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Dalmatia and the Ancient Mediterranean: 50 years after John J. Wilkes’ Dalmatia

The creation of the province of Dalmatia in light of the recent research

Marjeta Šašel Kos
p. 61-70

Résumés

Une grande part de l’histoire de l’Illyricum, qui a précédé la Dalmatie, est obscure et notre connaissance en est limitée ; mais on peut considérer comme très vraisemblable qu’à l’époque du proconsulat de César, il n’existait pas de province autonome et régulée administrativement en Illyrie. Celle-ci a dû être constituée après la guerre d’Illyrie conduite par Octavien (35-33 av. J.-C.) ; auparavant, ce furent surtout les Dalmates qui dominèrent la Dalmatie. En 59 av. J.-C., l’administration de la Gaule Cisalpine et de l’Illyricum fut confiée avec trois légions à César pour une période de cinq ans. L’Histria n’a jamais appartenu à l’Illyricum, mais devait posséder un statut spécifique au sein de la province de Cisalpine. Après la mort brutale du consul Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (cos. 60 av. J.-C.), César reçut en outre la Transalpine avec une légion supplémentaire. Il était surtout intéressé par la Gaule, car il avait besoin d’un terrain de recrutement pour ses guerres en Gallia, mais il était parfaitement conscient de l’importance stratégique de l’Illyricum, en particulier en raison de sa proximité avec l’Italie d’un côté et avec la Macédoine de l’autre. Aucune troupe romaine n’était stationnée en Illyricum à cette date, ce qui pourrait être considéré comme un argument en faveur de l’idée que ce territoire n’était pas une province au sens administratif du terme. La division informelle de l’Illyricum survint probablement pendant ou à l’issue de la révolte en Pannonie et en Dalmatie (6-9 ap. J.-C.) : l’Illyricum superius précéda la Dalmatie, l’Illyricum inferius la Pannonie.

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  • 1 This has recently been stressed by Čače – Milivojević 2017, p. 434 and n. 26. I am grateful to Rob (...)

1Perhaps not unexpectedly, Dalmatia, written by John J. Wilkes for the British series “History of the Provinces of the Roman Empire” has not been replaced by a new comprehensive monograph in half a century, thus remaining the basis for any research on the Adriatic part of Illyricum.1 It was certainly not easy to write a book covering so much of history and archaeology of a large and geographically diverse Roman province, partly colonized by Greeks and densely urbanized. Some topics are dealt with more thoroughly than others, notably military history and ‘population studies’: the development of towns and countryside and their inhabitants, particularly upper class, for which more evidence has survived. Much light on the Roman provincial society is shed by the epigraphic material, of which the author made extensive use. Less emphasis was put, for instance, on mythological background and history of cults and religion.

2Inevitably, of course, continuous research into the history and archaeology of the country, as well as several excavations, rescue and others, shed new light on many aspects of the history of the province. Our knowledge of Dalmatia in the past fifty years has also been much advanced by the existence of various data-bases and corpora. It is in many ways understandable that it would be most difficult to write a synthesis on a similar scale now, since it would be almost impossible to take account of all recent publications concerning Roman Dalmatia. The amount of relevant literature has increased enormously in recent years, and it is not always easy to distinguish between more or less significant contributions. One of the disputed subject matters is also the date and circumstances of the establishment of the province of Dalmatia as a well-defined political unit, which seemed to be known as Illyricum superius during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius (fig. 1).

Fig. 1 – The division of Illyricum (from Šašel Kos 2010, Pl. 14).

Fig. 1 – The division of Illyricum (from Šašel Kos 2010, Pl. 14).

Illyricum assigned to Caesar

  • 2 Wilkes 1969, p. 36.
  • 3 Recently Faoro 2018.
  • 4 Broughton 1952, p. 182-183; 190; id. 1986, p. 37.
  • 5 Càssola 1991, p. 30-31; Zaninović 2015, p. 369-376; 367-403 on activities of Caesar and his legate (...)

