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Dalmatia and the Ancient Mediterranean: 50 years after John J. Wilkes’ Dalmatia

The Roman Army in Dalmatia

An updated overview
Ivan Radman-Livaja
p. 31-60

Résumés

L’histoire de l’armée romaine en Dalmatie n’est pas un domaine de recherche négligé. En effet, outre de nombreuses publications traitant de camps ou d’unités militaires, plusieurs textes synthétiques couvrant ce sujet plus en détail existent également mais l’ouvrage fondamental sur l’armée romaine en Dalmatie reste le chapitre écrit par J. J. Wilkes dans son livre Dalmatia. Les recherches sur l’armée romaine en Dalmatie ont considérablement progressé au cours des 50 dernières années – de nombreuses fouilles ont eu lieu depuis 1969, ainsi que des découvertes épigraphiques, et des dizaines d’articles et de livres furent publiés – mais la plupart des conclusions de Wilkes sont toujours pertinentes. Cet aperçu est de ce fait principalement conçu comme une mise à jour du chapitre sur l’armée impériale romaine en Dalmatie de l’ouvrage de Wilkes, avec un accent particulier sur les informations acquises au cours des cinq dernières décennies.

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  • 1 Betz 1938; Alföldy 1962; Wilkes 1969, p. 88-152; Holder 1980; Spaul 1994; Spaul 2000; Sanader 2003 (...)

1The Roman army in that part of Illyricum which would become the province of Dalmatia has been studied by many scholars and one may hardly claim this to be a neglected field of research. Besides publications dealing with individual military camps or military units, as well as archaeological discoveries related to the presence of the Roman army in that area, there are also several synthetic texts covering this topic in more detail.1 As far as the province of Dalmatia is concerned, the seminal work about the Roman army garrisoned in that province is still the chapter written by J.J. Wilkes in his book from 1969, “Dalmatia”, published in the series “History of the Provinces of the Roman Empire”. Not many scholars may assert that their manuscripts remain relevant 50 years after their publication, and “Dalmatia” is certainly one of such books. Nonetheless, half a century is a rather long period of time and quite a few excavations took place in the meantime (and some are still being carried out), interesting epigraphic discoveries occurred as well, while dozens of relevant papers and books have been published since 1969. Roman army studies in Dalmatia have advanced significantly in the last 50 years, and it is thus even more astounding that most of Wilkes’s conclusions are still sound and pertinent. Within the limited framework of this paper, I will have to present new data acquired since 1969 and point out the development of this field of research through publications which have appeared since “Dalmatia” was published. The focus will be on information and facts concerning the Roman imperial army in Dalmatia acquired through research (and some chance finds as well) in the last five decades. I have to stress that this paper is not meant to present thoroughly the history of the Roman military involvement in Dalmatia since the times of the Republic: this overview is primarily intended as an update of chapter 7 of Wilkes’s “Dalmatia”, i.e. the chapter concerned with the imperial army garrisoned in Dalmatia. It goes without saying that an extensive updated overview of Roman campaigns in Dalmatia from the late 3rd century till the mid-first century BC would be welcome, but this would go far beyond the intended scope of this paper and events occurring before 59 BC will only be briefly mentioned, albeit with more recent bibliographical references.

  • 2 Wilkes 1969, p. 15-16, 88; Errington 1989, p. 85-88; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 149-150; Šašel Kos 2005a, (...)
  • 3 Wilkes 1969, p. 16-17, 19-21, 88; Harris 1979, p. 195-197; Bojanovski 1988, p. 29; Errington 1989, (...)
  • 4 Wilkes 1969, p. 21-22; Eckstein 2008, p. 78-83, 85-118; Dzino 2010, p. 52-54; Džino – Domić Kunić (...)
  • 5 Wilkes 1969, p. 22-23; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 282-283; Eckstein 2008, p. 278-279; Dzino 2010, p. 54-5 (...)
  • 6 Wilkes 1969, p. 23-24; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 283-284; Dzino 2010, p. 55-56; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013 (...)
  • 7 Wilkes 1969, p. 24-26; Bojanovski 1988, p. 29; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 151-152; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 284 (...)
  • 8 Wilkes 1969, p. 26-28; Dzino 2010, p. 57-58; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 91-93.

2There will be no discussion about the first Illyrian war in 229 BC,2or about what followed afterwards, in 219 BC.3 Neither will there be talk about the tension with Philip V of Macedon nor his military activities during the Second Punic War which compelled the Romans to keep a naval presence in the Adriatic.4 After Pleuratus took over the throne of his father Scerdilaidas, the political situation in the southern Adriatic was favourable to the Romans until 181 BC,5 but when Pleuratus’ son Gentius inherited the kingdom whose rule (or influence at least) ranged from the central area between Scodra, Lissus and Rhizon to the islands of central Dalmatia further northwest and to Epirus in the south, issues, mainly linked to piracy, started soon afterwards.6 The relations remained tense ever after and it is hardly surprising that Gentius backed Perseus in 169 BC.7 The result is well known and Gentius’s kingdom ended up divided in three parts, the peripheral areas of the kingdom having been granted independence. With the disappearance of the only potential rival state in the southern Adriatic, the Senate saw no reason to occupy the territory and formally establish a provincial administration, instead relying on local allies for keeping situation under control.8

  • 9 Wilkes 1969, p. 32-33; Mócsy 1974, p. 31-32.
  • 10 Matijašić 2009, p. 99-106; Dzino 2010, p. 29, 56, 59; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 98-99; Zaninovi (...)
  • 11 Wilkes 1969, p. 32; Mócsy 1974, p. 32; Wilkes 1992, p. 200; Matijašić 2009, p. 106-107; Dzino 2010 (...)
  • 12 Zippel 1877, p. 135; Mócsy 1962, p. 527-528; Mócsy 1974, p. 12, 22, 32; Šašel 1974, c. 731; Hoti 1 (...)
  • 13 Wilkes 1969, p. 30-32; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 98-101; Bojanovski 1988, p. 37-38; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 15 (...)
  • 14 Wilkes 1969, p. 32; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 159-160; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 291, 314-320; Matijašić 2009, (...)

3After Aquileia was founded in 181 BC, the northwest of Italy became a raiding area for the Taurisci and Iapodes, and it is from that moment that Romans started mounting occasional, mostly punitive, campaigns which gradually drew them deeper in the western Balkans hinterlands and Pannonia.9 After Rome conquered the Histri in 177 BC,10 the Iapodes became targets of several Roman military campaigns. In 171 BC, the consul Gaius Cassius Longinus invaded the lands of the Carni and of the Iapodes, in an unsuccessful attempt to attack Macedonia by land.11 Pannonia might have been first reached a decade later, most likely in 159 BC or 156 BC.12 The First Roman-Dalmataean War in 156 BC was provoked when the Dalmatae raided the lands of Rome’s allies, the Isseans and the Daorsi. The campaign was led by the consul Caius Marcius Figulus who besieged Delminium but had to return to Rome. The triumph over the Dalmatae in 155 BC was thus celebrated by his successor, Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica.13 Another consul, Servius Fulvius Flaccus, led a victorious campaign in 135 BC against the Ardiaei and Pleraei.14

  • 15 Klemenc 1963, p. 55; Wilkes 1969, p. 32-33; Zaninović 1986, p. 60; Hoti 1992, p. 135; Wilkes 1992, (...)
  • 16 Wilkes 1969, p. 33; Morgan 1971, p. 271-301; Mócsy 1974, p. 13, 22; Zaninović 1986, p. 59-60; Boja (...)
  • 17 Wilkes 1969, p. 33-34, 36; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 156-158; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. (...)

4The Iapodes were attacked again in 129 BC, by the consul Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus.15 Ten 10 years later, in 119 BC, during the Second Roman-Dalmataean War, the Romans went further inland and besieged Segestica.16 Lucius Caecilius Metellus successfully campaigned against the Dalmatae in 117 BC and celebrated a triumph but the exact reasons which led to that war are not known.17

  • 18 Wilkes 1969, p. 34-35; Seager 1992, p. 184-185; Dzino 2010, p. 73-74; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. (...)
  • 19 Wilkes 1969, p. 35; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 158-159; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 311-31 (...)

5A military campaign occurred in Liburnia in 84 BC and some military operations may have been conducted against the Iapodes around 78-76 BC.18 More or less at the same time, most probably between 78 BC and 76 BC and surely before 74 BC, the proconsul Caius Cosconius campaigned against the Dalmatae and took Salona, where Roman citizens started settling in increasing numbers.19

  • 20 Dzino 2010, p. 74-79.
  • 21 Wilkes 1969, p. 89-92.

6This necessarily brief overview clearly shows that before the mid-first century BC Roman military operations in the eastern Adriatic and its hinterland were as a rule successful and usually brief. The punitive character of those campaigns is quite evident and Romans normally spared no resources to demonstrate the might of the Republic. This policy must have been rather successful when one considers long periods of peace after most of those campaigns. It is also plain that for more than 150 years the Senate never seriously considered the idea of keeping that territory under permanent Roman rule: military intervention only occurred when a threat to Roman interests, real or presumed, had to be neutralised and as soon as the strategic goal was achieved, Roman troops would leave the area.20 That policy started to change by the mid-first century BC, a transformation mostly linked to the upheavals of Roman political life and the emergence of unscrupulous individuals whose boundless ambition and desire for power would eventually put an end to the Republic. It is no coincidence that J.J. Wilkes started his chapter about the Roman army in Dalmatia with the Lex Vatinia, i.e. Caesar’s proconsulate in Illyricum, followed by a description of military operations during the civil war between 49 and 47 BC, concluding the introduction by summarising Octavian’s campaigns in 35-33 BC.21 In many ways, what happened during those decades had a durable impact on Roman perceptions of the natives and shaped strategic and military arrangements of the Augustan period.

  • 22 Caes., Gall., 5, 1; Wilkes 1969, p. 37-40; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 102-107; Wiseman 1992, p. 374, 381; (...)

7In 59 BC, with the statutory act known as Lex Vatinia de imperio Caesaris, Caesar received a five-year proconsular mandate over Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul, as well as over Illyricum. The latter comprised roughly the coastal area between the Istrian Peninsula and Epirus. As the proconsul in Cisalpine Gaul, he had three legions under his command, but being in charge of Illyricum did not imply command of additional military forces. Caesar started campaigning in Gaul in 58 BC and he could never take much care of the situation in Illyricum, despite being formally in charge there from 59 BC to 50 BC. Nonetheless, he kept being informed and he followed the activities of his magistrates in Illyricum. He even went there himself in 54 BC (after a first aborted attempt in the winter of 57 BC when he reached Aquileia but had to return urgently to Gaul) and took care of the complaints of Roman allies by pacifying the Pirustae.22

  • 23 App., Ill., 12; Wilkes 1969, p. 39-40; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Čače 1993, p. 2-14; Šašel Kos 2004, (...)
  • 24 Caes., Gall., 8, 24; App., Ill., 18, 52; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 422; Dzino 2010, p. 85; Džino – Domić (...)

8It was his only visit to Illyricum, but Appian mentions that the Liburnians urged him to help them when the Dalmatae, together with some unknown Illyrian allies, had occupied Promona. According to the same source, Caesar was nearby at the moment, probably in Cisalpine Gaul, and we may presume that the occupation of Promona happened around 50 BC as problems with Pompey are also brought up in the text. Troops were sent to Promona, but they were ambushed and killed to the last man. Who exactly was in this contingent is unknown, they were perhaps only Liburnians under the command of a Roman officer, but it might have been a mixed contingent as well, composed of a legionary vexillatio (was it the legio XV?) and Liburnian allies.23 Caesar was facing other issues at that time and he could hardly spare troops to mount a punitive expedition and that crushing defeat could not be avenged. Obviously, Caesar could not do much about troubles in Illyricum: the Romans were also unable to punish appropriately the Iapodeans who were raiding Aquileia and Tergeste in 51 BC.24 Open fighting between Caesar and Pompey started in 49 BC and the civil war spread across the whole Mediterranean. Most of the fighting took place on the Iberian Peninsula, in Greece, Africa and Asia Minor, but Illyricum also saw its share of combat. It was a sideshow from the strategic point of view but considerable numbers of troops were sent by both sides to take control of the coast of Illyricum. The natives were not indifferent bystanders either: most of Liburnian communities as well as Roman citizens in coastal towns sided with Caesar while Pompey was supported by the Dalmatae, the city of Issa and some Liburnians.

  • 25 D.C., 41, 40, 1-2; Veith 1924, p. 267-271; Wilkes 1969, p. 40; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 108-109, 112-115 (...)

9Caesar’s troops in Illyricum were commanded by Caius Antonius, Mark Antony’s brother (Marcus Antonius), and Publius Cornelius Dolabella, who was in charge of rather limited naval forces. The Pompeians, commanded by Marcus Octavius and Lucius Scribonius Libo, had a far stronger fleet which they used to blockade newly arrived Caesarian troops that Antonius had unwisely sent to the island of Krk (Curicta). Despite their numbers (one and a half legion), those men were mere recruits and unable to beat the odds. Realising that no help can come, Caius Antonius had to surrender, while Caesarian troops on the mainland, under the command of Lucius Minucius Basilus and Caius Salustius Crispus (the historian), powerlessly watched. In a rather typical twist of fate in civil wars, those 15 cohorts joined Pompey’s side and were sent as reinforcements to Greece.25

  • 26 Wilkes 1969, p. 41; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 108-109, 114-115; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 355-356; Džino – Domi (...)
  • 27 Veith 1924: p. 271-274; Wilkes 1969, p. 41-42; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 114-116; Bojanovski 1988, p. 40; (...)
  • 28 Cic., Fam., 5, 9, 10a, 10b, 11; App., Ill., 13; D.C., 47, 21, 6; Wilkes 1969, p. 42-44; Šašel Kos (...)

