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Musiques de la foi / Musiques du pouvoir. Construction et affirmation des identités politiques, religieuses et culturelles des cours catholiques européennes (1648-1748)

Changing ceremonial and musical paradigms

From the 17th century Iberian traditions to the “Romanization” of the Lisbon Royal Chapel under King John V
Cristina Fernandes

Résumé

This article seeks to analyze the different strategies adopted by the first monarchs of the Braganza dynasty, regarding religious music and the ceremonial practices of the Lisbon Royal Chapel, in the construction of the image of royalty. The chronological scope covers the period between the Restoration of the independence of the kingdom of Portugal in 1640 and the first decades of the reign of King John V (1707-1750). Two clearly distinct phases can be distinguished in this time span: the Iberian musical traditions of the 17th century linked to the affirmation of religious vilancico as the privileged genre in the major celebrations at the Royal Chapel and the paradigm shift operated by King John V characterized by the adoption of Roman models as a result of the elevation of the Royal Chapel to the statute of Metropolitan and Patriarchal Church in 1716. Aspects related to ceremonial, normative texts of liturgical and musical content, repertories and performance practices are addressed in order to bring some light to the complex relationship between faith, politics and music, as well as issues such as identity and tradition, both inherited as invented.

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Notes de l’auteur

This work is funded by national funds through the FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P. (Portugal), under the Norma Transitória – DL 57/2016/ CP1453/CT0064.

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 2 See Carreras 2005, p. 8-20.

1In modern Europe, sacred music played a crucial role in constructing the public image of the absolute monarchy, both as a form of emphasizing the devotion of the sovereigns and as a means of reaffirming the legitimacy of divine origin that justified the exercise of political power. The use of certain musical genres as a sophisticated tool of symbolic representation of the Crown, thanks to its ability to take advantage of the increasingly theatrical character of the liturgy and to engage the king himself as an active part of the ritual, had a golden era during the 17th century in the majority of European courts, which extended into the next century.2 Portugal also participated in this process, but the study of religious state music linked to the court ceremonial must take into account the historic vicissitudes that hindered the consolidation of the Portuguese Royal House after the Restoration, as well as the late incorporation of the new musical trends of the Baroque.

  • 3 Nery 1990; Brito 2011.
  • 4 When King John IV died in 1656, the heir of the throne was only 13 years old, so the regency was e (...)

2After 60 years under Spanish domination, Portugal regained its independence in 1640, giving rise to the Braganza Dynasty with the acclamation of King John IV, a monarch known for his passion for music and for having assembled one of the largest musical libraries of his time.3 However, the Restoration did not interrupt the hegemonic interests of the Spanish Crown over all the Iberian Peninsula, and a long period of war began with the new reign and extended throughout the following decades, corresponding to the reign of Afonso VI (1656-1683) and the regency of his brother (1668-1683), future King Pedro II (1683-1706). The scarcity of material resources and the inability of King Afonso VI to reign (leading the infante Pedro to take the initiative of imprisoning his brother, forcing him to abdicate in the end of 1667)4 hindered the strengthening of an aulic structure and the accomplishment of an autonomous cultural and artistic policy in relation to the Spanish models.

  • 5 Theatro Ecclesiastico is the title of a famous plainchant manual, by Fr. Domingos do Rosário that (...)

3It was only during the reign of Pedro II, acclaimed in 1683, that instability was overcome and more conducive conditions to economic and cultural development arose. The construction of the image of the Royal Household began to consolidate, as well as the notion that a king should in all occasions show his majesty. However, it was necessary to wait for the reign of King John V (who ascended to the throne in 1707) and for the favorable conditions resulting from the stability after the War of the Spanish Succession and from the extensive material resources provided by the gold from Brazil, for the Portuguese monarchy to begin counting on a clearly distinctive strategy of symbolic representation of power. This would imply a huge investment in visual arts and music as a fundamental pillar of a program that crossed the “theatro ecclesiastico5 in the spirit of the Counter-Reformation with the staging of royal power typical of the Old Regime.

  • 6 Despite some contributions (mainly Latino 2001; Lopes 2006), knowledge about musical practices in (...)

4Preceded by the strong inheritance of a “musician-king” such as John IV and followed by the baroque splendor of the reign of John V, the musical life in the time of Afonso VI and Pedro II has not received sufficient attention by musicologists.6 The task is also hindered by the fact that numerous musical sources and administrative documentation related to the Royal Chapel disappeared with the 1755 earthquake. Moreover, the surviving archive documents are very patchy on information that would allow the reconstruction of musical practices at court.

5The scope of this study comprises two clearly distinct periods: firstly, the Iberian tradition of the 17th century linked to the affirmation of religious vilancico as the privileged genre in the major celebrations at the Royal Chapel; secondly, the paradigm shift operated by King John V, marked by the adoption of Roman models from the Pontifical Chapels and Basilicas, as a result of the elevation of the Royal Chapel to the statute of Metropolitan and Patriarchal Church in 1716, and by a ceremonial splendor that aimed to rival the Vatican itself and to project an image of Portugal abroad that could match the great European powers.

  • 7 Martín Marcos 2019.

6These two phases correspond to a radical change that makes Portugal a unique case, given that the inherited Iberian traditions were abandoned in favor of a new model with the creation of the Patriarchate of Lisbon, mirror of John V’s legendary obsession with Rome as Papal and Imperial capital and in line with the promotion of his desired image of a powerful Catholic monarch, head of an overseas empire.7 Therefore, research on the emergence of religious music of state, or “apparatus” music, in Portugal becomes a complex challenge that has to deal both with local cultural and religious practices and with processes of assimilation and appropriation. In this perspective, this article seeks to analyze the different strategies adopted by the first monarchs of the Braganza dynasty regarding religious music in the construction of the image of royalty, as well as the intricate relationship between faith, politics and the arts. Aspects related to ceremonial, normative texts of liturgical and musical content, aesthetic models, repertories and performance practices are addressed in order to bring some light to these issues. The main focus is the Royal Chapel, but whenever relevant, other churches that also functioned as spaces of representation or personal devotion for the royal family are also considered, especially when the ceremonies had the participation of the king’s musicians.

Iberian musical traditions at the Lisbon Royal Chapel during the second half of the 17th century: continuity and change

  • 8 Troni 2012, p. 625.
  • 9 For instance the codex Origem da Capela Real, BNP, Cód. 11103, fol. 13-13v.

7The consolidation of the Royal Household was a fundamental step in the legitimation of the Restoration movement, in particular by defining the structure of the service and its functions.8 Several chroniclers mention the “new luster” conferred to the Lisbon Royal Chapel, located in Paço da Ribeira (Ribeira Palace), next to the Tagus River in the capital of the kingdom, as well as the continuity regarding the Ducal Chapel of the Palace of Vila Viçosa, an important noble house situated in Alentejo region.9 In fact, the Dukes of Braganza had always sought to endow their chapel with musical splendor and tried to rival the Royal Chapel itself. It was also an external symbol indispensable to the public recognition of the legitimacy of their claims to succession to the throne.

  • 10 Regimento para a Capela Real, que fez o Senhor Rei D. João 4º, ANTT, Colecção São Vicente, vol. 23
  • 11 Manuscript copy from the 18th century at BNP, Cód. 10981.
  • 12 For a description of the ceremonial features see Castro 1763, III, p. 175-181.