3Much of the history of Illyricum is obscure and our knowledge limited, but it can nonetheless be regarded as very likely that at the time of Caesar’s proconsulate no independent and administratively regulated province existed in Illyricum. This was clearly stated also by John Wilkes, who claimed that “Under the Republic Dalmatia was never constituted as a regular province, with regular Roman governors: it was a place where Rome had some ancient alliances with one or two Greek communities, and where fighting would break out from time to time.”2 Not least for the sake of clarity, Wilkes referred to the region as “Dalmatia”, rather than “Illyricum”, although Illyricum was the official name of Dalmatia as late as the reign of Tiberius.3 Cassius Dio mentioned that in 59 BC, the administration of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum (that is, those regions along the coast and in the hinterland that had been controlled by the Romans), along with three legions, was assigned by the Senate to Caesar for a period of five years. Upon the sudden death of the consul Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (consul 60 BC), who died before April 59,4 Caesar was additionally given Transalpine Gaul with one legion (38.8.5), which was made possible by the law, enforced that year by the tribunus plebis P. Vatinius.5

  • 6 Bandelli 2004, p. 116-120.

4It should be emphasized that Caesar was mainly interested in Gaul, not so much in Illyricum, because he needed recruiting-ground for his wars in Gallia. There were no Roman troops stationed in Illyricum at that time, and this may be regarded as an additional argument that Illyricum had not been an independent province in the administrative sense of the word. It seems that Caesar, when he obtained the provinces, did not intend to undertake any systematic conquest of the region.6 However, he was well aware of the strategic importance of Illyricum, not least due to its closeness to Italy on the one side and to Macedonia on the other. This is confirmed by Caesar’s most interesting claim, referred to by Suetonius (Iul. 29.4), that at the time of the expected conflict with Pompey he would have been prepared to renounce all power until he should be elected consul, apart from Illyricum and one legion. This provincia would have certainly enabled him to conquer new territories. Appian’s information is different (Bell. civ. 2.32). According to him, Caesar insisted on Cisalpina with Illyricum and two legions, but this also sheds light on the significance these two regions had in his projects.

  • 7 Čače 1993; Milivojević 2017; Čače – Milivojević 2017; Bilić-Dujmušič – Milivojević 2018; Milivojev (...)
  • 8 Freber 1993, p. 125 n. 622; Dzino 2010, p. 80-98; Eck 2010, p. 23; Šašel Kos 2018; cf. also Schmit (...)
  • 9 Dzino 2016, p. 72.
  • 10 Šašel Kos 2005, p. 338.

5Despite these facts, it is interesting that both, in the past, as well as recently, several scholars regarded Caesar as the founder of the province of Illyricum.7 It has been assumed that, in addition to the province of Achaia, Caesar also established Illyricum. However, most of the future Dalmatia was still unconquered at that time, notably ‘Delmatia’ in the sense of the country of the Delmatae with their well-fortified strongholds, which represented the core of the future province. Attacks of the Delmatae were a constant threat to the coastal regions in the broad hinterland of Salonae, and several of the Delmataean fortified towns were subdued for the first time during Octavian’s Illyrian War in 35-33 BC. It seems therefore much more plausible to assume, with due caution, that the region could hardly have become a regularly governed province before these conquests.8 This has recently again been emphasized by Danijel Dzino, who claimed that “Illyricum did not exist before Caesar as a well-defined political term, or before Augustus as a more-or-less well defined spatial term”.9 While Caesar governed Illyricum with Cisalpina, M. Brutus governed it together with Macedonia.10

Illyricum before Caesar

  • 11 Milivojević 2017, p. 146, justly criticized him; Mesihović 2014, p. 5-8, also did not refer to the (...)
  • 12 Broughton 1986, p. 71; Papazoglu 1978, p. 314-332; Brennan 2000, p. 527-528; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 20 (...)

6Only the names of a few Roman magistrates whose activities could be in one way or another connected with Illyricum before Caesar are known to date. In the period between 85 BC and Caesar’s proconsulate, Jenő Fitz rather arbitrarily noted four of them.11 L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus (consul suffectus 83) is mentioned in a passage of Appian’s Illyriké, in which Appian briefly described “the plunder of many temples, including that of Delphi”. In 85-84 BC, Scipio Asiaticus, as a protagonist of this episode, fought against “some Illyrians, mainly the Scordisci, the Maedi and the Dardanians” (5.12-14). Hence it follows that he must have been based in Macedonia.12

  • 13 Brennan 2000, p. 424-425; cf. Broughton 1952, p. 86-87; 90; 94.
  • 14 Bilić-Dujmušić 2011.
  • 15 For Appian’s omissions: Wilkes 1969, p. 34 n. 2.
  • 16 Čače 1989b, p. 87; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, p. 241.
  • 17 Čače 1993, p. 2-14; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, discussed in detail the campaign of C. Cosconius, p. 233- (...)