10Controlling the sea, the Pompeians started attacking coastal settlements which sided with Caesar, but after being defeated at Salona and unable to take any of the coastal cities, Marcus Octavius withdrew to Dyrrachium.26 After his victory at Pharsalus in 48 BC, Caesar sent Quintus Cornificius to Illyricum with two legions. The latter won a minor naval victory with ships provided by the Iadertini, but was still short of troops and Caesar decided to send Aulus Gabinius with 15 cohorts and 3000 horsemen as reinforcements. Gabinius’ forces marched toward Salona in the late summer of 48 BC, but were ambushed in some pass near Synodion and suffered the loss of five cohorts. Gabinius managed to extricate what remained of his troops and eventually reached Salona in the winter of the same year. Without supply and surrounded by hostile Dalmatae, he remained in Salona, suffering continuous losses. Furthermore, he fell ill and died in early 47 BC. Seeing Gabinius stuck in Salona, the Pompeians used the opportunity and attacked Quintus Cornificius’ troops, stationed further south, probably in Epidaurus, since the sources mention that Marcus Octavius laid siege to this Caesarian stronghold. Quintus Cornificius sent a call for help to Publius Vatinius, Caesar’s officer in charge of the sick and wounded recovering in Brindisi, who swiftly managed to assemble a hotchpotch fleet and mobilise some veterans with whom he set sail to help Cornificius in the spring of 47 BC. Despite commanding a makeshift squadron, he defeated the Pompeian fleet at the island of Tauris (possibly in the archipelago of the Pakleni Islands near the island of Hvar), forcing Marcus Octavius out of the Adriatic.27 In 46 BC, Publius Sulpicius Rufus replaced Quintus Cornificius and continued campaigning against the Dalmatae. The following year, the proconsul Publius Vatinius returned to Illyricum and was given command over three legions and an unspecified number of cavalry units. The arrival of such a large army forced the Dalmatae to negotiate, according to Appian, but upon receiving the news of Caesar’s assassination, they attacked Roman troops commanded by a certain senator Bebius and wiped out five cohorts. The proconsul retreated to Dyrrachium, where the Senate transferred his troops to Brutus’ army. The correspondence between Vatinius and Cicero gives us an insight into Vatinius’ activities between the summer of 45 BC and 44 BC and shows that the fighting against the Dalmatae started already before Caesar’s death. Vatinius’ main base of operation was in Narona, from where he gradually moved from one Dalmataean stronghold to another, besieging them but also suffering many casualties. Nonetheless, Vatinius was eventually granted a triumph by the Senate on the 31st of July 42 BC.28

  • 29 Flor., 2, 25; Horat., Carm., 2, 1; D.C., 48, 41, 7; Serv., ecl., 8.6-13; Syme 1937, p. 39-48; Wilk (...)
  • 30 Vell. 2, 78, 2; App., BC, 5, 80; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 140.

11Considering the relative calm for several years after Vatinius’ campaign, we may assume that his operation was not a failure, even though it was not a brilliant victory. Florus and Horace mention that Caius Asinius Pollio fought against the Dalmatae, presumably in 39 BC or 38 BC, but we may wonder why a proconsul in Macedonia, an area under the jurisdiction of Mark Antony, would campaign in the territory under Octavian’s responsibility. Pollio certainly waged war against the Partini, and the mention of the Dalmatae might be due to a mistake in the sources (unsurprising for Florus, but Horace was a contemporary). However, it may not be utterly unlikely that Asinius Pollio was given special command by Mark Antony and Octavian to bring order to a wider area.29 Even though there are no descriptions of military operations, sources unambiguously state that Octavian also concentrated his troops in “Illyricum and Dalmatia”, according to Velleius Paterculus, before being forced to withdraw his forces and send them against Sextus Pompey in 38 BC.30 Whether this information is somehow related to the possible campaign of Asinius Pollio is a matter of conjecture.

12The military operation that followed in 35 BC, as opposed to the previous campaigns, was not just a punitive expedition or an effort to protect Roman interests on the coast: it was the first step toward the final conquest of the interior of Illyricum. Octavian set out with a large army, planning to permanently conquer the hinterland of the Adriatic coast. His intervention was justified to the Senate by claiming the need to secure Italy’s borders and punish tribes which have stopped fulfilling their obligations towards Rome. Avenging past defeats in Illyricum was also emphasised, as well preparing a campaign against the Dacians, although one may doubt Octavian seriously considered such an endeavour at that moment. It is widely believed that Octavian started this campaign as preparation for the upcoming confrontation with Mark Antony, considering both the strategic and the propagandistic advantages of such an undertaking. The latter should not be simply dismissed: the adopted son of Julius Caesar had to prove himself worthy of his adoptive father before the Senate and the people of Rome, in addition to proving he could match Mark Antony’s military prowess. A lasting victory over the tribes of western Illyricum could have contributed to boost Octavian’s political power and popularity. Some authors believe that by controlling Pannonia, i.e. the Sava Valley, Octavian would have blocked the land route from the east to Italy, bettering his odds for the forthcoming clash with Mark Antony. Nevertheless, the idea that Octavian was already seriously preparing for conflict with Mark Anthony in 35 BC is quite questionable and, in any case, crossing the Balkans to invade Italy would not have been a likely option for Mark Antony. Crossing the Adriatic from Dyrrachium to Brundisium was unquestionably much faster and safer. Consequently, training his army and increasing his popularity and military reputation were probably Octavian’s main objectives. At the same time, quickly bringing order to Illyricum would have avoided any inquiry in the Senate about Octavian’s responsibility for lingering unrest in this province, his previous decision to withdraw most troops from there in order to use them against Sextus Pompey certainly not being helpful for suppressing disobedience among natives.

  • 31 For Octavian’s Illyrian campaign cf. App., Ill., 16-28; D.C., 49, 35-38; Kromayer 1898, p. 1-13; V (...)

13It certainly was a large scale campaign. Agrippa dealt with smaller tribes and pirates along the coast first, while Octavian quickly subdued the Alpine tribes. After defeating the Iapodes (and bolstering his reputation by being wounded at the siege of Metulum), Octavian marched on Segestica and took it after a 30 days siege.31

  • 32 The sources do not specify which legions participated in the expedition, but historians speculate (...)
  • 33 App., BC, 5, 127; Oros., 6. 18; Vell., 2, 80; Nagy 1991, p. 59.
  • 34 Veith and Swoboda speculated that Octavian’s army during this campaign numbered approximately 40-5 (...)
  • 35 App., Ill., 22-24; D.C., 49, 36; Veith 1914, p. 49-58; Swoboda 1932, p. 29; Mócsy 1962, p. 538-539 (...)

14The exact number of legions under Octavian’s command during the expedition to Illyricum is unknown,32 but the sources do give information about the total strength of Octavian’s troops before the expedition: adding the defeated Pompeian forces and Lepidus’ men, Octavian commanded around 200,000 legionnaires, i.e. 43 to 45 more or less full legions, 25,000 horsemen, and 40,000 auxiliaries.33 Obviously, Octavian led only a portion of his troops into Illyricum.34 Besides, a large part of his troops had to secure the conquered area and protect supply lines before he even reached Segestica. Considering that Octavian left a garrison of 25 cohorts after taking this city, we may assume that the besieging army was significantly larger. Thus, the estimate that Octavian had approximately five legions at his disposal for the siege of Segestica, along with auxiliary troops and crews of river ships, is fairly sensible.35

  • 36 App., Ill., 25-28; D.C., 49, 38. 3-4.
  • 37 Wilkes 1969, p. 53-58; Bojanovski 1988, p. 44-48; Šašel Kos 1997a, p. 196-198; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. (...)

15By leaving a garrison in Segestica, under the command of Fufius Geminus, Octavian clearly stated that Romans intended to stay. Nonetheless, the conquest of Illyricum took many years. In 34 BC, Octavian moved south to engage the Dalmatae and other tribes in the hinterland of the Adriatic coast.36 The Dalmatae suffered no major setbacks in the previous years and were still keeping the standards taken from Gabinius. They were led by a chieftain named Verzo, who mustered more than 12,000 warriors. Octavian attacked Promona first. The Dalmatae had taken the city from Liburnians some twenty years earlier, prompting a Roman intervention at the time. Octavian besieged Promona, where Verzo took refuge with some of his troops, while others were holding other neighbouring hillforts. Another Dalmatean chieftain, Testimus, sent reinforcements but the Romans successfully drove them back and took Promona. Verzo died during the siege, while Testimus retreated with the remains of Dalmataean host. The hillfort of Sinodium was the second to fall, and Octavian moved on to lay siege to Setovia (where he was wounded), but returned to Rome before the end of the siege, leaving Statilius Taurus in command. Upon returning to Rome, Octavian formally relinquished his position as consul so he could return to Illyricum, where he arrived in time to accept the unconditional surrender of the Dalmatae who turned over 700 hostages, returned the captured standards and agreed to pay tribute along with debts they owed since Caesar’s time. Immediately after, the Derbanoi, their neighbours, also surrendered, thus ending the conflict in 33 BC. Even though Octavian’s campaign – with his officers leading parallel operations along the coast, reaching as far as Dyrrachium, and battling with smaller tribes in the hinterland – can hardly be described as spectacular when compared to the military successes of famous Roman generals, Octavian certainly improved his political influence and status as well as his military reputation.37

  • 38 Ritterling 1925, c. 1215-1238; Syme 1933, p. 20-23, 25-28; Farnum 2005, p. 5, 60.
  • 39 Nagy 1991, p. 67; Gruen 1996, p. 174; Gayet 2006, p. 70; Dzino 2008, p. 699-703; Dzino 2010, p. 11 (...)
  • 40 Cheesman 1914, p. 12-20; Wagner 1938, p. 223-224; Holder 1980, p. 140-141; Saddington 1982, p. 27- (...)
  • 41 Alföldy 1962, p. 286; For instance, the inscription on the gravestone of the veteran Tiberius Iuli (...)
  • 42 Many of the leaders of the uprising of AD 6, as well as Bato the Daesitiate himself, could previou (...)

16Permanent Roman garrisons were then certainly established in the area but exactly which Roman units were stationed in Illyricum during Augustus’ rule is open to speculation, due to scant available information.38 Illyricum, when it had become a province between 32 and 27 BC, was organised as a public province with only one legion,39 along with an unknown number of auxiliary troops. The auxiliary units at the time had not yet acquired a lasting identity, which only started developing in the later part of Augustus’ reign and reached its final form during the rule of his immediate successors.40 Thus, identifying auxiliary units which took part in the conquest and occupation of Illyricum during Augustus’ rule is nearly impossible.41 It should also be pointed out that those first auxiliaries serving in Illyricum were not only recruited in other parts of the Empire, quite a few must have been from local communities, not even directly drafted by the Romans, but rather by loyal local elites who placed their men into Roman service. Such auxiliary troops were probably mostly commanded by their own leaders and could not be compared to regular auxiliary units formally incorporated into the Roman military system, as would become the norm in the following decades.42

  • 43 Flor., 2, 24; Vell., 2, 96; Mócsy 1962, p. 539-541; Mócsy 1974, p. 34; Barkóczi 1980, p. 90-91; Ša (...)
  • 44 Ritterling assumed that the southern part of Illyricum was established as a senatorial province in (...)
  • 45 Mócsy 1962, p. 540-542; Mócsy 1974, p. 34; Nagy 1991, p. 68-79; Dzino 2010, p. 122-136.

17We may reasonably assume that the province would not have been assigned to the Senate if there were significant military forces stationed there. Illyricum was most probably not considered as a risky area when the province was established and it was thus garrisoned with minimal forces. A relative calm reigned for a decade but raiders from Pannonia and Noricum attacked Histria in 16 BC and unrest in Pannonia grew, with an open rebellion starting in 14 BC. The seriousness of the situation in Pannonia is best witnessed by the fact that Augustus sent Agrippa to resolve the matter in 13 BC. After Agrippa’s sudden death, Tiberius took over the command and conducted a war later dubbed bellum Pannonicum until 9 BC or 8 BC.43 By then, everyone must have been aware that having a single legion in Illyricum was not a viable concept.44 The number of troops had to be increased significantly as early as 16 BC. When in 11 BC (or as early as 13 BC), Illyricum transitioned from being a senatorial province into an imperial province, the change must have been linked to the military situation.45

  • 46 Syme 1933, p. 23, 25-26, 29-31; Keppie 1984, p. 208-211; Mosser 2003, p. 137-141; Dzino 2010, p. 1 (...)
  • 47 Ritterling 1925, c. 1615-1617; Betz 1938, p. 8; Wilkes 1969, p. 94-95; Mitchell 1976, p. 301-303; (...)

18There is no consensus among experts regarding the number and garrisons of the legions stationed in Illyricum during the last decades before Christ, i.e. before the Batonian uprising of AD 6. Even though it cannot be determined with certainty for how long and where exactly individual legions could have been stationed in Illyricum between 35 BC and AD 6, at least five, perhaps six or even seven legions were presumably stationed there for some time: VIII Augusta, IX Hispana, XI, XIII Gemina, XIV Gemina, XV Apollinaris, and XX.46 The legio VII is also occasionally mentioned in the scholarly literature but that legion was almost certainly not transferred to Illyricum before the Batonian revolt.47

  • 48 Tac., Ann., 1, 23, 30; Ritterling 1925, c. 1645-1647; Betz 1938, p. 5, 50-52; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-9 (...)

19Legio VIII perhaps may have spent some time in Illyricum during the aforementioned period: it was fighting during the Batonian revolt and stayed in Pannonia after AD 9. There is however no reliable evidence that it was sent to Illyricum before the revolt, although some believe it could have been stationed in Liburnia, i.e. in Burnum, or in Poetovio.48

  • 49 Ritterling 1925, c. 1664-1665; Syme 1933, p. 23; Betz 1938, p. 52; Wilkes 1969, p. 92; Keppie 2000 (...)

20The legio IX Hispana was likely transferred from the Iberian Peninsula to Illyricum between 19 and 15 BC and probably not later than 13 BC. The location of the legion’s garrison before the Batonian uprising is a matter of conjecture but Tilurium is often mentioned. Depending on the interpretation of the inscription CIL III, 13977, it could have been stationed there until the uprising was suppressed in AD 9.49 The legion was most probably stationed in Illyricum before AD 6, but due to the ambiguous nature of the aforementioned inscription, the possibility that the legio IX was stationed somewhere else, in Pannonia or in Aquileia, cannot be excluded.

  • 50 It may have spent most time in Moesia during this period; Betz 1938, p. 20; Cesarik 2020a, p. 165- (...)
  • 51 Ritterling 1925, c. 1691.
  • 52 Farnum 2005, p. 22, 64, 72-73.

21It is believed that legio XI was stationed in the Balkans after the Battle of Actium but there is no clear evidence regarding its garrison during Augustus’ reign.50 Ritterling presumed that it could have been stationed in the northern part of Illyricum prior to the Batonian revolt, i.e. in Pannonia (Poetovio?).51 Farnum considers that this legion may have been stationed in Tilurium between 27 and 16 BC, before being transferred to Moesia (where it may have been already stationed between 30 and 27 BC – Naissus?), where it remained until the Batonian revolt (Viminacium?).52

  • 53 Ritterling 1925, c. 1711-1712; Syme 1933, p. 29; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-93; Cesarik surmises that it m (...)
  • 54 Farnum 2005, p. 22, 64-65; see note 46 for Emona.