8After a decrease in the number of musical positions at the beginning of the 17th century, the Royal Chapel acquired under King John IV (who established a new regulation in 1652)10 a musical staff close to that stipulated in 1592 by Philip II of Spain (Philip I of Portugal).11 The structure included a Chapel Master (a post held by Marco Soares Pereira after 1641 and by Fr. Filipe da Cruz after 1655); 24 singers (six of each range “dexterous in canto de órgão [polyphony] and counterpoint”); two organists; two baixões (an early form of the bassoon) and a cornetto. It also had 30 chaplains with “good voices” for plainchant, 18 chapel boys and 4 choirboys (moços de estante). A new order of liturgy was set up for the solemn days and feasts, in which the monarch publicly attended the Divine Offices with “royal pomp”.12

  • 13 A. Latino (2001, p. 81) identified the name of 240 musicians that served the Royal Chapel between (...)
  • 14 Leti 1685, p. 542.
  • 15 Filipe da Madre de Deus left Portugal, to work in Seville, after his patron was deposed in 1668. A (...)
  • 16 Nominated “Master of chamber musicians” with an annual wage of 45 thousand réis in 1668. License i (...)

9A similar ensemble, with only small variants, seems to have been maintained during the reigns of Afonso VI and Pedro II, with the addition of instruments such as the harp.13 In 1685, Gregorio Leti referred to the Royal Chapel in the time of Pedro II as “superb” and having “molti cappellani, e Musici”.14 Beyond the Royal Chapel, some court musicians were attached to the Royal Chamber, headed by Filipe da Madre de Deus during Afonso VI’s brief rule15 and afterwards by António Marques Lésbio,16 a singer, poet and composer who would later occupy the roles of music librarian (1692) and of Master of the Royal Chapel (1698). A third musical department (Charamela Real, later Royal Band) was formed by the minstrels, who played shawns, trumpets, sackbuts and timpani.

  • 17 Nery 1990; Brito 2011.
  • 18 Primeira parte do Index da Livraria de Mvsica do muyto alto, e poderoso Rey Dom Ioão o IV, Lisboa, (...)
  • 19 This is particularly evident in the treatises of the king’s authorship Defensa de la Musica modern (...)
  • 20 Nery 1990, passim.

10After 1640, the Royal Chapel of Paço da Ribeira, in Lisbon, was enriched with the extensive assets of the musical library of the new king John IV, former Duke of Braganza, carried from Vila Viçosa.17 The partial catalogue published in 164918 describes around 2000 prints, comprising almost all the scores available in the editorial market since 1570, and more than 4000 manuscripts. Yet, despite the high musical culture of the king – who studied with the English (or Irish) musician Roberto Tornar and was a composer, theoretician and protector of several musicians –, his aesthetic taste was quite conservative and strongly linked to the Iberian polyphonic traditions.19 According to Nery,20 the major part of the printed repertoire did not have the immediate purpose of performance, but was mere collecting. The monarch’s attention was centered mainly on the manuscripts of composers active in the Iberian Peninsula, including the polyphonic pieces in Latin and numerous vilancicos. It is therefore within this nucleus that we can find the repertoire of the Royal Chapel.

  • 21 Rodríguez 2007, p. 189.
  • 22 Lopes 2007, p. 199-217.

11As Pablo Rodríguez has written, “in court circles during the 17th century the vilancico began to assume a function similar to that of the French Motet or the English Anthem” in the liturgy of royal power.21 An identical tendency occurred in the Portuguese Royal Chapel, as demonstrated by Rui Cabral Lopes.22 However, one must keep in mind that the vilancico was not born as “apparatus music” conceived in function of the representation of absolute power. In its origins it was a secular genre of modest dimensions, present in the Renaissance songbooks together with cantigas and romances. Its transfer to the religious ritual coincided historically with the implementation of the Counter-Reformation and the focus on the spectacular dimension of liturgy as a means to captivate the faithful. In this process, the vilancico, written in vernacular with popular and theatrical features and portraying characters of several social hierarchies, some of them representing the overseas colonies and identified by their languages, had a key role. Pretexts of a spiritual order and metaphors alluding to divine and secular love or the struggle between good and evil were added to the most diverse secular themes.

  • 23 On the place of villancicos within the structure of the main liturgical ceremonies of the Portugue (...)
  • 24 Morillo 2018, vol. I, p. 203. Due to the Spanish influence, reminiscences of this practice can als (...)

12A genre exclusive to the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America, it was used in almost all cathedrals and important convents, in addition to the Royal Chapels. While still the Duke of Braganza, the future king John IV incorporated into the ceremonies of the Vila Viçosa Chapel a series of five to ten vilancicos in the Matins – alternating with the Lessons and the Responsories of each of the three Nocturns – and one in the Christmas mass, at the time of Elevation. This practice was maintained after the Restoration and extended to new festivities in the Lisbon Royal Chapel, namely Epiphany (since 1646) and the Immaculate Conception (since 1652).23 In the Spanish Royal Chapel, the villancicos were also performed in the Matins and Mass of the main feasts, but there were variants that have to do with the specific devotions of each kingdom and different levels in terms of solemnity. For instance, once Our Lady of Conception was the patroness of Portugal, her feast was considered to be in the first class in the Lisbon Royal Chapel, while in Spain was only elevated to this rank in the second half of the 18th century.24

13The partial catalogue of the musical library of King John IV (1649) mentions 2351 vilancicos by several authors, and many others continued to be composed in the following years. The scores circulated in manuscript form, but the printing of the texts was common, especially when they were tied to instances of power. In addition to their key themes, vilancicos’ librettos served as a guide to follow the ceremony, as in a theatrical performance, and contributed at the same time to perpetuate the court’s splendor in collective memory.

14The regular publication of booklets with the vilancicos sung in the Royal Chapel between 1640 and 1716, represented in the collections held in the national libraries of Portugal and Rio de Janeiro, constitute one of the most visible and constant signs of affirmation and legitimation of sovereignty (fig. 1, 2). Even so, they did not form a fixed corpus of repertoire, since new compositions were created for almost of the feasts.

Fig. 1 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muy Alto e muy poderoso Rey D. João o IV. N. S. Nas matinas da festa da Immaculada Conceição, Lisboa, Domingos Lopes Rosa, 1654. BNP, RES. 189/25 P.

Fig. 1 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muy Alto e muy poderoso Rey D. João o IV. N. S. Nas matinas da festa da Immaculada Conceição, Lisboa, Domingos Lopes Rosa, 1654. BNP, RES. 189/25 P.

Fig. 2 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muito Alto e muito Poderoso Príncipe D. Pedro Nosso Senhor nas Matinas da Noite dos Reys, [Lisboa], Antonio Craesbeeck, 1671. BNP, RES. 191/8 P.

Fig. 2 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muito Alto e muito Poderoso Príncipe D. Pedro Nosso Senhor nas Matinas da Noite dos Reys, [Lisboa], Antonio Craesbeeck, 1671. BNP, RES. 191/8 P.
  • 25 Lopes 2012, p. 281.
  • 26 Lopes 2007, p. 211-213; Lopes 2006, p. 170-174.