7In 78-76 BC, C. Cosconius (praetor II in 79 BC)13 was sent to Illyricum as proconsul, fighting two years against the Delmatae and capturing their harbour Salona that had earlier not belonged to them; they must have only recently conquered it. Their stronghold, possibly also called Salona, was most probably located at Klis; this had even earlier (156-155 BC) enabled them to attack the coastal regions, particularly two Greek settlements at Epetion (Stobreč) and Tragurion (Trogir), and again in 119 BC, when L. Caecilius Metellus fought against them, receiving the title Delmaticus.14 Strangely, Cosconius’ campaign is omitted by Appian in his Illyriké,15 but it is summarized by Eutropius, who stated that Cosconius subdued a greater part of Dalmatia and captured Salonae, spending two years at war against the Delmatae (6.4: ad Illyricum missus est C. Cosconius pro consule. Multam partem Dalmatiae subegit, Salonas cepit et composito bello Romam post biennium rediit.). The war is also mentioned in a similarly short diction by Orosius (5.23.29: Cosconius proconsule sortitus Illyricum, protrita subactaque Delmatia, Salonas, urbem florentissimam, post biennium tandem expugnavit et cepit.). If Cosconius’ war was indeed the last campaign before Caesar’s proconsulate, his military achievements deserve much credit and should probably be regarded as decisive in the history of the Roman conquest of Illyricum. This is confirmed by the relatively stable situation in the region during the time of Caesar. It seems plausible to assume that Cosconius had taken Promona from the Delmatae and transferred it to the Liburni after the war, causing a great loss to the former. The Delmatae had to pay tribute.16 Promona was a strategically significant hillfort on their territory, but close to the Liburnian border; in classical sources, it is always called a Liburnian town.17

  • 18 Münzer 1926; Broughton 1952, p. 481; Brennan 2000, p. 344 n. 39.
  • 19 Broughton 1952, p. 183; 191; Broughton 1986, p. 78; Fitz 1993, p. 24; Brennan 2000, p. 425; 493-49 (...)
  • 20 Emphasized by Matijašić 2009, p. 125.
  • 21 Freber 1993, p. 124-127, particularly p. 127: “Von einer Provinz Illyricum im engeren Sinne kann j (...)
  • 22 E.g. Wilkes 1992, p. 208-209; Matijašić 2009, p. 125; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 160; Karković T (...)

8The third magistrate, who was waging war in Illyricum, was an obscure proconsul P. Licinius, only mentioned by Frontinus; his mandate cannot be precisely dated. He fought against the Iapodes, who destroyed his rear-guard under the pretence of surrender (Str. 2.5.28).18 While Cosconius led his army across the Adriatic, Licinius must have attacked the Iapodes, most probably from Cisalpine Gaul such as C. Sempronius Tuditanus in 129 BC. L. (Cornelius?) Culleolus (praetor ca. 60 BC) was the last known commander active in Illyricum before Caesar, around 61-60 BC.19 Caesar’s military commanders in Illyricum between 49 and 44 BC (Q. Cornificius, P. Sulpicius Rufus, P. Vatinius) were all involved in serious military missions.20 Very likely no province existed even at the time of Caesar’s murder, since M. Brutus governed Illyricum, as has been mentioned, together with Macedonia.21 This has also been argued on the basis of a detailed analysis of Appian’s Illyriké, and such an assessment of the administrative status of Illyricum in the period between Caesar and Augustus has also been shared in some of the recent scholarship.22

  • 23 The notion of Romanization has been disputed, which in my opinion is not justified; see, e.g., Alf (...)
  • 24 Bandelli 1983, p. 172-173.
  • 25 Cerva 1996.
  • 26 Čače 1993, p. 26.