22The XIII Gemina was probably among the troops stationed in Transpadana and Illyricum. Scholars mention Burnum as its possible garrison53 or Emona, but the latter possibility may be excluded.54

  • 55 Ritterling 1925, c. 1728; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-93; Franke 2000, p. 191-192; Farnum 2005, p. 23, 64-6 (...)

23Just like the XIII Gemina, the XIV Gemina was transferred after Actium to Illyricum or northern Italy. It may have been stationed in Aquileia for some time, and Farnum mentions Poetovio as a possible garrison place. Presumably, it did not leave Illyricum (or northern Italy) later than 13 BC, when it joined the Rhine legions for Drusus’ campaigns. It may have returned to Illyricum afterwards, but it was more likely dispatched to Illyricum only in AD 6 as one of the legions intended for the campaign against Maroboduus.55

  • 56 Ritterling 1925, c. 1747-1748; Šašel Kos 1995, p. 236-237; Wheeler 2000, p. 261-268, 270-272; Moss (...)

24The legio XV Apollinaris may have taken part in Octavian’s campaign, and it likely operated in Illyricum during the whole of Augustus’ reign, perhaps from its base in Aquileia or from a camp in Illyricum (the mention of Emona in this context is not convincing).56

  • 57 Vell., 2, 112; D.C., 55, 30 (does not refer directly to it); Ritterling 1925, c. 1769-1771; Betz 1 (...)
  • 58 Cesarik 2017a; Cesarik 2019a; Cesarik 2020a, p. 19, 24, 148-149, 153.

25The XX Valeria Victrix, according to Velleius Paterculus, was likely stationed in Illyricum prior to AD 6. It appears that it had previously participated in the Cantabrian wars (Bellum Cantabricum) and it could have been transferred from Hispania after 19 BC, perhaps in order to take part in the Alpine expedition of 16 to 15 BC and/or Tiberius’ Pannonian war from 13 to 9 BC. It may have been stationed in Burnum or Tilurium, as well as in the area of Aquileia, from where it could have operated across the Illyricum.57 A recently discovered inscription shed a new light on a likely stay of this legion or its vexillations in Narona during the Augustan period, perhaps in the years before Bato’s uprising.58

  • 59 Mócsy 1974, p. 23, 43; Šašel 1974, c. 732-734; Radman-Livaja 2007, p. 161-168; Radman-Livaja 2010b (...)
  • 60 Mócsy 1959, p. 77; Klemenc 1961, p. 23; Klemenc 1963, p. 67; Mócsy 1971, p. 44-45; Mócsy 1974, p.  (...)

26As far as the identification of the individual legions present in Illyricum is concerned, there is at least a partial consensus among scholars despite unresolved chronological issues. However, the question of their stations before AD 6 remains open to discussion. Considering the current state of research, Emona might be excluded from the discussion, but Burnum, Tilurium, Narona, Poetovio, Siscia, and Sirmium remain possible locations of legionary garrisons, along with Aquileia where during the early Augustan Age troops were probably stationed in order to campaign in Illyricum when the need arose. The quoted literature mostly mentions Burnum (legions VIII, XIII and XX), Tilurium (IX and XI legions), and Poetovio (XI and XIV legions) as garrisons of specific legions in Illyricum prior to Bato’s revolt. During the same time period, most of the aforementioned legions could have been as well stationed in Aquileia or its vicinity (IX, XI, XIII, XIV, XV and XX). In the case of Aquileia, there is epigraphic evidence, while the assumptions regarding the existence of legionary camps at the other sites are based predominantly on more or less convincing speculation, except for the ambiguous inscription CIL III, 13977, the recent find from Narona and a few gravestones of veterans of the legio XX dating from the late Augustan Age. The existence of legionary garrisons at Burnum, Tilurium, Poetovio and Narona before AD 6 can be nonetheless surmised with some certainty, but it is surprising that Siscia,59 Sirmium,60 or Salona are rarely mentioned in this context. The tremendous strategic importance of those cities during the outbreak of the Batonian revolt is explicitly emphasised in written sources and it is hard to believe that there were no garrisons there before AD 6.

  • 61 Betz 1938, p. 57; Zaninović 1968, p. 121-122; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 13-16; Sanader 2008, p. 85-86; (...)
  • 62 Zaninović 1984, p. 68-69; Sanader 2008, p. 87-88; Sanader – Tončinić 2010, p. 45-46; just like Bur (...)
  • 63 Periša 2008, p. 511-512.
  • 64 Saria 1951, c. 1170; Mócsy 1959, p. 28; Horvat et al. 2003, p. 156; Cesarik 2020a, p. 23-24.

27Burnum61 and Tilurium62 could have been military camps already during the last two decades of the 1st century BC, if not earlier. The assumption by D. Periša regarding 33 BC being the earliest date for Tilurium is not implausible but remains a matter of discussion.63 The legionary camp at Poetovio may have been in function around 15 BC or perhaps not much later.64

  • 65 Syme 1933, p. 22.
  • 66 As a matter of fact, some of those smaller Roman encampments came under attack when the Batonian u (...)
  • 67 See note 41; Alföldy 1962, p. 286-287; Wilkes 1969, p. 139-144, 470-474; Lőrincz 2001, p. 57; Dzin (...)

28Due to a lack of clear evidence, the issue of legionary camps in Illyricum before AD 6 remains a matter of careful speculation. They surely existed, but they should not be imagined as permanent military bases known from later periods. During the first decades of Roman occupation of Illyricum, the legions were likely constantly relocating and no legion probably remained permanently in one location. Aquileia must have been the starting point for military operations in the western Balkans, and legions, or rather their vexillationes, were moved across Illyricum as the need arose. It is rather probable that key strategic locations rapidly became permanent military strongholds, but their garrisons were likely subject to frequent rotations of men and units, which seems to have been common practice during the Augustan Age.65 Strategic locations in Pannonia must have been Poetovio, Siscia and Sirmium, while Burnum and Tilurium played that role in Dalmatia, with large coastal cities like Narona or Salona. Nonetheless, assuming that all of the mentioned locations simultaneously existed as legionary garrisons is dubious. We may not tell precisely which of those places were bases of which legions and when, but we may presume that all of those locations were garrisoned at some point between 13 BC and AD 6. Attempting to identify with certainty the units comprising individual garrisons is presently an impossible task, but the list can probably be narrowed down to the aforementioned six or seven legions. In addition to the main military bases where legionary troops could have been concentrated, there were probably smaller strongholds with garrisons comprised of auxiliary troops and/or detached legionnaires, possibly also of local Roman allies.66 There are many issues regarding the locations of the legions in Illyricum during Augustus’ reign, but the whereabouts of auxiliary troops of the time are, as was already mentioned, even more difficult to assess.67

  • 68 Dzino 2010, p. 138-145.
  • 69 Vell., 2, 110; Suet., Tib., 16; Crook 1996, p. 106-107; Gruen 1996, p. 176; Seager 2005, p. 33; Ec (...)

29After Tiberius’ victory in the Pannonian war (bellum Pannonicum), Illyricum was peaceful for a while, likely because peace was kept up by a strong military presence. In AD 6, the Romans must have thought that the situation was stable enough to use troops from Illyricum for the campaign against the Marcomannic king Maroboduus. Apparently, they also assumed they could straightforwardly draft the natives for that campaign. The latter judgment proved wrong because a mass rebellion ensued, caused by the collection of tribute and the drafting of young men into auxiliary units. Even though the incentive for the rebellion is clear, the dissatisfaction of the natives must have been smouldering for years and eventually culminated in the so-called Batonian war from AD 6 to AD 9.68 The main initiators of the revolt were the Daesitiates, led by their ruler Bato, who allied himself with the leaders of the Breuci, Bato and Pinnes. Augustus had to mobilise significant resources to quell the uprising, according to Suetonius and Velleius Paterculus.69

  • 70 Most of those legions were probably stationed in Illyricum before the Batonian uprising, with the (...)
  • 71 Ritterling 1925, c. 1234-1236, 1645, 1691; Wilkes 1969, p. 93; Oldenstein-Pferdehirt 1984, p. 397; (...)

30The news about the rebellion in Illyricum reached Tiberius in Carnuntum shortly before the beginning of the campaign against the Marcomanni. With him were most of the troops normally stationed in Illyricum. The Daesitiates and the Breuci were joined by many other tribes: they first massacred all Roman citizens they caught before marching on more important targets. Velleius mentions raids on Macedonia and preparations to attack Italy, while Cassius Dio explicitly mentions attacks on Salona and Sirmium. The two key strategic points for controlling Pannonia are Siscia to the west and Sirmium to the east, so the first year of the war was marked by military manoeuvres of the opposing forces between those two cities, Tiberius making camp in Siscia, presumably with the legions IX, XIII, XIV, XV and XX.70 The Breuci failed to take Sirmium, saved by the governor of Moesia, Caecina Severus, while Salona was besieged in vain by the Daesitiates who eventually retreated to the hinterland although raiders continued pillaging along the coast all the way to Apollonia. Abandoning the siege of Salona, the Daesitiates unsuccessfully tried to attack the forces of Valerius Messalla. After this failure, they marched east and joined the Breuci at Fruška Gora (Alma Mons) in order to prepare their assault on Sirmium. Caecina repulsed them, bringing an end to the military operations of AD 6. The Romans were in possession of the coastal area and the two most important cities in the interior, Siscia and Sirmium, definitely having gained the strategic advantage. Hoping to crush the rebellion, they launched an offensive in spring of AD 7. Three legions from Moesia under the command of Caecina Severus, two legions transferred from Asia Minor led by Marcus Plautius Silvanus, and the allied Thracian cavalry progressed from Sirmium toward Siscia in order to secure the Sava Valley. Wilkes assumed that the VII, VIII Augusta and XI legions were under Caecina Severus’ command at the time, while the IV Scythica and V Macedonica arrived from the East, but his opinion is not shared by other researchers. Some wonder whether Caecina Severus actually took the three Moesian legions with him, presuming that only two legions in Caecina’s and Plautius’ combined army were in fact from Moesia. The IV Scythica was likely one of Caecina’s legions because it was most probably garrisoned in Moesia during Augustus’ rule. The V Macedonica and the VII legions must have been brought from Galatia under the command of Plautius Silvanus. Regarding the VIII legion, depending on different scholars, it could have been garrisoned prior to the Batonian war in Illyricum, Moesia, the East, Northern Africa or Egypt, while legio XI was most probably stationed somewhere in the Balkans at the time, but no one knows where. The third legion under Plautius’ command (if the assumption about the three legions from the East is even correct) may have been the VIII legion, although it could have been one of the three Moesian legions as well, along with the IV and XI legion. The issue of the legion possibly left in Moesia by Caecina Severus remains open.71

  • 72 D.C., 55, 28-34; Vell., 2, 110-116; Suet., Aug. 16, 25; Tib. 16, 20; for an extensive overview of (...)
  • 73 The names Illyricum Superius and Illyricum Inferius are still a matter of discussion; Klemenc 1961 (...)
  • 74 Wilkes 1969, p. 95.

31The overconfident Romans were ambushed in marshes known as Hiulca Palus (or Volcae Paludes), somewhere in today’s south-eastern Slavonia. Despite suffering heavy losses, they broke through to Siscia, joining the greatest Roman army since the civil wars. The legions in question were Tiberius’ IX, XIII, XIV, XV and XX legions, along with the IV Scythica, V Macedonica, VII, VIII and XI, which arrived from Moesia and the East. Tiberius quickly sent back to Moesia several units because of Dacian and Sarmatian raids as well as because of overstrained logistics. Not convinced that the war could be won in open battle, Tiberius’ strategy aimed for the systematic destruction of native settlements and crops in order to starve the population. On August 3rd AD 8 the famished Breuci led by their ruler Bato laid down their arms. Bato the Daesitiate reacted by deposing and killing Bato of the Breuci, but the exhausted Breuci were eventually defeated the same year by Plautius Silvanus, who then forced Bato the Daesitiate to retreat, thus ending any resistance north of the Sava River. The rebellion in Dalmatia was the last to be crushed. Tiberius had to return to Rome but his legates continued to quell the resistance, taking settlements one by one. Germanicus, who was assigned command over the troops operating in the western Illyricum, apparently ran into some difficulties when laying siege to hillforts in Dalmatia, i.e. Splonum, Raetinium and Seretium. Augustus, unhappy with the slow pace of Germanicus’ advance, sent Tiberius back to Dalmatia so he would crush the rebellion as rapidly as possible. Tiberius divided the army into three groups, assigning command over two operational groups to Lepidus and Plautius Silvanus, while he and Germanicus led the third group against Bato, who retreated toward Andetrium, where he was forced to surrender in AD 9.72 Around that time, in AD 8 or AD 10, or possibly several years later (or even several decades latter according to some researchers), Illyricum was divided into two parts: what might have been initially called Illyricum Superius later became the province of Dalmatia, while Illyricum Inferius became Pannonia.73 With Bato’s defeat, there was no more need to concentrate troops in Illyricum and most units were transferred to other provinces, especially along the Rhine limes. Pannonia remained a border province, but in Dalmatia the army did not have to protect frontiers. Dalmatia was the heart of the rebellion and the fragile peace had to be upheld by substantial military forces. Thus, stationing two legions and quite a few auxiliary units was a wise measure of precaution against any new insurgence.74 Yet, in less than half a century, the number of troops stationed there started decreasing rapidly. As years and decades went by, it became clear that the natives had no more strength nor will to rebel. Dalmatia was not on the borders of the Empire and the local garrisons’ duty was primarily to keep order and secure roads. Such tasks, pertaining more to law enforcement than military operations, did not require many troops, so the military presence in Dalmatia after the 1st century AD was significantly reduced.