15The Restoration did not break from the use of Castilian as a cultured language, so it continued to be dominant in the vilancicos. It is misleading to think that the use of Portuguese language was a strategy of affirmation after 1640, since it is presented in a small part the repertoire. Linguistic autonomization was gradual and took place later on.25 Still, it is possible to find some texts that reflect the sense of national identity and rivalry in the context of the wars of independence; for instance, “Vilão roin castellano tirai lá/não sois vós mi igual” (“Castilian bad villain get out there/you are not my equal”) was sung in Christmas celebrations, in 1646. Despite an other few examples, this kind of reference can hardly be seen as a primary subject within the whole corpus. In other cases the texts allude to royal figures – “Entrou a nossa Rainha/pela barra de Belém” (Epiphany, 1688); “Nobles cortesanos/ pues al Rey buscais” (Christmas of 1655, repeated in 1657, 1699 and 1707) – or identify the Baby Jesus as a member of the royal family, naming him the “Infante”, “Prince”, “King” (“Dame Niño la mano/damela acá mi Rey”, Christmas, 1658) or even “higher Monarch”, as in several Vilancicos intended for Epiphany.26

  • 27 Modern edition in Stevenson 1976. The volume contains also vilancicos by Manuel Correa, Pedro de C (...)

16Examples such as the vilancico Ostende aplausos festivos (1661), composed by Fr. Filipe da Madre de Deus to celebrate Afonso VI’s anniversary,27 point to its use in the context of dynastic events. The text, by Soror Violante do Céu (1602-1693), compares the young king to two figures of Antiquity, Alexandre and Adonis: “Alfonso, por lo pródigo Alexandro,/Por lo Catolico, Alfonso [...] Viva el Adonis gallardo”[...]. At the same time, it underlines the divine association with royal power: “Canten sus años pues se há en Rey tan alto/Muchos siglos de divino” (“Sing his birthday because the King is so high / Many centuries of divine”).

  • 28 As part of the project coordinated by Álvaro Torrente (Universidad Complutense de Madrid): Catálog (...)
  • 29 According to Lopes (2012, p. 282-283), until 2013 only 64 musical concordances were found, which c (...)

17The major part of vilancicos’ scores performed in the Royal Chapel was unfortunately lost, but the laborious work of matching texts and musical sources dispersed over archives and libraries in Europe and Latin America28 has allowed the reconstruction of a small percentage of these works.29 Among the group of oldest identified composers, one finds the Portuguese Fr. Francisco de Santiago (c.1590-1644) and composers with ties to The Royal Chapel of Madrid and other Spanish institutions, such as the Flemish Mathieu Rosmarin, Gery de Ghersem and Philippe Rogier, and the Spaniards Gabriel Díaz Besson and Carlos Patiño. The formal plan of these works corresponds in general to the alternation between refrains and a series of coplas with a distinct melody, a form inherited from the vilancico of the secular songbooks. Sometimes the repetition of the refrain is merely its last part (responsão) and presupposes a larger number of voices. Portuguese villancicos are part of a general Iberian model, with shared codes. However, as one would expect, texts refer more often to characters and linguistic variants related to Portugal and its colonies (especially the so called “negro” villancicos), while in Spain a parallel process occurs with regard to their geographical domains.

  • 30 Modern editions in Alegria 1985.

18After the death of King John IV, the majority of composers were attached to the Royal Chapel, with António Marques Lésbio being the most represented after the middle 1670’s.30 Most of the pieces were for voices (4, 5, 6, 8 and sometimes 12 voices) and instrumental bass, with its realization at times being split among several instruments. Some pieces include a part (guião) for harp, others for two violins and sporadically wind instruments (generally clarines as illustrated by their mention in the texts). However, only a small percentage of vilancicos contain obbligato instrumental parts.

19By the end of the 17th century, the vilancico started to incorporate baroque elements, namely more concertato contrasts between solo and tutti and solo coplas alternating with choral refrains. In later works (sometimes named Tono Humano) there are sections with features similar to those of Italian cantatas, such as recitatives and arias, and an introductory symphony is mentioned in some cases. Unfortunately, only the librettos survived. The corresponding music, by composers such as Francisco Coutinho, Francisco Costa e Silva, Estevão Ribeiro Francês, André da Costa, Fr. Antão de Santo Elias, Fr. Manuel dos Santos or João da Silva Morais, has been lost.

The Te Deum and the Latin repertoire

  • 31 See Carreras – Fenlon 2013.
  • 32 Modern edition in Alegria 1982.

20Despite the importance of vilancicos in the Royal Chapel ceremonies, research on the emergence of religious music of state, or “apparatus” music, in Portugal must also consider the repertoire in Latin, especially polychoral works, a domain with a strong tradition in the Iberian Peninsula, as well as in Rome and other Italian cities.31 Works such as the collection Psalmi tum Vesperarum, tum Completorii. Item Magnificat, Lamentationes, Miserere, by João Lourenço Rebelo (1610-1661),32 could easily be part of an esthetic of representation of royal power, given their sonorous exuberance. Published in Rome in 1657, at the expense of the Restoration king, at a time when the Papacy refused to recognize the independence of the kingdom of Portugal, they can also be seen as a form of affirmation of royal power through the arts. They present an opulent writing for several choruses and obbligato instruments up to a total of seventeen parts, with features close to Venetian polychoral style, with its “cori spezzati” and concertato effects. However, Rebelo, a favorite and protected composer of John IV, to whom he dedicated his treatise Defensa de la música moderna (1650), was an exceptional case. Having insider access to the king’s music library, he had the possibility to make contact with recent musical tendencies from different countries. Thus, his style is closer to that of northern Italian composers and his works differ from the more usual trends of polychoral music written in Portugal at the time and in the previous decades, which integrated baroque traces within the more compact texture of the stile antico of the Iberian mannerist tradition.

  • 33 See Nery 1984, p. 177-180, 190-191, 204-206, 213-214.

21Much of the music written by the Royal Chapel masters of the second half of the 17th century and by composers of the following generation has been lost. Nevertheless, documentary references demonstrate that they created a significant number of polychoral pieces for 8, 12 and even 16 voices, some with instruments (especially Masses, Motets, Psalms and Te Deum). Considering the close relation between the Te Deum and thanksgiving ceremonies linked to political and dynastic events, this is a key genre to consider in the symbolic construction of a religious essence of the political authority through music. Polychoral versions of the Te Deum are attributed in sources of the time to composers such as Marcos Pereira (d. 1655), João da Silva Morais (b. 1689), Francisco da Rocha (d. 1720) or Manuel dos Santos (d. 1737).33

  • 34 Lopes 2006, p. 18.

22The performance of vilancicos and chansonetas during the “extraordinary” ceremonies of the monarchy (baptisms, marriages, acclamations, military victories, etc.) did not exclude the performance of the traditional thanksgiving Te Deum. One of the first references to this double use (Te Deum/vilancico) occurs in the chronicles of the marriage of Duke of Braganza (future King John IV) with Luísa de Gusmão in Elvas, on January 12th 1633: “The Bishop ratified the matrimony and did the blessings accompanied by resounding musical chords [...]. After the mass, the Chapel sang the hymn Te Deum laudamus, and then several vilancicos composed for the coming of the Duchess.”34

  • 35 Relação do baptismo do Serenissimo Infante D. Afonso, Lisboa, Domingos Lopes Rosa, 1643, fol. 1-1v (...)
  • 36 Dance groups usually accompanied processions and solemn public entries in Lisbon and other cities (...)
  • 37 Oliveira 1882, p. 336-337.
  • 38 "Foram os cónegos entrando para a Igreja, em procissão, com Te Deum que cantava a Capela da mesma (...)