9The first phase of the later province of Illyricum (formerly regnum Illyricum) was the so-called Roman “protectorate” created after the defeat of Teuta in 228 BC in the regions of the Illyrian kingdom and territories controlled by the Ardiaean dynasty. The “protectorate” comprised a few Greek or Graeco-Illyrian cities and mainly coastal areas but also including some hinterland, as well as the regions of the Roman allies Atintani and Parthini. The last Illyrian king Genthius belonged to a different dynasty, having ruled among the Labeates. After his defeat in 167 BC, three administrative regions were founded on the territory of the former kingdoms, based on a network of some former alliances on the one side and recently conquered regions on the other. While the Ardiaei and, at a later date, the Delmatae had always been the enemies of the Roman state, the Liburni must have been to a large extent Romanized23 by the time of Sulla, since in 84 BC the consuls of the year, L. Cornelius Cinna and Cn. Papirius Carbo, intended to establish a military base in Liburnia against Sulla (App., Bell. civ. 1.77-78).24 They expected the support of the Italian settlers who were living in the Liburnian cities, and also of the Romanized members of the Liburnian upper class.25 Roman merchants, craftsmen, and other settlers must have mainly come to Liburnia across the Adriatic; this may have not least been a consequence of the close contacts between Picenum and Liburnia in the pre-Roman period.26

Did Histria belong to Illyricum?

  • 27 Čače 1989a.
  • 28 Šašel Kos 2005, p. 321-329; Zaninović 2015, p. 337-348.
  • 29 Matijašić 2017.

10The Romans first fought against the Histri in 221 BC.27 In 181, the praetor Lucius Duronius was given, in addition to Apulia, also the Histri, who threatened the Adriatic as pirates (Liv., 40.18.3-5). In 176 BC, after the Second Histrian War, C. Claudius Pulcher founded praesidia of the socii Latini nominis in Histria (Liv., 41.14.6), since the country had not yet been sufficiently pacified. Until the military campaigns of C. Sempronius Tuditanus (consul 129 BC), who fought against the Iapodes, the Histri, and the Taurisci, as well as possibly also against some of the Liburni,28 the Histri always appeared as the enemies of the Roman state. Since then, they became relatively rapidly Romanized.29

  • 30 Matijašić 1991, particularly p. 246; recently Mesihović – Šačić 2015, p. 191.
  • 31 Šašel Kos 2000, p. 288, despite Càssola 1995, p. 59-60.
  • 32 Čače 1993, p. 14; cf. also Haensch 1997, p. 79-80; 362 n. 9: Salona was not the provincial capital (...)

11Presumably, the region would have been part of Illyricum, such as other parts of the eastern Adriatic coast.30 However, the legal status of Histria before the time of Caesar is not clear; it was not a part of Cisalpina, but also not a part of Illyricum, since the latter did not exist as an independent province.31 Roman magistrates holding imperium in Illyricum were assigned the regions along the eastern Adriatic coast as far as Epirus as their provincia, that is, as a temporary sphere of action, both to fight back invading tribes and/or to conquer new territories. It seems that Histria never belonged to the province of Illyricum, which would have been theoretically possible for a short time after Octavian’s Illyrian War in 33 BC, some twenty years before Histria became a part of Italy, but this seems rather unlikely.32 As late as the first quarter of the second century BC, at the time of the foundation of Aquileia, followed by the Second Histrian War, Histria comprised much territory north of its later boundaries, probably reaching up to the Timavus River. This is mentioned by Strabo (5.1.9 C 215), while Livy noted that the Histri attempted to prevent the founding of Aquileia (40.26.2; cf. 41,.2.1 ff.).

  • 33 Matijašić 2015, p. 308.
  • 34 Šašel Kos 2000, p. 286-288; Zaninović 1996; already Càssola 1972, p. 61-62, emphasized precisely t (...)
  • 35 Matijašić 2015; id., 2017, passim; It seems less likely that Caesar would have founded a Roman col (...)

12Histria must have had a specific legal status. According to Robert Matijašić, it was a marginal zone of the newly established province of Cisalpina and at the same time a zone of contact between this province and the eastern Adriatic coast.33 Histria must have been in one way or another subordinate to Cisalpine Gaul and under the military protection of this province. The headquarters of Illyricum, Narona and later Salonae, were far from Histria, while Aquileia was much nearer; consequently, any action directed against Histria must have been undertaken from Cisalpina.34 Geopolitically, Histria was not of particular significance, but the country needed to be urbanized, partly to advance its acculturation and partly because it was so near Italy and therefore attractve for Roman colonists.35 Tergeste and Agida were strategically more significant Histrian settlements; therefore, it is not surprising that Tergeste had been occupied by the Carni in the second century BC. By the time of Caesar, Tergeste must have belonged to Cisalpina.