  • 75 Wilkes 1969, p. 95, 97; Bojanovski 1988, 355; Sanader 2002, p. 713-716; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 14-1 (...)
  • 76 Tac., Ann., 4, 5; Ritterling 1925, p. 1617; Betz 1938, p. 36-37; Wilkes 1969, p. 96; Cambi 2009, p (...)
  • 77 Ritterling 1925, c. 1619; Betz 1938, p. 38; Wilkes 1969, p. 96; Cambi 1984, p. 77; Zaninović 1984, (...)
  • 78 Betz 1938, p. 22; Wilkes 1969, p. 100-101; Zaninović 1984, p. 72.
  • 79 Cesarik 2018a, p. 53-62; Cesarik 2019b, p. 27-40; Cesarik 2020a, p. 426-446.
  • 80 It seems that this unit, or its detachments, was moved across Dalmatia during the 1st half of the (...)
  • 81 Alföldy 1962, p. 271; Wilkes 1969, p. 470, 473-474; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Zaninović 1984, p. 73

32The striking force of the Roman army in Dalmatia after Bato’s revolt consisted of the legio VII in Tilurium and the legio XI in Burnum, two strategic locations in the hinterland, an auxiliary garrison situated approximately between them (Andetrium), as well as an auxiliary garrison in Narona’s vicinity (Bigeste).75 After AD 42, both legions gained the epithet Claudia pia fidelis after the unsuccessful rebellion of the governor L. Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus.76 Even though most soldiers remained loyal to Emperor Claudius, the imperial government realised that the governor of Dalmatia commanded over too large a force too close to Italy, without any real strategic necessity. The Seventh Legion, possibly for this reason, but also because of the situation on the frontier, was sent to Viminacium soon after, perhaps as early as AD 45, and certainly no later than AD 61/62 (some authors suggest AD 51 or AD 56/57).77 A detachment of the Eleventh Legion was likely in Tilurium for some time,78 but after the Eleventh Legion was transferred in AD 69, all future garrisons of Tilurium consisted exclusively of auxiliary units. The auxiliaries, either as complete units or detachments, were already stationed in Tilurium and its surrounding area along with the Seventh Legion.79 It is quite likely that the cohors II Cyrrhestarum was stationed there during the first half of the 1st century AD,80 along with the ala Tungrorum. The presence of a detachment of the ala Claudia Nova is presumed towards the middle of the 1st century AD, the ala Frontoniana was stationed there for a short period during the late Julio-Claudian and/or early Flavian period, along with the cohors Aquitanorum, which could have stayed there until Domitian’s reign at the latest. A detachment of the cohors I Belgarum equitata, a cohort normally stationed in Humac (Bigeste), took over towards the turn of the century. The soldiers of the cohors III Alpinorum were also stationed as a detachment in Tilurium during the first half of the 2nd century AD, while the permanent garrison of Tilurium, in the middle of the 2nd century AD at the latest, or even several decades earlier, consisted of the cohors VIII voluntariorum, the last large military unit stationed in Tilurium, which remained there at least until the middle of the 3rd century AD.81

  • 82 Miletić 2010, p. 113-136; Cesarik 2017b, 363-369; Cesarik 2018b, p. 5-20; Cesarik 2020a, p. 126-12 (...)
  • 83 Ritterling 1925, c. 1693-1694; Wilkes 1969, p. 96-97, 103; Fellmann 2000, p. 127; Cambi et al. 200 (...)
  • 84 Although some speculate that in AD 69 a vexillatio of the legio VIII had a brief stay in Burnum, i (...)
  • 85 Ritterling 1925, c. 1540-1542; Wilkes 1969, p. 103-104; Bojanovski 1988, p. 357; Cambi et al. 2007 (...)
  • 86 Betz 1938, p. 41-46, 50-52; Wilkes 1969, p. 115-120; besides the aforementioned legio VIII, soldie (...)
  • 87 Betz 1938, p. 61-62; Wilkes 1969, p. 120-127, 139; Matijević 2009b, p. 48-54; Matijević 2012b, p.  (...)

33Burnum and the surrounding area (including the karstic valleys Kosovo polje and Petrovo polje) was the site of a legionary and several auxiliary camps, fortlets and outposts for a longer period.82 The legio XI remained there until the civil war of AD 69.83 After the end of the civil war, it went to suppress the Batavian Revolt, and was sent to Vindonissa, while its place in Burnum was taken over by the newly-formed legio IIII Flavia Felix.84 This was the last legion to be stationed in Dalmatia, and when it departed for Moesia in AD 86, the province seemingly never had a permanent legionary garrison,85 although some vexillationes would come to the area when necessary.86 Many legionaries were also in the service of the provincial governor in Salona, as were the soldiers of the cohors VIII voluntariorum civium Romanorum, but soldiers from other auxiliary units in governor’s service were much rarer. During the 1st century AD, these soldiers were detached from legions in Dalmatia, but later came mostly from legions in Pannonia and Moesia.87

  • 88 Alföldy 1962, p. 282-285; Bojanovski 1980; Bojanovski 1981; Bojanovski 1985; Dodig 2006, p. 55-59; (...)
  • 89 Alföldy 1962, p. 283, 285; Cesarik – Glavaš 2017, p. 209-215; besides those sites, Roman military (...)
  • 90 Alföldy 1962, p. 287; Wilkes 1969, p. 140-141; the stay of the ala I Hispanorum in Dalmatia, more (...)
  • 91 It was presumably stationed in Salona or its vicinity; Alföldy 1962, p. 262-263; Wilkes 1969, p. 1 (...)
  • 92 Rendić-Miočević 1959, p. 156-158; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 473; Spaul 2000, p. 34; Cesarik 2020a, p. 3 (...)
  • 93 It rather certainly left by the mid-1st century AD, but it is far from being certain that it unint (...)
  • 94 This cohort may have been in Dalmatia since the bellum Batonianum, although there is no clear evid (...)
  • 95 See note 80; this cohort was probably not transferred elsewhere but simply disbanded once most of (...)
  • 96 Alföldy 1962, p. 270; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 82; M (...)

34After the departure of legions, the military forces in Dalmatia were normally composed entirely of auxiliary units. They were, of course, also present in the province during the stay of the Seventh and Eleventh legions, but their number had been gradually decreasing. Although they were, in principle, stationed with legions, as well as in several auxiliary camps, it seems that the usual practice was to detach certain units across the province as needed, and it appears that entire cohorts and alae often changed garrisons within Dalmatia. We can, therefore, follow their epigraphic traces in the vicinity of their garrisons, but also in large cities like Iader, Salona, Narona or Epidaurum, and at certain outposts and fortlets, where they were charged with various tasks, such as controlling the roads. Auxiliary camps and military posts were mostly situated in the hinterland of the Adriatic Coast, in the area from Burnum to Bigeste, i.e. from camps in the larger area of Burnum, Tepljuh (Promona), Kadina Glavica and Balijina Glavica (Magnum), Muć (Andetrium), the environs of Tilurium to Humac, that is, in the vicinity of Ljubuški (Bigeste).88 There were also, in the north of the province, along the borders with Pannonia and Moesia, several military stations, Doboj and Čačak certainly being auxiliary camps, Golubić near Bihać (Raetinium), and Užice being likely outposts or fortlets.89 Most of the auxiliary units stationed in Dalmatia during the Bellum Batonianum were transferred immediately after the war, so it is assumed that after AD 9, the only remaining units were the ala Pannoniorum, the ala I Hispanorum, the cohors III Alpinorum, the cohors I Bracaraugustanorum, the cohors I Campana, the cohors II Cyrrhestarum, the cohors I Lucensium, the cohors I Montanorum, the cohors VI voluntariorum, and the cohors VIII voluntariorum.90 The ala Pannoniorum may have left for Pannonia as early as AD 15, or perhaps slightly later, but certainly during the Julio-Claudian period.91 The cohors VI voluntariorum civium Romanorum stayed in Dalmatia for a while during the Julio-Claudian period, before being transferred to Germany, but its presence was only recorded in Epidaurum, in what is probably the earliest inscription mentioning an auxiliary unit in this province, dated to the beginning of Tiberius’s reign (a centurion might also be mentioned in Salona, depending on how one interprets the inscription CIL III, 9749).92 Several other auxiliary units started leaving the province during Claudius’ or Nero’s reign, around the same time as the legio VII. These were the ala I Hispanorum,93 the cohors I Montanorum, which had most likely been stationed in Burnum,94 and the cohors II Cyrrhestarum.95 The cohors I Lucensium – likely stationed in Narona’s hinterland (Bigeste), although there is evidence of its detachment to Promona which might imply that it was stationed for a while in the area of Burnum as well – which had likely been in the province since the Bellum Batonianum, left Dalmatia during Titus’ reign at the latest.96

  • 97 AE 1994, 1356; Cambi 1994, p. 156-158; Cesarik 2014a, p. 1-19; Cesarik 2020a, p. 300-301; cf. Spau (...)

35Considering a recently discovered tombstone in Dugopolje, it has been convincingly determined that the ala Tungrorum stayed in Dalmatia during the Tiberian period. We can assume that it was stationed in Tilurium, but we do not know when it left Dalmatia. It might have stayed in Pannonia for a time but it was in Britain in AD 98 at the latest. It might have gone there already during Claudius’ conquest, unless this happened somewhat later, as part of Flavian reinforcements.97

  • 98 Alföldy 1962, p. 261-262; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470-471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 89 (...)

36The ala Claudia nova miscellanea arrived in Dalmatia during Claudius’ reign, but left as early as AD 70. It seems that its main garrison could have been in the Magnum camp, but its detachments were stationed on several locations, from Raetinium and Tilurium to Salona.98

  • 99 On later inscriptions, this ala bears the name Tungrorum Frontoniana, but this ethnic apellation w (...)
  • 100 It is not certain which one of the several cohorts from Aquitania: Alföldy 1962, p. 265-266; Wilke (...)

37Several authors presume that the ala Frontoniana99 and the cohors Aquitanorum100 came to Dalmatia from Germany during Vespasian’s reign, both, it seems, to Tilurium. However, the ala is known to have been in Pannonia already during Vespasian’s reign, perhaps as early as 73 AD. Thus, its stay in Dalmatia would have been very brief, although N. Cesarik suggested that it may have been stationed in Dalmatia somewhat earlier, i.e during the Julio-Claudian period.

38The cohors Aquitanorum is believed to have remained in Dalmatia for some time during the Flavian period, but N. Cesarik convincingly put forward the hypothesis that it may have been transferred there earlier, i.e. during the Julio-Claudian period.

  • 101 Alföldy 1962, p. 267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 195-1 (...)
  • 102 Alföldy 1962, p. 269-270; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 1 (...)
  • 103 Alföldy 1962, p. 267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 88-90 (...)
  • 104 Alföldy 1962, p. 267-268; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 2 (...)
  • 105 Alföldy 1962, p. 263-265; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470-472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 26 (...)
  • 106 Alföldy 1962, p. 270-271; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473-474; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, (...)

39An attempt to compensate for the departure of the troops was perhaps the arrival of the cohors I Flavia Brittonum (the only recorded trace is a tombstone in Salona), but its stay in Dalmatia must have been short-lived.101 The cohors I Flavia Hispanorum (allegedly stationed in Doboj) was also linked to that moment and was believed to have left Dalmatia with the legio IIII Flavia Felix, but N. Cesarik and I. Glavaš believably demonstrated that this unit was as a matter of fact not stationed in Dalmatia.102 Due to the dire situation at the Danube limes and the need for reinforcements, the Fourth Legion left in AD 86. The cohors I Bracaraugustanorum (most likely stationed in the hinterland of Narona, i.e. in Bigeste) was believed to have left at that moment as well but it appears that it was already in Moesia by 75 AD and we may thus presume that it left Dalmatia towards the end of Julio-Claudian period or at the very beginning of Flavian times.103 The cohors I Campana (its presence was recorded in Salona and Narona, while its permanent garrison may have been in Bigeste), which had been stationed in the province since Augustus, likely also left during the Flavian period, perhaps during Domitian’s reign.104 As pointed out above, the cohors I Flavia Brittonum and the cohors Aquitanorum must have left the province at the latest in that same period, and probably not later than AD 93, since the diploma CIL XVI, 38 from Salona mentions only two auxiliary cohorts in Dalmatia, the cohors III Alpinorum and the cohors VIII voluntariorum civium Romanorum. The Alpini had already gone through several garrisons before that time; it seems that they were first stationed in Bigeste, but the cohort also detached soldiers to Burnum and to Salona, only to be reassigned to Andetrium towards the end of the 1st century AD, where it stayed until the Marcomannic Wars, when it was transferred to Pannonia, likely around AD 185.105 The Eighth Cohort, the longest-lasting military unit in Dalmatia, was likely first garrisoned in Andetrium, from where it was sent on detachments as needed (a detachment was stationed in Epidaurum in Tiberius’ times). As already pointed out, it was reassigned to Tilurium in the 2nd century AD – perhaps as early as at the beginning of the century, or at the latest by the middle of the century – where it stayed at least until AD 245.106

  • 107 Alföldy 1962, p. 266-267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, (...)

40At the turn of the century, the military presence in Dalmatia is strengthened with another cohort, the cohors I Belgarum, which takes over the garrison in Bigeste, although, like the others, it detached troops to other parts of the province as necessary. It might have been transferred to Germania Superior at the end of 2nd century AD, but it seems that the cohors I Septimia Belgarum is not at all the same unit, considering that certain epigraphic monuments from Dalmatia which mention the cohors I Belgarum can be dated to the 3rd century AD. We may thus assume that this cohort remained in Bigeste throughout much of the 3rd century AD.107

  • 108 Alföldy 1962, p. 268-269; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, (...)
  • 109 Alföldy 1962, p. 269; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 3 (...)
  • 110 Cesarik – Glavaš 2017, p. 209-215.

41The last reinforcements were the cohors I milliaria Delmatarum108 and the cohors II milliaria Delmatarum,109 units mustered during the crisis years of the Marcomannic Wars, around AD 170, and which remained stationed in Dalmatia over a longer period, likely throughout much of the 3rd century AD, although there is no information about them after AD 253. In the beginning, the garrison of the first cohort might have been in Promona or in Salona, and later in the area Doboj, but it was detaching troops all over the province, while the other cohort was, after its initial post in Salona, likely stationed in the northeast of the province, around Čačak.110

  • 111 Wilkes 1969, p. 471; Spaul 1994, p. 185-186.
  • 112 Alföldy 1962, p. 263; Wilkes 1969, p. 471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 176-178; Matije (...)
  • 113 Much depends on the interpretation of the inscription CIL III, 8762 from Salona: it might be safer (...)
  • 114 Alföldy 1962, p. 260-261; Wilkes 1969, p. 472; Bojanovski 1988, 356; Glavaš 2012, p. 97-100; Cesar (...)
  • 115 Alföldy 1962, p. 269; Wilkes 1969, p. 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 172; Cesar (...)
  • 116 Wilkes 1969, p. 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 301; Cesarik 2020a, p. 316.

42Besides those auxiliary troops, some other units also left sporadic epigraphic traces, like the ala Gallorum Picentiana (during Augustus’ reign?),111 the ala Parthorum (during Augustus’ and Tiberius’ reigns; garrisoned in Salona?),112 the cohors I Alpinorum equitata (at the turn of the 1st and 2nd century AD?),113 a cohors Asturum, perhaps the I equitata (Julio-Claudian period?; garrisoned perhaps in Salona or Magnum?),114 the cohors XI Gallorum (during Augustus’ reign?; perhaps garrisoned in the hinterland of Narona and disbanded after the Bellum Batonianum),115 and the cohors I Liburnorum (during Augustus’ reign, likely disbanded after the Bellum Batonianum).116 Nothing substantial may be said about their garrisons and their (most likely brief) stay in Dalmatia.