23When a new prince was born “the bishops and courtiers that were in the Palace descended to the chapel”, the altars were decorated in white and the Te Deum laudamus and a solemn mass was sung”, as occurred in 1643 when Afonso VI came into the world.35 On the occasion of his baptism (on September 13th), there is reference to singing chansonetas and the call of shawms and atabales (kettledrums) during the ceremony. The performance of a Te Deum in the Royal Chapel and of another in the cathedral of Lisbon, after a sumptuous procession accompanied by “dances and several instruments”,36 is also mentioned, linked respectively to the celebration of the marriage contract and the departure for England of Catarina of Braganza (daughter of John IV) in order to marry Charles II (1662).37 Regarding the arrival of Maria Francisca de Saboia in Lisbon in August 1666 (whose marriage to Afonso VI had taken place by procuration on June 27th in La Rochelle), the chronicles mention a Te Deum in the Jerónimos Monastery and another in the See, the latter followed by a vilancico as part of the public entry.38

  • 39 The marriage of Afonso VI with Maria Francisca de Saboia was annulled on March 24th, 1668, due to (...)
  • 40 See Gomes 2000, p. 51-73.
  • 41 Latino 2001, p. 104-106.

24Both this union, and the second marriage of Pedro II, with Maria Sofia Isabel of Neuburg in 1687,39 were commemorated with large festivities, that is public entries into the city, which involved the ornamentation of the urban space through ephemeral “apparatus” such as magnificent triumphal arches, bridges, platforms and pyrotechnical machines.40 Visually, these were described in great detail in several reports, often complemented by beautiful illustrations, but the chronicles say little regarding music. Testimonies are also vague about the eventual participation of musicians from the cathedral or from other churches in addition to the royal musicians. However, there is evidence of the hiring of musicians by the Senate of the City Council (Senado da Câmara) for public festivals and royal entries.41 The distribution of different stages of dynastic ceremonies (both weddings, funerals or others) by the Royal Chapel and by the cathedral is common to other cities, such as Naples and Palermo, as shown Angela Fiore and Ilaria Grippaudo’s studies. Splendid corteges and processions linked these and other key places of the royal and religious power on a route through the city, which also counting on the participation of municipal musicians at the service of the Senate, hired for specific occasions like in Lisbon or forming a stable ensemble like in Palermo.

25As the musical sources are unknown, it is not possible to verify whether the versions of the Te Deum mentioned in the chronicles were simple polyphonic vocal pieces (with a style close to that of Masses, Motets and Psalms and eventually alternating verses in plainchant) or whether they required more elaborate instrumental interventions with a musical rhetoric linked to power, for example wind instrumental fanfares, common to later works of the genre in the European scene.

  • 42 Martín Marcos 2019, p. 17.

26Only in the 18th century do we begin to have more available details. Thus, when Maria Anna of Austria, queen consort of John V, was received in the Royal Chapel in 1708, a Te Deum for three choruses by the organist and composer Fr. Manuel dos Santos (fl. 1737) was performed. The new reign had begun less than a year earlier, but a commitment to musical splendor was already clear. The external projection of the image of the Portuguese monarchy, drawing on art and music in the symbolic representation of power, is also evident in the funeral obsequies of Pedro II celebrated in Rome by order of John V. The ceremonies in the Chiesa di Sant’Antonio dei Portoghesi (on September 13th 1707), featuring a magnificent iconographic project by the architect Carlo Fontana and the performance of a Requiem by Pietro Paolo Bencini (c. 1670-1755), marked the beginning of a new era. The ephemeral display highlighted the imperial dimension of the monarchy inherited by Peter’s son through allegorical images that made reference to Portuguese overseas possessions in Europe, Africa, Asia and America, and thereby the Portuguese monarchy’s universal vocation as a global power.42

A replica of the Vatican in Lisbon: King John V and the elevation of the Royal Chapel to Patriarchal Church

  • 43 Nery 1991, p. 84-109.
  • 44 BGUC, Ms. nº 50, p. 49ss. The report was commissioned to Lázaro Leitão Aranha, secretary of the Ro (...)

27With the ascension of John V to the throne in 1707, a new chapter opened in the life of the Portuguese court. The financial prosperity following the exploration of gold mines in Brazil offered exceptional conditions to the new monarch to try to keep in step with the political, cultural and artistic models he considered more adequate to build his image of prestige and to pursue a new cycle of reopening to Europe. Considering the Portuguese context, where the Church had acquired an extraordinary weight since the Counter-Reformation and sociability had assumed preferentially ecclesiastical patterns, the king adopted the Papal Curia as a fundamental reference.43 This choice was part of a carefully prepared process, which involved the commission of a report on the history, styles and privileges of royal chapels,44 and an effort to restore the image of Portugal in Rome through an intense diplomatic policy. Among other goals, it was intended to regain for the kingdom of Portugal the parity of treatment by the Holy See in relation to the other major European Catholic powers – France, Spain and the Empire – as was the case before 1580.

  • 45 See Diez del Corral 2019, p. 1-10.
  • 46 Martín Marcos 2019, p. 24.

28The Roman Curia was considered by most European monarchs as a kind of “holy court”, where the ceremonial had the value of a supreme regulatory code. The influence of the pontifical liturgy was decisive from the 16th century on in the process of codifying the ceremonial and musical development of royal chapels, in which the Catholic sovereigns, like the Supreme Pontiff, ended up becoming the main actors of the rite. John V seems to have taken this trend even further. To his personal fascination with Rome and to the nostalgia of the European tour (Kavalierstour) that he idealized and could never concretize,45 should be added the symbolic significance of imperial connotations. John V’s kingdom encompassed the four parts of the World, so it comes as no surprise that he promoted Lisbon as a New Rome, thereby developing the image of the city that evolved during the 16th century, such as in these verses from Camões’s Lusíadas: “He saw the potent hosts of Heaven prepare / to make of Lisbon a new Rome”.46

  • 47 Through the bull Apostolatus ministerio (March 1st, 1710), Pope Clement XI erected the Royal Chape (...)
  • 48 Merveilleux 1738, vol. 2, p. 163.

29Thus, through skilful negotiations with the Roman Curia – in which the ambassadors André de Melo e Castro, Count of Galveias, and Rodrigo Anes de Sá Menezes, Marquis of Fontes, had a crucial role– the Royal Chapel of Lisbon was promoted to Collegiate in 1710 and to Metropolitan and Patriarchal Basilica in 1716,47 a category enjoyed by few churches in western Christendom (among them Rome, Alexandria, Venice and Jerusalem). To the Major Chaplain of the Royal House was conceded the title of Patriarch, who now occupied the top of the hierarchy of the Portuguese Church (having precedence over all the archbishops and bishops of the reign) and who attained the dignity of cardinal in 1737. The patriarch was authorized to use pontifical insignia such as the sedia gestatoria and flabella and had the right to consecrate the kings of Portugal. In the 1726 the Swiss naturalist Charles Merveilleux48 wrote that “the magnificence with which the Patriarch of Lisbon officiates surpasses the Pope on days of greatest solemnity”, which he could state “knowingly” as he had seen “one and the other officiate”. Several other foreign travelers made the same analogy.