Resistance of the Delmatae

  • 36 Čače 1989b, p. 87 and n. 75; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, p. 233-242.
  • 37 Pina Polo – Díaz Fernández 2019, p. 247.
  • 38 Thus still Schmitz 2019, p. 15; see Marasco 1997, for a plausible reconstruction of Gabinius’ acti (...)
  • 39 Šašel Kos 1999; ead. 2005, p. 351; 363; 396; 446; 451; 461.
  • 40 Marasco 1995; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 357-369.

13Clearly, the Delmatae had never been decisively conquered before Octavian, although Appian mentioned that they paid tribute till Caesar’s proconsulate (Ill., 13.37-38; 28.81), most probably after Cosconius’ successful campaigns in 78-76 BC.36 Nonetheless, until Octavian’s Illyrian War (35-33 BC), they controlled the greater part of central Illyricum. Under Caesar, the Roman Illyricum mainly consisted of the coastal regions of the later province of Dalmatia, including some of the hinterland. Some large Roman communities, organized in conventus civium Romanorum, were settled in coastal cities. Caesar’s policy in Illyricum was not particularly successful; several rather disastrous episodes happened in this period. A. Gabinius (consul 58 BC) was dispatched by him in 48-47 BC to bring troops to Q. Cornificius who commanded two legions there as a quaestor pro praetore (Bell. Alex. 43.1-3).37 This must have been Gabinius’s second mission, while his first one probably never took place. He had been required to bring 15 cohorts and 3,000 horsemen to Epirus for Caesar before Pharsalus (App., Ill., 12.35-36), but probably failed to do so; his two missions have often been confused.38 When coming to the aid of Cornificius, five cohorts of Gabinius’ army perished in an ambush at Synodium, on the territory of the Delmatae, losing their signa. Gabinius had been wounded and died a few months afterwards at Salonae; signa were only recovered several years later, in the last phase of Octavian’s Illyrian War (App., Ill., 25.1; 27.78).39 The Delmatae were also dangerous enemies during the proconsulate of P. Vatinius in 45-43 BC; he had his headquarters at Narona and, as it seems, fought successfully against them.40

The division of Illyricum

  • 41 CIL III, 2973 = 10017 = ILS, 899 = HD060327: P(ublio) Silio / P(ubli) f(ilio) proco(n)s(uli) / pat (...)
  • 42 Wilkes 1996, 554; recently Mesihović 2011; Šašel Kos 2015; Buongiorno 2019.
  • 43 On Velleius Paterculus: Turner 2015.
  • 44 Wilkes 1969, p. 67-77; Nagy 1970; Šašel Kos 2011; ead. 2015; Mesihović 2014, p. 29; 37; 50; Dzino (...)
  • 45 Demicheli 2017, p. 9-10; on the division see the discussion in Kovács 2014, p. 40-57; on the offic (...)
  • 46 Marin – Vickers 2004; Marin et al. 2017.

14The question of the creation of the province of Dalmatia is closely connected with the creation of the province of Illyricum and its division into the upper and lower provinces. Illyricum first became a senatorial province in 29 BC; P. Silius Nerva was honoured at Aenona (Nin) in 16 BC as a proconsul and patron of the town.41 Illyricum superius was the predecessor of Dalmatia, Illyricum inferius of Pannonia. The informal division must have probably occurred in the course of the Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion or at the end of it (AD 6-9),42 since C. Vibius Postumus was called praepositus of Dalmatia in the Roman History of Velleius Paterculus (2.116.2). Velleius Paterculus was Tiberius’ officer in this war and therefore a reliable testimony.43 Postumus (consul AD 5) was legatus exercitus of Dalmatia, where he acted together with Germanicus, who possessed an extraordinary imperium. There is therefore hardly any doubt that the Dalmatian part of Illyricum was, at least in terms of military organization, independent by the time of the great Pannonian-Dalmatian revolt as has generally been recognized in past and present scholarship.44 Formally, the division into Illyricum superius and inferius must have occurred after the rebellion, towards the end of Augustus’ reign.45 As early as 10 BC, Augusteum may have already been erected at Narona;46 prior to Salonae, the town had for many decades been the seat of the Roman legati.