Table 1 – Units and garrisons in Dalmatia after the bellum Batonianum.

Units 1st century AD garrisons 2nd century AD garrisons 3rd century AD garrisons
legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis from the end of the bellum Batonianum till the mid-1st century AD, garrisoned in Tilurium, left for Moesia between AD 45 and AD 61
legio XI Claudia Pia Fidelis garrisoned in Burnum from the Augustan period till AD 69, detachments in Tilurium
legio IIII Flavia Felix Flavian period, left Dalmatia in AD 86 at the latest, garrisoned in Burnum
legio VIII detachment stationed in Burnum after AD 86? detachment stationed in Burnum till the Hadrianic period?; detachments in Burnum during the Marcomannic wars?
legio I Italica detachment in Salona during Alexander Severus’ reign
legio II Italica detachment in Salona during the Marcomannic wars
legio III Italica detachment in Salona during the Marcomannic wars
legio I Adiutrix detachment in Bigeste during the Marcomannic wars
legio II Adiutrix detachment in Bigeste during the Marcomannic wars
ala Claudia nova miscellanea Claudian period, left the province at the beginning of the Flavian period, garrisoned in Magnum, detachments in Raetinium, Tilurium and Salona
ala Frontoniana Vespasian’s reign or somewhat earlier, garrisoned in Tilurium
ala Gallorum Picentiana Augustan period?, unknown garrison
ala Hispanorum I 1st half of the 1st century AD (perhaps from the late Tiberian period till Claudius’ reign), likely stationed in Burnum or its vicinity
ala Pannoniorum Augustan period, perhaps garrisoned in Salona
ala Parthorum Augustan and perhaps Tiberian period as well, perhaps garrisoned in Salona
ala Tungrorum from the Tiberian period onwards, perhaps till the Flavian period, garrisoned in Tilurium
cohors I Alpinorum equitata at the turn of the 1st and 2nd century AD, unknown garrison
cohors III Alpinorum from the Augustan period onwards, first garrisoned in Bigeste, detachments in Burnum and Salona, relocated to Andetrium towards the end of 1st century AD or at the very beginning of the 2nd century AD garrisoned in Andetrium, transferred to Pannonia around AD 185
cohors Aquitanorum Julio-Claudian and/or Flavian period, left at the latest during Domitian’s reign, likely garrisoned in Tilurium
cohors Asturum Julio-Claudian period?, unknown garrison, perhaps Salona and its vicinity, or Magnum?
cohors I Belgarum from the beginning of the 2nd century AD, garrisoned in Bigeste, detachment in Tilurium likely garrisoned in Bigeste throughout the 3rd century AD
cohors I Bracaraugustanorum from the Augustan period till Nero’s reign or the beginning of the Flavian period, garrisoned in Bigeste
cohors I Flavia Brittonum short stay during the Flavian period, unknown garrison, perhaps in the hinterland of Salona (Tilurium?)
cohors I Campana from the Augustan till the Flavian period, garrisoned in the hinterland of Narona, presumably Bigeste, detachment in Salona
cohors II Cyrrhestarum Julio-Claudian period, perhaps disbanded during the Flavian period, garrisoned in Tilurium, detachments in Salona and Burnum
cohors I milliaria Delmatarum raised around AD 170, first garrisoned in Promona or Salona, later moved to Doboj garrisoned in the area of Doboj throughout the 3rd century AD
cohors II milliaria Delmatarum raised around AD 170, first garrisoned in Salona, later moved to Čačak garrisoned in the area of Čačak throughout the 3rd century AD
cohors XI Gallorum Augustan period?, unknown garrison, perhaps in the vicinity of Narona
cohors I Liburnorum Augustan period?, unknown garrison
cohors I Lucensium from the Augustan period till the mid-Flavian period at the latest, garrisoned in Bigeste, detachment in Promona
cohors I Montanorum Julio-Claudian period, left in the early Flavian period at the latest, garrisoned in Burnum
cohors VI voluntariorum Augustan and Tiberian period, garrisoned in Epidaurum and/or in the area of Narona
cohors VIII voluntariorum from the Augustan period onwards, garrisoned in Andetrium, detachment in Epidaurum during the Tiberian period moved to Tilurium during the 1st half of the 2nd century, perhaps already during the Trajanic period garrisoned in Tilurium, at least until AD 245

Fig. 1 – Forts and major cities garrisoned by the Roman army in Dalmatia (Ivan Radman-Livaja, https://maps-for-free.com).

Fig. 1 – Forts and major cities garrisoned by the Roman army in Dalmatia (Ivan Radman-Livaja, https://maps-for-free.com).
  • 117 CBI, Karte 6, p. 754-755; Betz 1938, p. 62; Wilkes 1969, p. 122-127; Bojanovski 1988, p. 360-364; (...)
  • 118 CBI 453, 476-484, 492, 498 (only tombstones); Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 351, cat. 98; Matijević 2012a (...)
  • 119 CBI 430.
  • 120 CBI 488-491.
  • 121 CBI 446-450, 462; Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 350-351, cat. 97.
  • 122 Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 350, cat. 96.
  • 123 CBI 432-438; Glavaš 2010, p. 45-51; Glavaš 2011, p. 69-71; Glavaš 2013, p. 63-73.
  • 124 CBI 440-441, 463-469; Glavaš 2015, p. 27-37.
  • 125 CBI 445.
  • 126 CBI 493.
  • 127 CBI 442.
  • 128 CBI 439.
  • 129 CBI 443-444.
  • 130 CBI 485-487.
  • 131 CBI 494-497.
  • 132 CBI 470.
  • 133 Bojanovski 1988, p. 363, VIII. 16.
  • 134 CBI 455-458, 471-475.
  • 135 CBI 451-452, 460.
  • 136 CBI 431; Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 351, cat. 99.
  • 137 CBI 461, 488.

43The Roman military presence in Dalmatia was not restricted to legionary and auxiliary camps; there was also a network of beneficiary stations. In many parts of Dalmatia, the beneficiarii were the only soldiers that the population was likely to meet on a regular basis. The beneficiary stations were often situated in settlements in which legions and auxiliary troops had previously been stationed, but also in larger urban centres, important crossroads or mining centres, as well as in more remote settlements, in which the beneficiarii were likely the only representatives of imperial rule.117 In Dalmatia, beneficiary inscriptions, or, more precisely, inscriptions of beneficiarii in active service which imply the existence of stations, have been found in Solin and its surroundings (Salona),118 Zadar (Iader),119 Trilj (Tilurium),120 Kistanje and the surrounding countryside (Burnum),121 Kruševo (Clambetae),122 Balijina Glavica (Magnum),123 Runovići (Novae) and the nearby Dikovača,124 Josipdol,125 Brlog,126 Golubić near Bihać (municipium Raetinium),127 Banja Luka (Castra),128 Halapić in the Glamoč Field (Salviae),129 Stolac (municipium Diluntum),130 Vid (Narona),131 Gradina in Sase near Srebrenica (Domavia),132 perhaps Voljevica (Argentaria),133 Skelani on the Drina River (municipium Malvesiatium),134 Plevlja and its surroundings (municipium S…),135 Bajina Bašta136 and Podgorica (Doclea).137

  • 138 Reddé 1986, p. 223-227; Kurilić 2012, p. 116-119.

44The Roman navy was also using ports (stationes) on the eastern coast of the Adriatic. The epigraphic evidence show that these naval bases, if one may call them that, were located in Salona, on the island of Cres (Crexa, the dock may have been located in Osor (Apsorus) or its immediate vicinity), on the island of Murter (probably in the city of Colentum), and possibly in Iader.138

  • 139 Mócsy 1959, p. 75, 117, 120-121; Mócsy 1962, p. 645; Alföldy 1968, p. 48; Bogaers 1969, p. 29, 36- (...)
  • 140 The successful pacification could have been more efficient by sending the surviving men able to be (...)
  • 141 Saddington 1982, p. 160; Domić Kunić 1988, p. 86-92.
  • 142 See Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 167-169; Ferjančić 2018, p. 149-150.
  • 143 Ferjančić 2018, p. 150-152.
  • 144 Alföldy 1965, p. 174-175; Domić Kunić 1995-1996, p. 52-65; Miškiv 1998, p. 92-98; Spaul 2002, p. 6 (...)

45As far as the recruitment of natives is concerned, as mentioned previously, early attempts seemingly did not yield positive results. Nonetheless, quite a few authors assumed that mass recruitment followed the quelling of the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising.139 There is however no concrete evidence to support that assumption: the male population must have suffered tremendously, besides war casualties, many must have been enslaved and we may presume that the Romans did not relish the idea of training and arming hostile natives shortly after having quenched a mass uprising with blood.140 Considering the available data, at least one generation passed before extensive recruitment began. In her paper about auxiliary troops of Illyrian and Pannonian descent, A. Domić Kunić made a list of all relevant inscriptions known at the time but, with the exception of diplomas, the dates for all pre-Flavian material taken from primary publications remain vague, none unambiguously supporting the hypothesis of recruitment shortly after the suppression of the Batonian uprising. Saddington also pointed out that it was not possible to link with certainty the founding of Dalmatian and Pannonian auxiliary units with particular historical events.141 The lack of epigraphic and written sources does not prove that there was no early recruitment but the drafting of auxiliary troops of Pannonian and Dalmatian descent cannot currently be dated earlier than the later years of Tiberius’ reign.142 As a matter of fact, recruits from Dalmatia appear even later in the epigraphic record than Pannonians.143 The epigraphic sources also do not offer unambiguous data regarding the recruitment of sailors from Illyricum prior to Claudius’ reign.144

  • 145 Kraft 1951, p. 22-24; Saddington 1982, p. 160; Knight 1991, p. 189, 191-192; Spaul 2000, p. 299-30 (...)
  • 146 Domić Kunić – Radman-Livaja 2009, p. 67-96.

46With regard to the epigraphic material, it would seem that Dalmatian cohorts were not raised before Claudius’ rule and Caligula’s recruitment around AD 39 seems the earliest possible date for the formation of those units.145 Local recruitment became widespread in the 2nd century AD and a recent epigraphic find from Rider confirms that at the time equestrian officers were recruited from the local elites as well.146

  • 147 Scharf 2001, p. 185-193; Dziurdzik 2017a, p. 223-230; Dziurdzik 2017b, p. 447-460.

47For a much later period, the Notitia Dignitatum mentions a large number of equestrian units which bore the name equites Dalmatae; the epithet, however, likely did not refer to the origin of the soldiers in the units, but to the province in which the units were formed, in all likelihood during the reign of Gallienus.147

  • 148 The epigraphic evidence from Salona is not conclusive but might point to the presence of military (...)
  • 149 Vannesse 2007, p. 314-330; Ciglenečki – Milavec 2009, p. 177-184; Vannesse 2010, p. 124-125, 195-1 (...)

48Not much is known about the Roman army in Dalmatia in later times. Dalmatia had not been exposed to destruction throughout the 4th century AD, its territory had not been significantly reduced by Diocletian’s reform, and it seems that it was plagued neither by civil wars, nor by barbarian incursions. We can assume that soldiers were recruited in the province to satisfy the increasing needs of the military, but there are no archaeological traces or epigraphic monuments which would suggest a concentration of troops in that period, or even permanent garrisons,148 except for the soldiers manning the forts of the defence system of the Julian Alps, called by Ammianus Marcellinus claustra Alpium Iuliarum, whose southern part was within the borders of Dalmatia.149

  • 150 Salonitana armorum, see Notitia Dignitatum occ. IX, 22; James 1988, p. 257-294.
  • 151 O’Flynn 1983, p. 116-119, 130-131; MacGeorge 2002, p. 15-65.

49It is nonetheless unlikely that Dalmatia was completely devoid of troops in the 4th and early 5th centuries AD and we may presume, even if there was no permanent military presence, that army units were dispatched to Dalmatia whenever the need arose. After all, there was a fabrica in Salona in the 4th century AD (fabrica Salonitana armorum)150, and during the 5th century AD Marcellinus must have had troops at his disposal.151

  • 152 Wilkes 1969, p. 416-421.

50In AD 395, when the empire was divided, Dalmatia, as part of Illyricum, remained a part of the Western Roman Empire. After Theodosius II named Valentinian III Augustus of the Western Roman Empire in AD 425, the issue of correcting the borders was raised; therefore, in AD 437 most of Illyricum ended up under the control of the Eastern Roman Empire. Dalmatia was exposed to the first barbarian incursions as early as AD 395, when the Visigoths, and then the Marcomanni and the Quadi, broke through all the way to the coast of the Adriatic. Dalmatia entered the 5th century AD more or less undefended, and met a similar fate as the unfortunate border provinces had in the previous decades. While the Dinaric Alps offered some protection along the coastline, the northern parts of the province were exposed to constant attacks, so much of the population fled south, especially the inhabitants of undefended cities, while those who remained sought refuge in the hills.152 After more than four centuries, the Roman army was no longer able to maintain order and defend the whole empire. It played no further part in the life of the inhabitants of Dalmatia and its history in these parts was over.

 

51At the beginning of the new era, the Imperial army in Dalmatia was first and foremost an occupation force, whose main goal was to control troublesome natives and prevent a new uprising. The high concentration of troops was quite understandable considering decades of fighting and difficulties encountered by the Romans when subduing the interior of Illyricum in the second half of the 1st century BC and quelling the revolt which set fire to the whole of the western Balkans between AD 6 and 9. The sources do not mention any trouble provoked by the indigenous population in the years following the bellum Batonianum, a clear testimony to the success (and brutality) of Roman counterinsurgency. Nonetheless, such calm in the province was likely also due to the stationing of such a large number of troops. In any case, Roman fear was real and the need to garrison this area with two legions and accompanying auxiliary units for almost four decades at least (perhaps even five) must have been a strategic goal of highest order. Nonetheless, already by the Tiberian period, the number of troops stationed in Dalmatia started decreasing progressively. It would appear that auxiliary units were the first to be transferred where they were needed more but one may nonetheless witness a rather regular rotation of auxiliary units in Dalmatia till the end of the 1st century AD. However, as years and decades went by, the imperial authorities realised that an uprising of the indigenous population was becoming less and less likely. As a matter of fact, from the mid-1st century AD at the latest Dalmatia turned out to be a sizeable source of manpower for auxiliary units and the navy. Besides, as already pointed out, having two legions in Dalmatia, close to large harbours and thus to Italy, could have been perceived as a potential threat to the Imperial rule, as demonstrated by Scribonianus’ unsuccessful rebellion. Nonetheless, even after that, only one legion was transferred to the limes area and important military forces remained in Dalmatia for several more decades, till Domitian’s rule. It would thus appear that it is only by the end of the Flavian period that natives ceased being considered as a latent threat. It was finally acknowledged that Dalmatia was not a border province, and from the 2nd century AD onwards the main role of the reduced provincial garrison was to take care of law enforcement. Banditry was presumably never completely eradicated, thus the need to secure roads leading to main urban centres on the coast, but such police work could be handled by just a few auxiliary units with occasional reinforcements from other provinces when need arose like, for instance, during the Marcomannic wars. Even so, the auxiliary units garrisoning Dalmatia in the 2nd and 3rd centuries were first and foremost military forces. While the cohors I Belgarum in Bigeste and the cohors VIII voluntariorum in Tilurium were presumably mostly in charge of law enforcement and traffic control, the cohors I milliaria Delmatarum and the cohors II milliaria Delmatarum, stationed on the northern and north-eastern borders of the province, besides controlling roads, must have been tasked with protection of valuable economic assets like the mining districts. The presence of two milliary cohorts in that area could prevent incursions by raiders harassing the borders of Pannonia and Moesia Superior, not to mention that they could have been used as rapidly deployable reinforcements for those two neighbouring provinces in case of major threats. As a matter of fact, they were even deployed to far more distant places since the cohors I milliaria Delmatarum likely took part in one of Septimius Severus’ Parthian wars.