  • 49 On the artistic relations between Rome and Lisbon see Rocca – Borghini 1995; Delaforce 2002; Diez (...)
  • 50 After the union of the two dioceses in 1740, the Patriarchal College was constituted by 24 Princip (...)
  • 51 See Curto 1993.
  • 52 Pimentel 2002, p. 100.

30The Royal Chapel, integrated into the Palace of Ribeira, was endowed with a huge artistic investment (including the commission of valuable Roman artworks and precious liturgical vessels)49, and successive works of expansion took place in order to accommodate an ecclesiastical court that by mid-18th century numbered more than 200 dignitaries, whose hierarchies followed those of the Papal Curia, and around 70 singers.50 The privileges of these ecclesiastical dignities generated several conflicts of precedence with the nobility and the ambassadors.51 Above this magnificent ensemble was the king, of whom the patriarch was ultimately the major chaplain. As António Filipe Pimentel pointed out, John V was the only Catholic prince to have a “pope” as chaplain.52

  • 53 Diario Sistino 138 (1718), fols. 51-53. See Rostirolla 1994.
  • 54 Letter to the ambassador André de Melo e Castro (21-09-1719). BNP, PBA 157, fols. 376v-377.
  • 55 Receipt relative to part of the payment in BA, Ms. 49-VI-29 (156), p. 129.

31The ceremonial of the Holy Patriarchal Church, as it was called at the time, was regulated according to the ritual and aesthetic orientations of the Pontifical Chapels, including the full copy of numerous liturgical manuals and Roman choir books. In 1718, cardinal Pietro Ottoboni (1667-1740), the famous music patron, vice-chancellor of the Holy Roman Church and protector of the “Collegio dei cantori della Cappella pontifícia”, gave a special order to copy from the archive of the Sistine Chapel all the material in plainchant and polyphony, from Christmas to Easter, for the king of Portugal.53 He also provided scores from his personal library before the Pope gave his authorization. To obtain this exceptional privilege, the ambassador Melo e Castro counted on the collaboration of the castrato Andrea Adami, secretary to cardinal Ottoboni, maestro of the Sistine Chapel and author of the famous Osservazioni per ben regolare il Coro della Cappella Pontifícia.54 A similar manual adapted to the Patriarchal Church was commissioned by John V from Adami55 but its whereabouts are not known. Roman musical repertoires became dominant, coexisting with older Portuguese pieces and new compositions, as we shall see later. Therefore, the vilancicos were suppressed in 1716, as they no longer had a place in an institution that aspired to be a replica of the Vatican.

  • 56 Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 90.
  • 57 Fernandes 2013.

32The hiring of high-level professionals from Italy and the commitment to train Portuguese clergy and musicians were two complementary measures towards giving form to this aesthetic and ceremonial model. News dated December 12th 1716, included in the Avvisi di Mantova, refers to 18 Portuguese boys sent by John V to the Holy City to study Roman chant. In this group were probably the “Giovani Portoghesi [...] già istruiti in detto canto in Roma” that the Roman prelate Gabrielle Cimballi directed in his first public presentation as master of ceremonies of the Lisbon Patriarchal Church in 1718, during the Pontifical Mass and the 40 Hours’ Devotion of the 1st Sunday of Advent.56 The training of Portuguese musicians in Rome extended over the next years, including some talented composers, namely João Rodrigues Esteves (c.1701-1752), António Teixeira (1707-1774) and Francisco António de Almeida (1703-1754), who had begun their studies in the Royal Patriarchal Seminary, the music school adjacent to the Royal Chapel instituted by the king in 1713.57

  • 58 Alvarenga 2008, p. 17-68.
  • 59 Fernandes 2012.
  • 60 Namely the soprano Antonio Natale, the altos Ambrosio de la Cueva e Viedna and Girolamo Bezzi, the (...)

33Moreover, as is well known, John V chose to hire composers who were at the service of the most prestigious Roman ecclesiastical institutions, in particular the master of the Cappella Giulia, Domenico Scarlatti (1685-1757), who arrived in Lisbon in 1719,58 and Giovanni Giorgi (?-1762), who had been the successor to Ottavio Pitoni as master of the Basilica of San Giovanni in Laterano and who entered the service of the Patriarchal in 1725.59 The same year as Scarlatti, nine Italian singers arrived in Lisbon, several of them from the Cappella Giulia,60 and in 1730 there were already 26 Italian singers employed by the court, a number that rose to 36 in 1733.

  • 61 Castro 1763, III, p. 189-192. The list recapitulates another payment sheet from 1747 (BNP, PBA 141 (...)

34A list of expenses with the Patriarchal Church from 1754 enumerates 444 people, among them 71 Italian and Portuguese singers (or 67 if we exclude the retired), four organists, a composer of “Italian Solfa” [Giovanni Giorgi], an organ tuner, a copyist and 29 chaplain singers responsible for the plainchant.61

  • 62 A description by Johann Gottfried Walther in his Musikalisches Lexicon (1732, p. 469) refers that (...)
  • 63 Doderer 2003.

35Formally, the Patriarchal Church employed only organists, like the Cappella Giulia. Other instrumentalists at the court service, who could perform in certain religious ceremonies as well, belonged to the Royal Band and to the Royal Chamber. This corresponds to the usual tripartite musical organization of most European courts. Indeed, King John V also invested in the renovation of all the musical departments of the court. The orchestra (with a crucial role in the serenades and operas promoted by the queen) was formed by instrumentalists of several nationalities, according to a report from 1728,62 and from the beginning of the 1720s the Royal Band employed a group of 24 German trumpeters and four timpanists, a number similar to that of the Gardes du Corps of Louis XIV.63 This ensemble coexisted with the most archaic group of wind and percussion instruments formed by the “old charamelas and atabales” which continued to play in ceremonies of strong symbolic meaning of royal power.

  • 64 Rostirolla 1994, p. 640-642. This was a peculiarity linked to Patriarchal Church in line with the (...)
  • 65 The position of Composer of the Royal Chamber and Master of Music of His Royal Highness persisted (...)
  • 66 João Rodrigues Esteves’ church music was studied and edited by Eugénio Amorim (2015).

36The organization of the Patriarchal also follows the practice of the Sistine Chapel in the attribution of the position of chapel master to a singer who would zealously manage the chorus and who did not necessarily have to be a composer64 – functions ensured by Father Francisco de Carvalho and afterwards by the Italian contralto Carlo Gianetti. The official position of Domenico Scarlatti was that of Composer of the court and Music Master of His Royal Highnesses.65 He accumulated these charges with that of Patriarchal Composer, a post that was occupied by Giovanni Giorgi and Rodrigues Esteves as well.66 Given the large number of ceremonies that demanded music, the Patriarchal organists also contributed to the institution’s repertoire, particularly José António Carlos Seixas and Francisco António de Almeida.