  • 47 Vell. 2, 116, 3; Jagenteufel 1958, p. 13-14.
  • 48 Wilkes 1969, p. 442.
  • 49 Dodig 2003, p. 233-234; 245; fig. Pl. 1 = EDCS-71400190. The inscription reads: M(arco) Servilio C (...)

15It is not entirely certain who governed Illyricum after the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising. In the years 12 to 14 AD, before the appointment of P. Cornelius Dolabella (consul AD 10), the governor of Illyricum was perhaps L. Aelius Lamia (consul AD 3). According to Velleius Paterculus, he was a kindly old-fashioned man who had performed excellent service in Germany and Illyricum (... vir antiquissimi moris ... in Germania Illyricoque et mox in Africa splendidissimis functus ministeriis);47 it is not clear, however, in which part of Illyricum he was active.48 At Posuški Grac near Posušje in Herzegovina, in the region of Narona, a short inscription mentions M. Servilius (consul in the same AD 3 as Lamia) as legatus Augusti pro praetore in Illyricum (fig. 2). However, the inscription is not precisely dated. It is therefore not clear whether M. Servilius governed Illyricum before Lamia (that is, between AD 9 and 12), or before the rebellion, which broke out in AD 6, when M. Valerius Messalla has been documented in this function. The editor of the inscription decided for the years between AD 4 and 6.49

Fig. 2 – The inscribed monument from Posuški Grac near Posušje in Herzegovina (the region of Narona) with the mention of M. Servilius (consul in AD 3), legatus Augusti pro praetore in Illyricum

Fig. 2 – The inscribed monument from Posuški Grac near Posušje in Herzegovina (the region of Narona) with the mention of M. Servilius (consul in AD 3), legatus Augusti pro praetore in Illyricum
  • 50 Mesihović 2010; Demicheli 2017, p. 10-13; 22-23.
  • 51 CIL III, 1741 = ILS, 938 = HD026403: civitates superioris provinciae Hillyrici. The opinion of Boj (...)
  • 52 Vell., 2, 125, 5: in maritima parte Illyrici. On Dolabella: Thomasson 1984, p. 89.
  • 53 Šašel Kos 2010.
  • 54 The chronology is rather complicated: Šašel Kos 2010; different arguments in Kovács 2014, p. 40-57

16Illyricum superius as the formal name of Dalmatia must have been in use certainly under Tiberius and, indeed, it is attested under the best-documented governor in the Dalmatian part of Illyricum, P. Cornelius Dolabella (AD 14-20).50 He was appointed shortly before Augustus’ death, since he appears as legatus pro praetore divi Augusti et Ti. Caesaris Augusti in the honorific inscription from Epidaurum (Cavtat near Dubrovnik), erected to him by the civitates of Upper Illyricum. Even if the transcription of this text is only known from manuscripts, it has been plausibly argued that the existence of Illyricum superius should not be doubted, since the same inscription was copied independently both in a mid-sixteenth century publication and in another manuscript, not known to Mommsen.51 Moreover, Velleius Paterculus referred to Dolabella’s province as the littoral part of Illyricum.52 The mentioned inscription implies the existence of a Lower Illyricum, which, however, has not been documented to date elsewhere.53 The Pannonian part of Illyricum must have therefore also been organized as a province very likely at the latest under Tiberius.54

  • 55 Tac., ann. 1. 16. 1 f.; Cass. Dio, 57, 4, 1 f.; Reidinger 1956, p. 32–33; Thomasson 1984, p. 99; Š (...)
  • 56 Such was the case of both Germaniae before Domitian: Eck 1985, p. 5 ff.; 43.
  • 57 Kovács 2007; id. 2008; Šašel Kos 2010.