52Fifty years after Wilkes’ seminal monograph, we certainly know more about the Roman military in Dalmatia. However, there are still many uncertainties and unknowns. We might have now a reasonably clear idea of troops garrisoning Dalmatia after AD 9, but our knowledge about the stay of quite a few units is scant at best. Our knowledge of the early period of military occupation, i.e. the Augustan period, is very lacunary. Further research should provide more data about forts, fortlets and military outposts, most of which have been barely surveyed. One of the research desiderata are also the whereabouts of the Roman army in Dalmatia after the mid-3rd century AD. As far as Roman army history in Dalmatia is concerned, J.J. Wilkes, following the steps of scholars like C. Cichorius, E Ritterling, A. Betz or G. Alföldy, set a starting point for future researchers but it is an ongoing process and much work still lays ahead.

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Notes

1 Betz 1938; Alföldy 1962; Wilkes 1969, p. 88-152; Holder 1980; Spaul 1994; Spaul 2000; Sanader 2003; Cambi et al. 2007; Šimić-Kanaet 2010; Zaninović 2010, p. 13-30; Tončinić 2011; Sanader et al. 2014; Tončinić 2015; Sanader et al. 2017; Cesarik 2020a.

2 Wilkes 1969, p. 15-16, 88; Errington 1989, p. 85-88; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 149-150; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 253-255, 259-261; Eckstein 2008, p. 40-41; Matijašić 2009, p. 88-92; Dzino 2010, p. 44-48; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 76-79; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 175-176; Zaninović 2015, p. 211-219.

3 Wilkes 1969, p. 16-17, 19-21, 88; Harris 1979, p. 195-197; Bojanovski 1988, p. 29; Errington 1989, p. 89-94; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 150-151; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 252-281; Eckstein 2008, p. 29-72; Matijašić 2009, p. 92-99; Dzino 2010, p. 48, 50-52; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 79-87; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 176-179; Zaninović 2015, p. 219-227, 237-256.

4 Wilkes 1969, p. 21-22; Eckstein 2008, p. 78-83, 85-118; Dzino 2010, p. 52-54; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 88; Zaninović 2015, p. 256-259

5 Wilkes 1969, p. 22-23; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 282-283; Eckstein 2008, p. 278-279; Dzino 2010, p. 54-55; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 88; Zaninović 2015, p. 281-304.

6 Wilkes 1969, p. 23-24; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 283-284; Dzino 2010, p. 55-56; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 88-89; Zaninović 2015, p. 304-305.

7 Wilkes 1969, p. 24-26; Bojanovski 1988, p. 29; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 151-152; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 284-290; Matijašić 2009, p. 109-113; Dzino 2010, p. 56-57; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 89-90; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 180-181; Zaninović 2015, p. 305-313.

8 Wilkes 1969, p. 26-28; Dzino 2010, p. 57-58; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 91-93.

9 Wilkes 1969, p. 32-33; Mócsy 1974, p. 31-32.

10 Matijašić 2009, p. 99-106; Dzino 2010, p. 29, 56, 59; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 98-99; Zaninović 2015, p. 337-343.

11 Wilkes 1969, p. 32; Mócsy 1974, p. 32; Wilkes 1992, p. 200; Matijašić 2009, p. 106-107; Dzino 2010, p. 58-59; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 99; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 186-187.

12 Zippel 1877, p. 135; Mócsy 1962, p. 527-528; Mócsy 1974, p. 12, 22, 32; Šašel 1974, c. 731; Hoti 1992, p. 135; Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 15-16; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 302-303 Šašel Kos 2005b, p. 436-438; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 85-88; Dzino 2010, p. 73; Radman-Livaja 2010b, p. 179; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 159; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 99-100.

13 Wilkes 1969, p. 30-32; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 98-101; Bojanovski 1988, p. 37-38; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 153-156; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 292-306; Matijašić 2009, p. 113-116; Dzino 2010, p. 62-64; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 105-106; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 184-185; Zaninović 2015, p. 322-323.

14 Wilkes 1969, p. 32; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 159-160; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 291, 314-320; Matijašić 2009, p. 116-117; Dzino 2010, p. 64-65; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 106-107; Zaninović 2015, p. 334-335.

15 Klemenc 1963, p. 55; Wilkes 1969, p. 32-33; Zaninović 1986, p. 60; Hoti 1992, p. 135; Wilkes 1992, p. 200; Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 16; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 321-329; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 89; Matijašić 2009, p. 117-119; Dzino 2010, p. 69-71; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 100-102; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 187; Zaninović 2015, p 335, 343-349.

16 Wilkes 1969, p. 33; Morgan 1971, p. 271-301; Mócsy 1974, p. 13, 22; Zaninović 1986, p. 59-60; Bojanovski 1988, p. 38-39; Hoti 1992, p. 135; Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 16; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 307-311; Šašel Kos 2005b, p. 435-436; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 89-90; Dzino 2010, p. 72-73; Radman-Livaja 2010b, p. 180; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 161; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 102; Šašel Kos 2013: p. 187; Zaninović 2015, p. 348-352.

17 Wilkes 1969, p. 33-34, 36; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 156-158; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 306-309; Matijašić 2009, p. 119-120; Dzino 2010, p. 72; Bilić-Dujmušić 2011, p. 144-156, 165-167; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 108-109.

18 Wilkes 1969, p. 34-35; Seager 1992, p. 184-185; Dzino 2010, p. 73-74; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 104, 110-111.

19 Wilkes 1969, p. 35; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 158-159; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 311-313; Dzino 2010, p. 67-68, 74; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 110-112; Zaninović 2015, p. 359.

20 Dzino 2010, p. 74-79.

21 Wilkes 1969, p. 89-92.

22 Caes., Gall., 5, 1; Wilkes 1969, p. 37-40; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 102-107; Wiseman 1992, p. 374, 381; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 161-162; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 340-345; Matijašić 2009, p. 125-129; Dzino 2010, p. 80-85; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 122-127; Zaninović 2015, p. 369-373.

23 App., Ill., 12; Wilkes 1969, p. 39-40; Bojanovski 1988, p. 39; Čače 1993, p. 2-14; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 162; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 345-346; Bilić-Dujmušić 2006b, p. 41; Dzino 2010, p. 85-86; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 128-129; Zaninović 2015, p. 373.

24 Caes., Gall., 8, 24; App., Ill., 18, 52; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 422; Dzino 2010, p. 85; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 127; Zaninović 2015, p. 373.

25 D.C., 41, 40, 1-2; Veith 1924, p. 267-271; Wilkes 1969, p. 40; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 108-109, 112-115; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 354; Matijašić 2009, p. 129-130; Dzino 2010, p. 90-91; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 135; Zaninović 2015, p. 387-390; Bilić-Dujmušić 2017, p. 669-673.

26 Wilkes 1969, p. 41; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 108-109, 114-115; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 355-356; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 134; Zaninović 2015, p. 390.

27 Veith 1924: p. 271-274; Wilkes 1969, p. 41-42; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 114-116; Bojanovski 1988, p. 40; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 163-165; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 347-359; Bilić-Dujmušić 2006a, p. 27-38; Matijašić 2009, p. 130-135; Dzino 2010, p. 92-93; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 136-137; Zaninović 2015, p. 390-394.

28 Cic., Fam., 5, 9, 10a, 10b, 11; App., Ill., 13; D.C., 47, 21, 6; Wilkes 1969, p. 42-44; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 114-117; Bojanovski 1988, p. 40; Šašel Kos 2004, p. 165-166; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 358-369; Matijašić 2009, p. 135-137; Dzino 2010, p. 93-96; Dodig 2012, p. 26-30; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 138-139; Zaninović 2015, p. 394-396.

29 Flor., 2, 25; Horat., Carm., 2, 1; D.C., 48, 41, 7; Serv., ecl., 8.6-13; Syme 1937, p. 39-48; Wilkes 1969, p. 44-45; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 126-127; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 369-374; Dzino 2010, p. 99-101; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 139-143; Zaninović 2015, p. 396-397.

30 Vell. 2, 78, 2; App., BC, 5, 80; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 140.

31 For Octavian’s Illyrian campaign cf. App., Ill., 16-28; D.C., 49, 35-38; Kromayer 1898, p. 1-13; Veith 1914, p. 17-103; Swoboda 1932, p. 3-88; Rice Holmes 1928, p. 130-135; Josifović 1956, p. 138-162; Schmitthenner 1958, p. 200-217; Wilkes 1969, p. 46-58; Mocsy 1974, p. 21-23; Barkóczi 1980, p. 87-88; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 134-147; Bojanovski 1988, p. 42-48; Nagy 1991, p. 61-66; Hoti 1992, p. 136-138; Šašel Kos 1997a, p. 187-198; Šašel Kos 1999, p. 255-264; Radman-Livaja 2001, p. 132-135; Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 16-17; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 393-471; Bilić-Dujmušić 2006b, p. 41-57; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 91-100; Matijašić 2009, p. 147-158; Eck 2007, p. 35; Dzino 2010, p. 101-116; Radman-Livaja 2010b, p. 182-186; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 161-162; Šašel Kos 2012, p. 93-100; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 148-157; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 187-193; Goldsworthy 2014, p. 174-178; Kovács 2014, p. 24-26; Radman-Livaja p. 2015, 28-30; Zaninović 2015, p. 407-426; Radman-Livaja 2017, p. 171-176; Domić Kunić 2018, p. 34-40; Šašel Kos 2018, p. 41-44; Radman-Livaja – Vukelić 2018, p. 408-413; Radman-Livaja – Drnić 2020, p. 183-200.

32 The sources do not specify which legions participated in the expedition, but historians speculate about the legio XV Apollinaris (Ritterling 1925, c. 1747-1748; Šašel 1985, p. 549; Šašel Kos 1995, p. 229; Wheeler 2000, p. 267), as well as about VII, VIII, IX, and XI (Ritterling 1925, c. 1664, 1690; Keppie 1984, p. 133, 207-209; Reddé 2000, p. 119-120; Strobel 2000, p. 526; Radman-Livaja – Drnić 2020, p. 187).

33 App., BC, 5, 127; Oros., 6. 18; Vell., 2, 80; Nagy 1991, p. 59.

34 Veith and Swoboda speculated that Octavian’s army during this campaign numbered approximately 40-50,000 men, i.e. 8 to 12 legions; Veith 1914, p. 108-109; Swoboda 1932, p. 17.

35 App., Ill., 22-24; D.C., 49, 36; Veith 1914, p. 49-58; Swoboda 1932, p. 29; Mócsy 1962, p. 538-539; Wilkes 1969, p. 52-53; Mócsy 1974, p. 22; Šašel 1974, c. 732; Barkóczi 1980, p. 90; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 139-142; Zaninović 1986, p. 62-63; Nenadić 1986-1987, p. 73; Nagy 1991, p. 62-64; Hoti 1992, p. 137-138; Wilkes 1992, p. 206; Gruen 1996, p. 173; Wilkes 1996, p. 549-550; Šašel Kos 1997a, p. 190-196; Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 17; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 437-442; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 92-100; Radman-Livaja 2007, p. 161-162; Dzino 2010, p. 109-111; Radman-Livaja 2010b, p. 182-183; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 155; Zaninović 2015, p. 419-421.

36 App., Ill., 25-28; D.C., 49, 38. 3-4.

37 Wilkes 1969, p. 53-58; Bojanovski 1988, p. 44-48; Šašel Kos 1997a, p. 196-198; Šašel Kos 2005a, p. 442-462; Dzino 2010, p. 111-116; Šašel Kos 2012, p. 93-97; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 155-157; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 192-193; Zaninović 2015, p. 421-430; Bekavac – Miletić 2021, p. 34-42.

38 Ritterling 1925, c. 1215-1238; Syme 1933, p. 20-23, 25-28; Farnum 2005, p. 5, 60.

39 Nagy 1991, p. 67; Gruen 1996, p. 174; Gayet 2006, p. 70; Dzino 2008, p. 699-703; Dzino 2010, p. 119; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 162-163; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 160; Kovács 2014, p. 26-27.

40 Cheesman 1914, p. 12-20; Wagner 1938, p. 223-224; Holder 1980, p. 140-141; Saddington 1982, p. 27-82.

41 Alföldy 1962, p. 286; For instance, the inscription on the gravestone of the veteran Tiberius Iulius Rufus from Scarabantia prompted some scholars to assume that his unit, the ala I Scubulorum, could have been stationed in Pannonia during Augustus’ rule and that it could have participated in Tiberius’ campaigns from 12 to 10 BC (ILS 9137; AE 1909, 198; Cichorius 1894, c. 1259; Schober 1923, p. 89-90, Kat. 191; Wagner 1938, p. 64-67; Kraft 1951, p. 158; Mócsy 1962, p. 620). However, it seems that this ala’s stay in Pannonia can be tracked with certainty only from the time of Claudius, where it was transferred from Moesia (Beneš 1978, p. 12; Spaul 1994, p. 192-194; Lőrincz 2001, p. 23, 59; Lőrincz 2005, p. 53-55). The cohors I Alpinorum equitata must have been in existence during the early Tiberian period, i.e. around AD 17, and so were presumably the other cohortes Alpinorum. The I Alpinorum equitata likely spent the whole 1st century AD in Pannonia and we may suppose that it was stationed in Illyricum already under Augustus (Kovács – Pánya 2017, p. 169-172). G. Alföldy assumed that during the later period of Augustus’ rule, specifically during the Batonian war, the ala I Parthorum, ala Pannoniorum, cohors III Alpinorum, cohors I Bracaraugustanorum, cohors I Campana, cohors II Cyrrhestarum, cohors XI Gallorum, cohors I Lucensium, cohors Montanorum and cohors VIII voluntariorum (probably along with the remaining cohortes voluntariorum, if not all of them) could have been among the 10 alae and 70 cohorts not explicitly named in Velleius’ text; Wagner 1938, p. 218-219; Alföldy 1962, p. 287; Knight 1991, p. 189-190.