Ceremonial and musical repertoires: the remaking of Roman models

  • 67 See Maral 2002.

37A large part of court etiquette was processed depending on the liturgical year, even on occasions that were in the domain of the profane such as anniversaries and name days of the members of the royal family (Gala Days). In addition to the hand-kissing ceremony and the performance of serenatas or cantatas, a custom introduced in Lisbon by the queen Maria Anna of Austria, these included the attendance at the liturgical services of the Royal Chapel. The Daily Mass and the Major Hours of Divine Office of specific festive days, previously determined by statutes and normative texts, were also part of the monarchy’s ceremonial duties. These functions did not always have the same degree of solemnity. Thus, Mass, Vespers and Matins and other religious services in the Patriarchal could have the formal presence of the court, including nobles and ambassadors previously notified, or assume a less official character, with the attendance limited to the members of the Royal House and noblemen. In the first case, the King was installed on a richly adorned throne in the quadratura in the Major Chapel, while in the second he watched from the tribune. We can find here a parallel with the king’s place at the French Royal Chapel.67

  • 68 BNP, Res. D. 13 R.; BA, 54-XI-38, nos 17 e 17b. See Mandroux-França 1995.
  • 69 For a more detailed study on the relations between architectonic spaces, ceremonial and musical pr (...)

38At the same time, the model of the Pontifical Chapel stands out in the organization of the space reserved to the Patriarchal dignitaries and in the location of the musicians' gallery. The floorplans that represent the Patriarchal Church before the earthquake of 175568 show how the delimitation of the ritual space tried to emulate the configuration of the Sistine Chapel (with a quadratura for the “Principals” or high rank dignitaries in the major chapel as well as a throne for the patriarch) and of St. Peter's Basilica in the case of the nave of the church, where there was a baldachin and 12 benches for the chaplain singers. This spatial organization remains in the buildings occupied by the Patriarcal after the earthquake.69

  • 70 Castro 1763, III, p. 196-197; BA, 54-VIII-29, no. 169, Cerimonial usado quando o Cardeal Patriarca (...)

39The ceremonies with the public presence of the king upon the throne were called “Chapel functions” or “Patriarchal Chapels”.70 The type of intervention by the patriarch (as celebrant or merely in the audience) also determined changes in the ritual. Among the main functions with the presence of the monarch, were the Epiphany, Candlemas, Ash Wednesday, Palm Sunday, Holy Thursday, Good Friday, Corpus Christi, and the Feast of the Immaculate Conception. Each one required a meticulous ceremonial.

  • 71 “Na galeria se tocarão os Atabales Reaes debaixo da Tribuna Real, tocava um terno de Charamelas, o (...)

40The arrival of the sovereign was announced by the Royal Band, as can be seen in Diário da Capella Patriarchal Olissiponensis (1719) regarding the Vespers of Our Lady of the Assumption: “In the galleria the Royal Atabales [timpani] played; beneath the Royal Tribune was a Trio of shawms, which were Musicians: under the Maids’ Tribune, another trio of trumpets and the ancient atabales.71

  • 72 BA, 49-I-59.
  • 73 Alvarenga 2011, p. 184. This article includes as an Appendix, a list of the polyphonic repertory m (...)

41Through an important manuscript from the Ajuda Library (Lisbon) – Breve Rezume de tudo o que se canta em cantochão e canto de orgão pellos cantores na Santa Igreja Patriarchal [c.1722-24] –72 it is possible to have a quite clear idea of the repertoire of the Patriarchal Church at the beginning of the 1720’s. This included many works related to the Roman school by composers such as Palestrina, Allegri (including the famous Miserere), Francesco Grassi, Alessandro Melani, Agostino Steffani, Francesco Foggia, Alessandro Grandi, Virgilio Mazzochi, Girolamo Bezzi, Pitoni and Bencini, among others, as well as Portuguese such as Fr. Manuel dos Santos, Rodrigues Esteves and Francisco António de Almeida. Compositions in stile pieno predominated in relation to the more modern stile concertato, as well as pieces for eight voices.73 The same source also provides indications on performance practices and the sections sung in plainchant, polyphony (both “a capella” and “a capella reale”, that is, with organ), falsobordone or improvised counterpoint.

42Instead of the vilancicos that were sung in the Matins of Immaculate Conception, Christmas and Epiphany before 1716, the series of polyphonic and/or concertato Responsories in Latin became the musical core of the ceremony, with the ninth Responsory replaced by the Te Deum. In Christmas Masses, the vilancicos were replaced by Motets in Latin, as well as in the Masses of the other feasts. In the specific case of the Matins of Immaculate Conception and Christmas, the manuscript from the Ajuda Library informs that the Responsories and the Te Deum sung in the beginning of 1720s were by Domenico Scarlatti and that the Responsories for the Epiphany Matins were by Estevão Ribeiro Francês. While the series of Responsories were usually by the same composer, in the case of Vespers, each Psalm was often by a different composer. For instance, the following list corresponds to the Pentecost 2nd Vespers and the subsequent Masses:

VESPERS (Pentecost 2nd Vespers):
Dixit Dominus (a 8, i.e. for 8 voices) by Francesco Grassi;
Confitebor (a 8) by Baldassare Sartori;
Beatus vir (a 8) by Francesco Grassi;
Laudate pueri (a 8) by F. Grassi;
In exitu (a 5) by Alessandro Melani;
Hymn (a 4) by Palestrina;
Magnificat (a 8), by Agostino Steffani.

Mass of the 1st Octave of Pentecost (a 8) by Francisco António de Almeida
Sequence (a 8) by Fr. Manuel dos Santos
Motet Spiritus Sanctus (a 8), by D. Scarlatti.

Mass of the 2nd Octave (a 8) by João Rodrigues Esteves
Sequence (a 8) by André da Costa
Motet Aperuerunt Apostolis (a 8) by D. Scarlatti.

  • 74 Alvarenga 2011, p. 179-214.

43Roman models were not received in Portugal passively. Instead, they were part of a dynamic process of acculturation and adaptation, as demonstrated by Alvarenga74 through the study of a choir book prepared by the Patriarchal copyist Vicente Petroch Valentino in 1735 and 1736 for the Chapel of Vila Viçosa. This includes “modern” additions to 16th and 17th century pieces and some “recompositions”, with the intent of adjusting old works to the new conditions of performance and Roman esthetics.

  • 75 Morelli 2017, p. 105-106.

44As was pointed out by Arnaldo Morelli, the conservative musical practices of the Sistine Chapel were closely linked to the papal liturgical ceremonial, which was intended to remain ancient and apparently immutable.75 However, when the pontifical singers acted in the presence of the Pope in extra-liturgical contexts – such as the cantatas for Christmas Eve and banquets – they performed concertato pieces, including the use of the organ, basso continuo and instruments. The organ was also admitted in the Cappella Giulia and the basilicas of San Giovanni in Laterano and Santa Maria Maior. In the latter instrumental ensembles are also documented for the main festivities.