17In AD 14, when Dolabella governed Dalmatia from his residence at Salonae, three Pannonian legions revolted in the Pannonian part of Illyricum, in the summer camp, which was probably at Siscia. This happened when the news of Augustus’ death reached the army, as was briefly noted by Velleius in the same passage, in which he mentioned Dolabella. The uprising was described by Tacitus and Cassius Dio.55 The legions were under the command of Q. Iunius Blaesus (consul suffectus in AD 10), who as legatus exercitus was in charge of the Pannonian part of the province.56 Pannonia was still officially part of Illyricum, as it is confirmed by several military diplomas. Regardless of when exactly the Upper and Lower Illyricum began to be officially called Dalmatia and Pannonia,57 the division of Illyricum—at least in terms of military organization—must have occurred during the great Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion. In view of the arguments presented above, it seems rather unlikely that regularly governed and independent province of Illyricum, the predecessor of Dalmatia and Pannonia, would have been created before Octavian’s Illyrian War.

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Bibliographie

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Notes

1 This has recently been stressed by Čače – Milivojević 2017, p. 434 and n. 26. I am grateful to Robert Matijašić and Anamarija Kurilić for their valuable comments.

2 Wilkes 1969, p. 36.

3 Recently Faoro 2018.

4 Broughton 1952, p. 182-183; 190; id. 1986, p. 37.

5 Càssola 1991, p. 30-31; Zaninović 2015, p. 369-376; 367-403 on activities of Caesar and his legates in Illyricum.

6 Bandelli 2004, p. 116-120.

7 Čače 1993; Milivojević 2017; Čače – Milivojević 2017; Bilić-Dujmušič – Milivojević 2018; Milivojević 2019-2020; not, however, Mesihović 2014, p. 15-17; Karković Takalić 2015, p. 50. However, Čače 2013, p. 34, allowed for the possibility that the province had been created at the latest in 27 BC.

8 Freber 1993, p. 125 n. 622; Dzino 2010, p. 80-98; Eck 2010, p. 23; Šašel Kos 2018; cf. also Schmitz 2019, p. 22 (otherwise irrelevant).

9 Dzino 2016, p. 72.

10 Šašel Kos 2005, p. 338.

11 Milivojević 2017, p. 146, justly criticized him; Mesihović 2014, p. 5-8, also did not refer to them in such a context.

12 Broughton 1986, p. 71; Papazoglu 1978, p. 314-332; Brennan 2000, p. 527-528; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 203-208.

13 Brennan 2000, p. 424-425; cf. Broughton 1952, p. 86-87; 90; 94.

14 Bilić-Dujmušić 2011.

15 For Appian’s omissions: Wilkes 1969, p. 34 n. 2.

16 Čače 1989b, p. 87; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, p. 241.

17 Čače 1993, p. 2-14; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, discussed in detail the campaign of C. Cosconius, p. 233-242; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 311-313.

18 Münzer 1926; Broughton 1952, p. 481; Brennan 2000, p. 344 n. 39.

19 Broughton 1952, p. 183; 191; Broughton 1986, p. 78; Fitz 1993, p. 24; Brennan 2000, p. 425; 493-494.

20 Emphasized by Matijašić 2009, p. 125.

21 Freber 1993, p. 124-127, particularly p. 127: “Von einer Provinz Illyricum im engeren Sinne kann jedoch zum Zeitpunkt von Caesars Ermordung nicht gesprochen werden.” Cf. Šašel Kos 2005, p. 338.

22 E.g. Wilkes 1992, p. 208-209; Matijašić 2009, p. 125; Džino – Domić Kunić 2013, p. 160; Karković Takalić 2015, p. 50; Mesihović – Šačić 2015, p. 190-195; Džino – Domić Kunić 2018, p. 81.

23 The notion of Romanization has been disputed, which in my opinion is not justified; see, e.g., Alföldy 2005; Matijašić 2017, p. 380-381 (discussion of inadequate proposals); Zimmermann 2017.

24 Bandelli 1983, p. 172-173.

25 Cerva 1996.

26 Čače 1993, p. 26.

27 Čače 1989a.

28 Šašel Kos 2005, p. 321-329; Zaninović 2015, p. 337-348.

29 Matijašić 2017.

30 Matijašić 1991, particularly p. 246; recently Mesihović – Šačić 2015, p. 191.

31 Šašel Kos 2000, p. 288, despite Càssola 1995, p. 59-60.

32 Čače 1993, p. 14; cf. also Haensch 1997, p. 79-80; 362 n. 9: Salona was not the provincial capital before Augustus.