42 Many of the leaders of the uprising of AD 6, as well as Bato the Daesitiate himself, could previously have been commanders of such units; D.C., 54, 31; 55, 29; Vell., 2, 110, 5; Wilkes 1969, p. 69; Saddington 1982, p. 160; Dizdar – Radman-Livaja 2015, p. 216-219.

43 Flor., 2, 24; Vell., 2, 96; Mócsy 1962, p. 539-541; Mócsy 1974, p. 34; Barkóczi 1980, p. 90-91; Šašel Kos 1986, p. 152-161; Nagy 1991, p. 64-84; Hoti 1992, p. 138-140; Gruen 1996, p. 174-175; Šašel Kos 1997b, p. 31-33; Domić Kunić 2006, p. 100-118; Šašel Kos 2009, p. 181-182; Colombo 2010, p. 171-193; Dzino 2010, p. 112-136; Šašel Kos 2011, p. 107-110; Džino 2012, p. 461-476; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 162-170; Kovács 2014, p. 27-29; Zaninović 2015, p. 434-439; Cesarik 2020a, p. 10-16.

44 Ritterling assumed that the southern part of Illyricum was established as a senatorial province in 27 BC, while the northern part was organised as a kind of military frontier with legions answering directly to Augustus, or rather to a governor appointed by him who must have been a legatus pro praetore of consular rank (Ritterling 1925, c. 1218-1219; Nagy 1991, p. 67-68, 79). There is however no evidence for such a command structure or the existence of such legates (Dzino 2010, p. 122-123).

45 Mócsy 1962, p. 540-542; Mócsy 1974, p. 34; Nagy 1991, p. 68-79; Dzino 2010, p. 122-136.

46 Syme 1933, p. 23, 25-26, 29-31; Keppie 1984, p. 208-211; Mosser 2003, p. 137-141; Dzino 2010, p. 123-124; Šašel Kos 2011, p. 112-115; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 163-164; Cesarik 2020a, p. 18-25; the permanent garrisons of some of those legions were likely in northern Italy, from where they could intervene in Illyricum when the need arose. Aquileia is certainly one of the possible locations, with Tergeste (Ritterling 1925, c. 1645-1646, 1665, 1748; Mann 1983, p. 31-32; Wheeler 2000, p. 270; Cesarik 2020a, p. 21-22), but Emona, which seemingly was not an administrative part of Illyricum (Šašel Kos 2002, p. 373-382; Šašel Kos 2003, p. 11-19; Šašel Kos 2013, p. 195-199; Šašel Kos 2014b, p. 153-164; for a contrasting opinion cf. Kovács 2014, p. 47-52; Cortés Bárcena 2015, p. 117-131; Cesarik 2020a, p. 19-22), and which was occasionally mentioned as a legionary camp (Saria 1938, p. 245-255; Mann 1983, p. 32; Visy 1988, p. 17), may perhaps not be considered as such (Šašel 1968, p. 561-566; Mócsy 1974, p. 43; Šašel Kos 1995, p. 227-244; Vičič 2003, p. 22-24; Šašel Kos 2014a, p. 80-93). Archaeological excavations have confirmed the presence of Roman troops during Augustus’ reign at the site of the future colony, as well as at nearby Vrhnika (Nauportus), but those sites were likely not legionary camps. In the city of Ljubljana, the existence of infrastructure that can be interpreted as an expeditionary camp (left bank of the Ljubljanica River) and as a logistical military base (Prule, right bank of the Ljubljanica River) has been confirmed. The camp at Prule was erected during the Pannonian war, and remained in use during the the Batonian uprising. The purpose of the camp on the left side of the Ljubljanica apparently varied: between 15 and 10 BC and AD 5 to 10, the area was used as training grounds (possibly for troops stationed in Prule), but also as a temporary camp for units on their way to Illyricum, or rather as a location where horses and pack animals were kept. During the second phase, from AD 5-10 until AD 15, the area may have provided residence for troops participating in the construction of Emona (Gaspari 2010, p. 25-27, 88-99, 113-123, 141-145; Gaspari 2014, p. 110-119, 127-141; Gaspari et al. 2014, p. 137-165; Gaspari et al. 2015, p. 125-164; Novšak et al. 2017, p. 14-17, 26-29; Žerjal 2017, p. 58-67).

47 Ritterling 1925, c. 1615-1617; Betz 1938, p. 8; Wilkes 1969, p. 94-95; Mitchell 1976, p. 301-303; Strobel 2000, p. 526-528; Sanader – Tončinić 2010, p. 45-46; Cesarik 2020a, p. 156-158.

48 Tac., Ann., 1, 23, 30; Ritterling 1925, c. 1645-1647; Betz 1938, p. 5, 50-52; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-95; Oldenstein-Pferdehirt 1984, p. 397; Bojanovski 1990, p. 704; Reddé 2000, p. 120-121; Cesarik 2020a, p. 23-24.

49 Ritterling 1925, c. 1664-1665; Syme 1933, p. 23; Betz 1938, p. 52; Wilkes 1969, p. 92; Keppie 2000, p. 26; Farnum 2005, p. 21, 65; for a contrary opinion, see Cesarik 2020a, p. 150-153.

50 It may have spent most time in Moesia during this period; Betz 1938, p. 20; Cesarik 2020a, p. 165-167.

51 Ritterling 1925, c. 1691.

52 Farnum 2005, p. 22, 64, 72-73.

53 Ritterling 1925, c. 1711-1712; Syme 1933, p. 29; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-93; Cesarik surmises that it may have stayed in Narona as well, see Cesarik 2020a, p. 19.

54 Farnum 2005, p. 22, 64-65; see note 46 for Emona.

55 Ritterling 1925, c. 1728; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-93; Franke 2000, p. 191-192; Farnum 2005, p. 23, 64-65.

56 Ritterling 1925, c. 1747-1748; Šašel Kos 1995, p. 236-237; Wheeler 2000, p. 261-268, 270-272; Mosser 2003, p. 137-141; Farnum 2005, p. 23, 64-65; Cesarik 2020a, p. 19, 154-155; see also note 46 for Emona.

57 Vell., 2, 112; D.C., 55, 30 (does not refer directly to it); Ritterling 1925, c. 1769-1771; Betz 1938, p. 20, 56-58; Wilkes 1969, p. 93; Farnum 2005, p. 24, 65; Malone 2006, p. 28-31; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 13-16; Dzino 2010, p. 148; Miletić 2010, p. 120; Cesarik 2020a, p. 148-154.

58 Cesarik 2017a; Cesarik 2019a; Cesarik 2020a, p. 19, 24, 148-149, 153.

59 Mócsy 1974, p. 23, 43; Šašel 1974, c. 732-734; Radman-Livaja 2007, p. 161-168; Radman-Livaja 2010b, p. 183-186; Radman-Livaja 2015, p. 35; Radman-Livaja 2018, p. 151-168; Cesarik 2020a, p. 22-23; Since legio XV has not been connected to Burnum, Tilurium or Poetovio, it may have operated between Aquileia and Siscia. If the words of Velleius Paterculus and Cassius Dio were interpreted correctly (Vell., 2, 112; D.C., 55, 30), Tiberius sent legio XX under the command of Valerius Messalla as a vanguard toward Siscia as soon as he learned of the rebellion. One may only speculate about his reasons, but the assumption that legio XX was sent first because it had previously been stationed in Siscia and could faster reach the destination on account of knowing the terrain is not unsound. Nonetheless, Tiberius might have had other reasons to choose legio XX for that mission.

60 Mócsy 1959, p. 77; Klemenc 1961, p. 23; Klemenc 1963, p. 67; Mócsy 1971, p. 44-45; Mócsy 1974, p. 43; J.W. Eadie doubts that there were regular Roman units stationed in Sirmium prior to AD 6, cf. Eadie 1977, p. 210; M. Mirković does not exclude the possibility of a Roman military presence in Sirmium at that time, but believes that it consisted only of auxiliary units and legionary vexillationes; Saxer 1967, p. 5-6; Mirković 1971, p. 12; Mirković 1990, p. 639, ft. 42; Mirković 2017, p. 21-22; Cesarik 2020a, p. 23.

61 Betz 1938, p. 57; Zaninović 1968, p. 121-122; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 13-16; Sanader 2008, p. 85-86; Sinobad 2009, p. 11; Miletić 2010, p. 120; Cesarik considers that Burnum only became a permanent legionary fortress after the bellum Batonianum, see Cesarik 2020a, p. 24, 167-170.

62 Zaninović 1984, p. 68-69; Sanader 2008, p. 87-88; Sanader – Tončinić 2010, p. 45-46; just like Burnum, Cesarik does not believe Tilurium became a permanent legionary garrison before AD 9: see Cesarik 2020a, p. 24, 168-170.

63 Periša 2008, p. 511-512.

64 Saria 1951, c. 1170; Mócsy 1959, p. 28; Horvat et al. 2003, p. 156; Cesarik 2020a, p. 23-24.

65 Syme 1933, p. 22.

66 As a matter of fact, some of those smaller Roman encampments came under attack when the Batonian uprising broke out: Vell., 2, 110.

67 See note 41; Alföldy 1962, p. 286-287; Wilkes 1969, p. 139-144, 470-474; Lőrincz 2001, p. 57; Dzino 2010, p. 124.

68 Dzino 2010, p. 138-145.

69 Vell., 2, 110; Suet., Tib., 16; Crook 1996, p. 106-107; Gruen 1996, p. 176; Seager 2005, p. 33; Eck 2007, p. 133.

70 Most of those legions were probably stationed in Illyricum before the Batonian uprising, with the exception of the legio XIV, which seems to have been transferred from the Rhine limes for Tiberius’ campaign against the Marcomanni. Ritterling believed that VIII, IX, XI, XV and XX legions comprised the army in Illyricum before the uprising; see Ritterling 1925, c. 1235; Wilkes 1969, p. 92-93; Franke 2000, p. 192; Keppie 2000, p. 26; Wheeler 2000, p. 271; Farnum 2005, p. 5; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 165.

71 Ritterling 1925, c. 1234-1236, 1645, 1691; Wilkes 1969, p. 93; Oldenstein-Pferdehirt 1984, p. 397; Reddé 2000, p. 120-121; Speidel 2000, p. 327-328; Strobel 2000, p. 520, 525, 527; Farnum 2005, p. 4-5, 18-19, 20-22, 95; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 166.

72 D.C., 55, 28-34; Vell., 2, 110-116; Suet., Aug. 16, 25; Tib. 16, 20; for an extensive overview of the Batonian war vide Hirschfeld 1890, p. 351-362; Rau 1925, p. 313-346; Ritterling 1925, c. 1232-1236; Köstermann 1953, p. 345-378; Pavan 1955, p. 380; Pašalić 1956, p. 245-300; Mócsy 1962, p. 544-548; Wilkes 1969, p. 69-77; Mirković 1971, p. 12-13; Mócsy 1971, p. 43; Mócsy 1974, p. 37-39; Šašel 1974, c. 733-734; Barkóczi 1980, p. 88-89; Šašel Kos1986, p. 178-191; Zaninović 1986, p. 63; Bojanovski 1988, p. 48-54; Gruen 1996, p. 176-178; Wilkes 1996, p. 553; Dizdar – Radman-Livaja 2004, p. 44-45; Sordi 2004, p. 221-228; Seager 2005, p. 33-35; Matijašić 2009, p. 168-176; Šašel Kos 2009, p. 182-187; Šašel Kos 2011, p. 110-112; Dzino 2010, p. 137-155; Radman-Livaja – Dizdar 2010, p. 47-56; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 165-166; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 170-179; Kovács 2014, p. 30-35; Radman-Livaja 2015, p. 36-40; Šašel Kos 2015, p. 67-76; Zaninović 2015, p. 439-453; Cesarik 2020a, p. 25-40.

73 The names Illyricum Superius and Illyricum Inferius are still a matter of discussion; Klemenc 1961, p. 6; Mócsy 1962, p. 583, 588-589; Wilkes 1969, p. 80-84; Mócsy 1974, p. 39; Barkóczi 1980, p. 89; Toth 1981, p. 13-33; Fitz 2000, p. 65-71; Fitz 2003, p. 48-49; Kovács 2008, p. 243-252; Dzino 2010, p. 159-162; Šašel Kos 2010, p. 123-130; Kovács 2014, p. 40-67; Šašel Kos 2015, p. 79-82; Dzino 2017, p. 42-44; Kovács 2018, p. 163-169; Cesarik 2020a, p. 42-50.

74 Wilkes 1969, p. 95.

75 Wilkes 1969, p. 95, 97; Bojanovski 1988, 355; Sanader 2002, p. 713-716; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 14-16; Dzino 2010, p. 167; Miletić 2010, p. 120-123; Sanader – Tončinić 2010, p. 34-38; Zaninović 2010, p. 20-21; Tončinić 2011, p. 13-14; Cesarik 2014b, p. 739-743; Sanader 2015, p. 127-134; Tončinić 2015, p. 337-339; Cesarik 2018b, p. 5-20; Cesarik 2019b, p. 27-40; Cesarik 2020a, p. 125-133, 155-156, 158-162, 167-170, 379-455; Cesarik 2020b, p. 32-43.

76 Tac., Ann., 4, 5; Ritterling 1925, p. 1617; Betz 1938, p. 36-37; Wilkes 1969, p. 96; Cambi 2009, p. 63-76; Tončinić 2011, p. 14; Cesarik 2020a, p. 117-119.

77 Ritterling 1925, c. 1619; Betz 1938, p. 38; Wilkes 1969, p. 96; Cambi 1984, p. 77; Zaninović 1984, p. 71; Strobel 2000, p. 528; Tončinić 2009, p. 1454; Sanader – Tončinić 2010, p. 46-47; Tončinić 2011, p. 14; Cesarik 2020a, p. 158-162.