45Instead of following a single model, the Lisbon Patriarchal Church incorporated influences from different Pontifical Chapels and Basilicas. Indeed, aspects of the Sistine tradition were combined with pieces linked or similar to the repertoires of the Cappella Giulia and of the Basilica of San Giovanni in Laterano and other Roman churches. In “ordinary” ceremonies, the repertoires were usually for voices and organ/basso continuo, and could count on the bassoon, the cello or the double bass doubling the bass line. But in “extraordinary” ceremonies, mainly in dynastic events, the orchestra could be used.

  • 76 Cancellieri 1790, p. 219-220.
  • 77 Bassani 2012.
  • 78 As reported by the apostolic nuncio for 1726 (Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 107) and other years.

46Roman models were also put into practice in other Lisbon churches with royal patronage, such as the Church of São Roque, belonging to the Jesuits, where the traditional ceremony of thanksgiving on the last day of the year (Saint Sylvester) took place, with a solemn Te Deum “alla romana” at the expense of the patriarch and in the presence of the royal family, the diplomatic corps and other prestigious guests. In Rome, on December 31, following the Vespers of the Circumcision, the Holy Pontifical College also used to attend the thanksgiving Te Deum at Chiesa del Gesù,76 since the 17th century one of the leading venues in Rome for polychoral performances in large scale.77 During John V’s reign, the Church of São Roque was similarly converted into an emblematic site of polychoral music in the last day of the year, counting on the presence of the king in the “coreto sopra all’intrata della chiesa”,78 that is in a location similar to that of the tribune in Royal Chapel/Patriarchal Church.

  • 79 Cardoso 2019.
  • 80 The manuscript is preserved in Igreja do Loreto, Lisbon.

47Reports regarding the Te Deum of Saint Sylvester’s Day refer to several choirs of voices and instruments, with a disposition that presupposes acoustic spatialization. In 1718, a Te Deum “with four choirs and instruments” by Fr. Antão de Santo Elias was performed and in 1720 the Gazeta de Lisboa Ocidental mentions a “Te Deum with fifteen choirs, divided by five portable stages (coretos)”, by Cristovão da Fonseca.” Some descriptions testify the performance practice of alternating verses of the text in plainchant with polyphonic or concertato sections. A particular feature of the so called “Grand Te Deum” for Saint Sylvester’s Day was its macro-form: the Te Deum was preceded by a Symphony and the hymn O salutaris hostia and followed by a Tantum ergo.79 From this repertoire, only the remarkable score by António Teixeira, from 1734, survives. It is set for eight soloists (SSAATTBB), five four-part choirs (20 voices) and orchestra.80 Other versions, mentioned in chronicles of the time, such as the Te Deum for four choirs by Carlos Seixas, D. Scarlatti and Rodrigues Esteves and the Te Deum “for eight choirs” (1722) by Francisco Coutinho, are lost.

48In addition to the Te Deum of 31st December, the king and the royal family also attended festivities related to the Jesuit saints (S. Ignatius and S. Francis Xavier) at the same Church of São Roque, counting on the participation of the Patriarchal singers and other court musicians. The apostolic nuncio’s correspondence and the Gazeta de Lisboa also refer to the presence of musicians from the Royal Chapel or the Patriarchal (the two designations appear to have been used interchangeably in letters of the former) in several churches of Lisbon, almost always in connection with the presence of the king or the queen and the celebration of the respective patron saints. That is the case of the churches of Padres Agostinhos da Graça, São Vicente de Fora, Santo António, São Julião, Santa Madalena, Mártires and the Jerónimos monastery, among others, as well as the convents of Necessidades and São João Nepomuceno, the last benefiting from the queen’s patronage and having once belonged to the German friars. Austrian pietas can also be recognized in other devotions of the queen consort, Maria Anna of Habsburg, reported in the Gazeta de Lisboa and other sources.

  • 81 Regarding France see Éléonore Alquier’s article in this volume. On music in the Gazeta de Lisboa s (...)

49As in France and Naples, the Gazeta de Lisboa was a communication body at the service of the monarchy and the construction of its image,81 but with regard to music, the reports are very vague, providing neither the number of musicians nor the authorship of the music. They testify, however, how the Royal and Patriarchal Chapel was the nucleus of a much wider network around sacred music and royal power, which involved several churches and convents, a model with several points in common with other European cities, such as Naples and Palermo, and also the French case, especially before the reign of Louis XIV.

50The musicians themselves also contributed to the ramifications of that network. For instance, the Italian singers from the Patriarchal often asked for permission to sing in the Church of Loreto, of the Italian nation, and the Church of Santa Justa (headquarters of the Brotherhood of Santa Cecília) was another important venue in this circuit, as well as the Church of the Religious of São Caetano, or Teatinos, where the tenor Giovanni Mossi, one of the first singers hired for the Patriarchal, was chapel master in the 1730s. Besides, some composers and organists from the Patriarchal Chapel were teachers at the Royal Patriarchal Seminar of Music, with headquarters in the Convento de São Francisco until 1741 (date when it was destroyed by fire) and after in a building next to the royal palace.

Fig. 3 – Main churches and convents with royal patronage and/or the participation of royal musicians in specific religious ceremonies along the year. Some places mentioned in the text (such as the Mosteiro dos Jerónimos and the Convento das Necessidades) are not included because they are outside the area covered by the map. Additional captions: 35 – Igreja de São Roque; 36 – Igreja dos Religiosos da Divina Providência (Teatinos); 37 – Igreja de Santa Justa. Image source: Olisipo – Lisabona, engraving. Leiden, Pierre Vander Aa, 1729. BNP, C.C. 1760 A.

Fig. 3 – Main churches and convents with royal patronage and/or the participation of royal musicians in specific religious ceremonies along the year. Some places mentioned in the text (such as the Mosteiro dos Jerónimos and the Convento das Necessidades) are not included because they are outside the area covered by the map. Additional captions: 35 – Igreja de São Roque; 36 – Igreja dos Religiosos da Divina Providência (Teatinos); 37 – Igreja de Santa Justa. Image source: Olisipo – Lisabona, engraving. Leiden, Pierre Vander Aa, 1729. BNP, C.C. 1760 A.
  • 82 Prado 1751.

51A special mention should be made to the most grandiose architectural work of the reign of John V: the monumental complex of Mafra (located about 35 km from Lisbon), which comprise a royal palace, a basilica and a convent. Endowed with unique characteristics, of which the most evident regarding music is the set of six organs and the two carillons, it represents a paradigmatic example of the conception that John V had about the contribution of the arts in the staging of political and religious power and in which Roman topics were also fundamental. For the Consecration of the Basilica, in October 1730, the Franciscan monks of the new convent were previously instructed in the practices of the “Roman chant” and in the ceremonies by expert masters from the Patriarchal. An extensive report of the occasion, published years later, mentions the use of six organs in the Te Deum, the participation of 26 Italian singers, 22 other singers, of the Patriarchal entourage and the court.82 At that time they were used positive organs, three of which were brought from Rome (the six current organs started to be built only at the end of the 18th century).

  • 83 According to the letters from the apostolic núncio. See Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 113, 115-117.

52Musicians from the Patriarchal, including some singers and the composer Giovanni Giorgi, traveled to Mafra other times in the following years to teach the Roman chant practices to the friars and others were sent to other cathedrals of Portugal with a similar mission,83 which denotes the monarch's concern to impose a systematic model. However, we lack studies that demonstrate how effective this measure was and to what extent was put into practice.

