γειτνιᾷ, μὴ παρόντων τῶν εἰρημένων οἴνων, ἔσθ᾿ ὅτε κάλλιστος πρὸς ἀνάδοσιν τῶν ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς χωρίοις εὐπορουμένων οἴνων ὁ Ἀρουίσιός τε καὶ ὁ Λέσβιος.

181 Gal., MM, 10, 835K: πειρᾶσθαι μέν οὖν ἀεί τόν ἄριστον αἱρεῖσθαι. μὴ παρόντως δὲ τόν ὁμοιότατον ἐκείνῳ κατὰ τὰ λελεγμένα γνωρίσματα.

182 Gal. Bon. Mal. Suc., 6, 802K; Comp. Med. Loc., 12, 728K.

183 For the development of Roman winemaking see Tchernia 1986, p. 34 and Tchernia 1997, p. 1249-1253.

184 Tchernia 1998, p. 506; Tchernia – Brun 1999, p. 126.

185 Komar 2020, Chapter 2.

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Paulina Komar, « In vino sanitas »Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité [En ligne], 132-2 | 2020, mis en ligne le 25 février 2021, consulté le 15 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefra/10427 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.10427

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Paulina Komar

Institute of Archaeology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw - p.komar@uksw.edu.pl

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