78 Betz 1938, p. 22; Wilkes 1969, p. 100-101; Zaninović 1984, p. 72.

79 Cesarik 2018a, p. 53-62; Cesarik 2019b, p. 27-40; Cesarik 2020a, p. 426-446.

80 It seems that this unit, or its detachments, was moved across Dalmatia during the 1st half of the 1st century AD because its soldiers left traces in the areas of Burnum and Salona. The unit may have been disbanded during the Flavian period; Alföldy 1962, p. 268; Wilkes 1969, p. 470, 472; Cambi 1984, p. 77; Zanier 1988, p. 26; Cambi 1994, p. 173-174; Radman-Livaja 1999, p. 223, 229; Spaul 2000, p. 431; Matijević 2009a, p. 40-42; Cesarik 2020a, p. 313-315.

81 Alföldy 1962, p. 271; Wilkes 1969, p. 470, 473-474; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Zaninović 1984, p. 73.

82 Miletić 2010, p. 113-136; Cesarik 2017b, 363-369; Cesarik 2018b, p. 5-20; Cesarik 2020a, p. 126-127, 167-170.

83 Ritterling 1925, c. 1693-1694; Wilkes 1969, p. 96-97, 103; Fellmann 2000, p. 127; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 14-16; Sinobad 2009, p. 11-12; Tončinić 2009, p. 1450-1451.

84 Although some speculate that in AD 69 a vexillatio of the legio VIII had a brief stay in Burnum, it is perhaps more likely that this happened later, after AD 86. Vexillationes of the legio VIII could have stayed there multiple times during the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, perhaps even for a longer period of time during Trajan’s and Hadrian’s reigns, as well as during the Marcomannic wars; Ritterling 1925, c. 1659; Betz 1938, p. 46-48; Wilkes 1969, p. 115-116, 215; Bojanovski 1988, p. 357; Alföldy 1989, p. 201-207; Bojanovski 1990, p. 705, 707; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 16; Tončinić 2009, p. 1451-1452; Miletić 2010, p. 126-129; Cesarik 2016, p. 268-270; Cesarik 2020a, p. 173-176.

85 Ritterling 1925, c. 1540-1542; Wilkes 1969, p. 103-104; Bojanovski 1988, p. 357; Cambi et al. 2007, p. 16; Tončinić 2009, p. 1452-1453; Cesarik 2020a, p. 170-173.

86 Betz 1938, p. 41-46, 50-52; Wilkes 1969, p. 115-120; besides the aforementioned legio VIII, soldiers from legio II Italica and legio III Italica were charged with repairing the city walls in Salona during the Marcomannic Wars. During this time, the legionaries likely also participated in suppressing banditry in Dalmatia, and there is also evidence of detachments from Pannonian legions (the legio I Adiutrix and the legio II Adiutrix) in the auxiliary camp in Bigeste. A unit from the Moesian legio I Italica stayed in Salona on an unknown mission, likely during the reign of Severus Alexander, while sporadic epigraphic traces of legionaries who were likely officially stationed across Dalmatia exist for the entire 3rd century AD, as well as the 4th century AD.

87 Betz 1938, p. 61-62; Wilkes 1969, p. 120-127, 139; Matijević 2009b, p. 48-54; Matijević 2012b, p. 65; Matijević 2014, p. 67-71; Matijević 2016, p. 193-217; Matijević 2020, p. 11-65.

88 Alföldy 1962, p. 282-285; Bojanovski 1980; Bojanovski 1981; Bojanovski 1985; Dodig 2006, p. 55-59; Dodig 2007a, p. 143-147; Glavaš, Miletić – Zaninović 2010, p. 71-74; Bekić 2011, p. 315-318; Dodig 2011, p. 327-332; Glavaš 2011, p. 63-71; Tončinić 2015, p. 335-339; Dziurdzik et al. 2016, p. 300-306; Cesarik 2020a, p. 405-422, 429-456.

89 Alföldy 1962, p. 283, 285; Cesarik – Glavaš 2017, p. 209-215; besides those sites, Roman military presence may be presumed elsewhere as well, like in Banja Luka, Šipovo near Jajce or Lutvin Han near Srebrenica, Imamović 1990, 57-58.

90 Alföldy 1962, p. 287; Wilkes 1969, p. 140-141; the stay of the ala I Hispanorum in Dalmatia, more precisely in Burnum, was not known before the discovery of the inscription ILJug 843 = AE 1971, 299.

91 It was presumably stationed in Salona or its vicinity; Alföldy 1962, p. 262-263; Wilkes 1969, p. 140-141; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 170; Matijević 2019, p. 85-94; Cesarik 2020a, p. 297-299. The unit was probably raised in Augustus’ time, when it was stationed in southern Illyricum. It consisted of loyal tribesmen from Pannonia, who were recruited before the Batonian uprising broke out. Towards the end of Augustus’ rule and the beginning of Tiberius’ reign, the ala was filled with troopers of Iberian and Germanic origin, which leads to the assumption that there was a lack of Pannonian volunteers at the time; Cichorius 1894, c. 1255; Wagner 1938, p. 56-57; Kraft 1951, p. 25; Spaul 1994, p. 169; Spaul 1995, p. 63-73; Lőrincz 2001, p. 22; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 167-169; Ferjančić 2018, p. 149-150.

92 Rendić-Miočević 1959, p. 156-158; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 473; Spaul 2000, p. 34; Cesarik 2020a, p. 320-321.

93 It rather certainly left by the mid-1st century AD, but it is far from being certain that it uninterruptedly stayed in Dalmatia (probably in Burnum or its vicinity) after the bellum Batonianum, since it was likely stationed in Germany during Tiberius’ reign: ILJug 843; AE 1971, 299; Lőrincz 2001, p. 20; Speidel 1992, p. 169; Cesarik – Štrmelj 2016, p. 234-236; Cesarik 2020a, p. 295-296.

94 This cohort may have been in Dalmatia since the bellum Batonianum, although there is no clear evidence for this assumption. The transfer of the cohors I Montanorum (not to be confused with the cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum) to Pannonia must have taken place during Vespasian’s reign at the latest; Alföldy 1962, p. 270; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 294-295; Cesarik 2020a, p. 318-320.

95 See note 80; this cohort was probably not transferred elsewhere but simply disbanded once most of its surviving soldiers were honourably discharged.

96 Alföldy 1962, p. 270; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 82; Marić 2016b, p. 13-18; Cesarik 2020a, p. 317-318.

97 AE 1994, 1356; Cambi 1994, p. 156-158; Cesarik 2014a, p. 1-19; Cesarik 2020a, p. 300-301; cf. Spaul 1994, p. 117-123; Saddington 2002, p. 273-274.

98 Alföldy 1962, p. 261-262; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470-471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 89-91; Cesarik 2020a, p. 291-293.

99 On later inscriptions, this ala bears the name Tungrorum Frontoniana, but this ethnic apellation was not used before the 2nd century AD, so it does not appear on the stele from Vojnić (CIL III, 9735). According to some authors, the ala I Tungrorum and the ala Frontoniana were combined into a single unit but it would rather appear that the ala I Tungrorum and the ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana have always been distinct units, the latter ala receiving the ethnic appellation besides the name Frontoniana during Hadrian’s reign: Cichorius 1894, c. 1267-1268; Alföldy 1962, p. 262; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470-471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 117-119; Cesarik 2014a, p. 10-19; Cesarik 2020a, p. 294-295.

100 It is not certain which one of the several cohorts from Aquitania: Alföldy 1962, p. 265-266; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 141-144; Cesarik 2020a, p. 306-309.

101 Alföldy 1962, p. 267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 195-197; Cesarik 2020a, p. 315.

102 Alföldy 1962, p. 269-270; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 116-119; Cesarik – Glavaš 2017, p. 213; Cesarik 2020a, p. 290, footnote 1072.

103 Alföldy 1962, p. 267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 88-90; Dodig 2007b, p. 7-11; Marić 2016b, p. 18-23; Cesarik 2020a, p. 311-312.

104 Alföldy 1962, p. 267-268; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 22-23; Cesarik 2020a, p. 312-313.

105 Alföldy 1962, p. 263-265; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470-472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 266-268; Tončinić 2009, p. 1454; Marić 2017, p. 94-105; Cesarik 2020a, p. 304-306; Cesarik 2020b, p. 32-43.

106 Alföldy 1962, p. 270-271; Wilkes 1969, p. 141, 470, 473-474; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 35-37; Matijević 2009b, p. 45-48; Tončinić 2009, p. 1454; Matijević 2013, p. 119-121; Cesarik 2020a, p. 321-324.

107 Alföldy 1962, p. 266-267; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 472; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 190-192; Tončinić 2009, p. 1455-1456; Matijević 2011, p. 183-205; Marić 2016a, p. 105-116; Cesarik 2020a, p. 310.

108 Alföldy 1962, p. 268-269; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 312-313.

109 Alföldy 1962, p. 269; Wilkes 1969, p. 141-142, 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 314.

110 Cesarik – Glavaš 2017, p. 209-215.

111 Wilkes 1969, p. 471; Spaul 1994, p. 185-186.

112 Alföldy 1962, p. 263; Wilkes 1969, p. 471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 355; Spaul 1994, p. 176-178; Matijević 2019, p. 76-84, 91; Cesarik 2020a, p. 299-300.

113 Much depends on the interpretation of the inscription CIL III, 8762 from Salona: it might be safer to presume that the inscriptions refers in fact to the cohors III Alpinorum. However, a recently found diploma from 97 AD also mentions the cohors I Alpinorum in Dalmatia (Eck – Pangerl 2007, p. 233-238; AE 2007, 1783) and although one may not entirely exclude the possibility of a mistake, we may assume that this cohort was briefly stationed in Dalmatia during Nerva’s reign: Wilkes 1969, p. 471; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 259-261; Matijević 2011, p. 186-193; Cesarik 2020a, p. 302-304.

114 Alföldy 1962, p. 260-261; Wilkes 1969, p. 472; Bojanovski 1988, 356; Glavaš 2012, p. 97-100; Cesarik 2020a, p. 309-310.

115 Alföldy 1962, p. 269; Wilkes 1969, p. 470, 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 172; Cesarik 2020a, p. 316.

116 Wilkes 1969, p. 473; Bojanovski 1988, p. 356; Spaul 2000, p. 301; Cesarik 2020a, p. 316.

117 CBI, Karte 6, p. 754-755; Betz 1938, p. 62; Wilkes 1969, p. 122-127; Bojanovski 1988, p. 360-364; Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 24, 84-85, 186-187, 350-351; Zaninović 2007, p. 182-184; Glavaš 2016, p. 9-39.

118 CBI 453, 476-484, 492, 498 (only tombstones); Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 351, cat. 98; Matijević 2012a, p. 69-80.

119 CBI 430.

120 CBI 488-491.

121 CBI 446-450, 462; Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 350-351, cat. 97.

122 Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 350, cat. 96.

123 CBI 432-438; Glavaš 2010, p. 45-51; Glavaš 2011, p. 69-71; Glavaš 2013, p. 63-73.

124 CBI 440-441, 463-469; Glavaš 2015, p. 27-37.

125 CBI 445.

126 CBI 493.

127 CBI 442.

128 CBI 439.

129 CBI 443-444.

130 CBI 485-487.

131 CBI 494-497.

132 CBI 470.

133 Bojanovski 1988, p. 363, VIII. 16.

134 CBI 455-458, 471-475.

135 CBI 451-452, 460.

136 CBI 431; Nelis-Clément 2000, p. 351, cat. 99.

137 CBI 461, 488.

138 Reddé 1986, p. 223-227; Kurilić 2012, p. 116-119.

139 Mócsy 1959, p. 75, 117, 120-121; Mócsy 1962, p. 645; Alföldy 1968, p. 48; Bogaers 1969, p. 29, 36-46; Mócsy 1974, p. 39; Dušanić 1978, p. 467; Periša 2008, p. 514.

140 The successful pacification could have been more efficient by sending the surviving men able to bear arms into slavery, as Tiberius had done during the Pannonian war (bellum Pannonicum); Mócsy 1971, p. 44; Mócsy 1974, p. 34; Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 167.

141 Saddington 1982, p. 160; Domić Kunić 1988, p. 86-92.

142 See Radman-Livaja 2012, p. 167-169; Ferjančić 2018, p. 149-150.

143 Ferjančić 2018, p. 150-152.

144 Alföldy 1965, p. 174-175; Domić Kunić 1995-1996, p. 52-65; Miškiv 1998, p. 92-98; Spaul 2002, p. 68, 73.

145 Kraft 1951, p. 22-24; Saddington 1982, p. 160; Knight 1991, p. 189, 191-192; Spaul 2000, p. 299-300, 302-314; for a contrary opinion cf. Alföldy 1965, p. 174.

146 Domić Kunić – Radman-Livaja 2009, p. 67-96.

147 Scharf 2001, p. 185-193; Dziurdzik 2017a, p. 223-230; Dziurdzik 2017b, p. 447-460.

148 The epigraphic evidence from Salona is not conclusive but might point to the presence of military detachments during the 4th and 5th centuries, at least on a temporary basis (see Janniard 2010). An increased activity in constructing and reconstructing fortifications seems nonetheless noticeable in the interior of Dalmatia during late Antiquity, see Čremošnik 1990, p. 355-357.

149 Vannesse 2007, p. 314-330; Ciglenečki – Milavec 2009, p. 177-184; Vannesse 2010, p. 124-125, 195-196, 198, 202-204, 238-241, 270-271, 317, Kos 2012, p. 265-289; Poulter 2012, p. 97-123; Zaccaria 2012, p. 135-160; Kos 2013, p. 233-260; Kos 2014a, p. 7-120; Kos 2014b, p. 112-132; Kos 2014c, p. 409-416; Kusetič 2014b, p. 27-111; Ciglenečki 2015, p. 385-424; Ciglenečki 2016, p. 409-421; Višnjić 2016, p. 13-29; Milavec 2017, p. 149-160.

150 Salonitana armorum, see Notitia Dignitatum occ. IX, 22; James 1988, p. 257-294.

151 O’Flynn 1983, p. 116-119, 130-131; MacGeorge 2002, p. 15-65.

152 Wilkes 1969, p. 416-421.

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Titre Fig. 1 – Forts and major cities garrisoned by the Roman army in Dalmatia (Ivan Radman-Livaja, https://maps-for-free.com).
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Ivan Radman-Livaja, « The Roman Army in Dalmatia », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité, 134-1 | 2022, 31-60.

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Ivan Radman-Livaja, « The Roman Army in Dalmatia », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité [En ligne], 134-1 | 2022, mis en ligne le 21 juillet 2022, consulté le 09 août 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefra/12715 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.12715

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Ivan Radman-Livaja

Département des Antiquités gréco-romaines Directeur adjoint, Musée Archéologique de Zagreb - iradman@amz.hr

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