33 Matijašić 2015, p. 308.

34 Šašel Kos 2000, p. 286-288; Zaninović 1996; already Càssola 1972, p. 61-62, emphasized precisely this point: a lacuna between Arsia and Narenta. The Liburni were soon included within the Roman sphere of influence, while the Delmatae more or less successfully defended their independence.

35 Matijašić 2015; id., 2017, passim; It seems less likely that Caesar would have founded a Roman colony at Pola for strategic reasons, as claimed by Freber 1993, p. 173.

36 Čače 1989b, p. 87 and n. 75; Bilić-Dujmušić 2004, p. 233-242.

37 Pina Polo – Díaz Fernández 2019, p. 247.

38 Thus still Schmitz 2019, p. 15; see Marasco 1997, for a plausible reconstruction of Gabinius’ activities in Illyricum; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 347-356.

39 Šašel Kos 1999; ead. 2005, p. 351; 363; 396; 446; 451; 461.

40 Marasco 1995; Šašel Kos 2005, p. 357-369.

41 CIL III, 2973 = 10017 = ILS, 899 = HD060327: P(ublio) Silio / P(ubli) f(ilio) proco(n)s(uli) / patron(o) / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); Kovács 2014, p. 26-27. It is less likely that the province of Silius Nerva would have been Transpadana (with Histria and Libunia) and not Illyricum, as Wilkes 1996, p. 551-552.

42 Wilkes 1996, 554; recently Mesihović 2011; Šašel Kos 2015; Buongiorno 2019.

43 On Velleius Paterculus: Turner 2015.

44 Wilkes 1969, p. 67-77; Nagy 1970; Šašel Kos 2011; ead. 2015; Mesihović 2014, p. 29; 37; 50; Dzino 2017.

45 Demicheli 2017, p. 9-10; on the division see the discussion in Kovács 2014, p. 40-57; on the official name of Pannonia: p. 63-67; Faoro 2018, p. 96.

46 Marin – Vickers 2004; Marin et al. 2017.

47 Vell. 2, 116, 3; Jagenteufel 1958, p. 13-14.

48 Wilkes 1969, p. 442.

49 Dodig 2003, p. 233-234; 245; fig. Pl. 1 = EDCS-71400190. The inscription reads: M(arco) Servilio C. f. co(n)[s(uli)] / VIIvir(o) epulon(um) leg(ato) / pr(o) pr(aetore) / Caesaris Augu[sti].

50 Mesihović 2010; Demicheli 2017, p. 10-13; 22-23.

51 CIL III, 1741 = ILS, 938 = HD026403: civitates superioris provinciae Hillyrici. The opinion of Bojanovski 1988, however, that Illyricum superius would not denote Dalmatia as a province but as a geographical region is most unlikely, since in any case the opposite would have been expected. See also Glavičić 2008, p. 45-48, fig. 1 on p. 46.

52 Vell., 2, 125, 5: in maritima parte Illyrici. On Dolabella: Thomasson 1984, p. 89.

53 Šašel Kos 2010.

54 The chronology is rather complicated: Šašel Kos 2010; different arguments in Kovács 2014, p. 40-57.

55 Tac., ann. 1. 16. 1 f.; Cass. Dio, 57, 4, 1 f.; Reidinger 1956, p. 32–33; Thomasson 1984, p. 99; Šašel Kos 2014; Kovács 2014, p. 35-36 (Emona, however, was not founded as a colonia in Pannonia by Tiberius: Šašel Kos 2014).

56 Such was the case of both Germaniae before Domitian: Eck 1985, p. 5 ff.; 43.

57 Kovács 2007; id. 2008; Šašel Kos 2010.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 – The division of Illyricum (from Šašel Kos 2010, Pl. 14).
Titre Fig. 2 – The inscribed monument from Posuški Grac near Posušje in Herzegovina (the region of Narona) with the mention of M. Servilius (consul in AD 3), legatus Augusti pro praetore in Illyricum
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Marjeta Šašel Kos, « The creation of the province of Dalmatia in light of the recent research », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité, 134-1 | 2022, 61-70.

Référence électronique

Marjeta Šašel Kos, « The creation of the province of Dalmatia in light of the recent research », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité [En ligne], 134-1 | 2022, mis en ligne le 21 juillet 2022, consulté le 21 septembre 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefra/12763 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.12763

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