Conclusion

  • 84 Ferreira 1945, p. 290-291.
  • 85 Diez del Corral 2017, p. 253-254.

53The deliberate choice of Roman models regarding ceremonial, the royal liturgy and musical repertoires by John V represents a clear demarcation from Iberian traditions, which the monarch saw as decadent – an opinion clearly expressed in the correspondence to his daughter Maria Barbara, the famous pupil of D. Scarlatti and queen of Spain.84 It also constitutes a stark contrast with the Spanish Royal Chapel where the French and Italian influences introduced during Philip V’s reign didn’t supplant Iberian traditions and vilancicos continued to be performed until the mid of the century. Despite being victorious in the War of Spanish Succession, Philip V lacks a consistent Roman representation in the beginning of his reign. The last years of the Pontificate of Clement XI (1700-1721) witness at the same time a long process to heal the damage of the war in the Spanish representation in Rome and the emergence of the artistic and musical patronage of the Portuguese diplomats as well as the shaping of an image of John V in Eternal City as a magnificent monarch, promoter of the Catholic faith and ruler of an empire.85

54Instead of an identity statement based on Portuguese or Iberian traditions or in an emblematic local genre of religious music, John V seems to aspire to universality within the Catholic world, trying to recreate in Lisbon “a new Rome”, that is an emulation of the Roman Curia, comprising its soundscape. Thus, he opted to invest in an overall program of apparatus, that passed through the creation of the Patriarchate, an ecclesiastical court within the court itself, led by a patriarch that was often compared to “a kind of Pope”, but who was after all the main chaplain of the king. The choice of Rome, considered a communis patria by Western Christianity, was also related to the ambition to regain his country’s parity with the most prestigious European Catholic powers, expressed in the concession of the title of “Sua Majestade Fidelissima” (“Most Faithful Majesty”) in 1748.

55The concretization of the Patriarchal project – an idea that has already been proposed during the reigns of John IV and Afonso VI by the expert in canon law, Sebastião César de Meneses, but was never achieved – encompassed a set of ritual and aesthetic standards and a range of musical repertoires that reflect the mosaic of the Papal chapels and basilicas but also some other churches of Rome and that in Lisbon found also correspondence in other religious spaces, beyond the Holy Patriarchal Church of the Royal Palace. Repertoires and performance practices were not a mere copy but were adapted, recreated and combined with other references in a cumulative process. By abandoning an inherited tradition and implementing a new one, even if borrowed, John V proved that the sovereign himself had the power to construct his own image and identity through music in correlation with religious and political aspects instead of following a fixed and predetermined program. Paradoxically, while cutting with the immediately previous model, he was giving voice to ancient aspirations of its ancestors.

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Bibliographie

Archives

AHPL = Arquivo Histórico do Patriarcado de Lisboa.

ANTT = Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo.

BA = Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisboa).

BGUC = Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra.

BNF = Bibliothèque nationale de France.

BNP = Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal.


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Alegria 1985 = J.A. Alegria (ed.), António Marques Lésbio (1639-1709). Vilancicos e Tonos, Lisboa, 1985 (Portugaliae Musica 46).

Cancellieri, 1790 = F. Cancelieri, Descrizione delle cappelle pontificie e cardinalizie di tutto l’anno, Rome, Luigi Perego Salvioni, 1790.

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Doderer 2003 = A constituição da Banda Real na Corte Joanina 1721-24, in Revista Portuguesa de Musicologia, 13, 2003, p. 7-34.

Doderer – Fernandes 1993 = G. Doderer, C.R. Fernandes, A Música na Sociedade Joanina nos relatórios da Nunciatura Apostólica em Lisboa 1706-1750, in Revista de Musicologia, 3, 1993, p. 69-146.

Fernandes 2010 = C. Fernandes, O sistema produtivo da Música Sacra em Portugal no final do Antigo Regime: a Capela Real e a Patriarcal entre 1750 e 1807, PhD dissertation, Universidade de Évora (Portugal), 2010.

Fernandes 2012 = C. Fernandes, “Il dotto e rispettabile Don Giovanni Giorgi”, illustre maestro e compositore nel panorama musicale portoghese del Settecento, in Rivista Italiana di Musicologia, 47, 2012, p. 157-203.

Fernandes 2013 = C. Fernandes, “Boa voz de tiple, sciencia de música e prendas de acompanhamento”. O Real Seminário da Patriarcal (1713-1834), Lisboa, 2013.

Fernandes 2019 = C. Fernandes, Music, ceremonial and architectural spaces in the Patriarchal Church of King John V: the remaking of Roman models, in P. Diez del Corral Corredoira (ed.), Politics and the Arts in Lisbon and Rome. The Roman Dream of John V of Portugal, Liverpool, 2019 (Oxford University Studies in the Enlightenment), p. 125-161.

Gomes 2000 = A.C.C. Gomes, Alianças, Poder e Festas – os casamentos de D. Afonso VI e D. Pedro II, in A.C. Cardoso da Costa Gomes, A.P. Rebelo Correia, J. Carvalho Dias et al., Arte Efémera em Portugal, Lisboa, 2000, p. 51-73.

Latino 2001 = A. Latino, Instituições eventos e músicos: uma abordagem à música em Portugal no século XVII, PhD dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2001, 2 vols.

Lopes 2006 = R.C. Lopes, O vilancico na Capela Real portuguesa (1640-1716): o testemunho das fontes textuais, PhD dissertation, Universidade de Évora, 2006, 2 vols.

Lopes 2007 = R.C. Lopes, Religiosity, power and aspects of social representation in the villancicos of the Portuguese Royal Chapel, in T. Knighton, A. Torrente (ed.), Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 1450-1800. The villancico and related genres, Aldershot, 2007, p. 199-217.

Lopes 2012 = R.C. Lopes, O repertório de vilancicos da Capela Real portuguesa (1640-1716): vetores sociolinguísticos, implicações musicais e representação simbólica do poder régio, in Revista Brasileira de Música, 25-2, Jul./Dez. 2012, p. 282-283.

Machado 2017 = A.C.T. Machado, Representações musicais em Lisboa nos séculos XVIII e XIX na Gazeta de Lisboa, Master dissertation, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 2017.

Mandroux-França 1995 = M.T. Mandroux-França, La Patriarcale del Re Giovanni V di Portogallo, in S.V. Rocca, G. Borghini (ed.), Giovanni V di Portogallo (1707-1750) e la cultura romana, Roma, 1995, p. 81-111.

Maral 2002 = A. Maral, La Chapelle Royale de Versailles sous Louis XIV : cérémonial, liturgie et musique, Liège, 2002.

Martín Marcos 2019 = D. Martín Marcos, Beyond Policy: shaping the image of John V of Portugal in Rome, in P. Diez del Corral Corredoira (ed.), Politics and the Arts in Lisbon and Rome. The Roman Dream of John V of Portugal, Liverpool, 2019, p. 17–41. 

Morelli 2017 = A. Morelli, “La cour de Rome ne varie jamais”: Immutabilità apparente e simbolismo del potere nella prassi musicale della Cappella Pontificia, in Teatro della vista e dell’udito. La musica e i suoi luoghi nell’età moderna, Lucca, 2017, p. 99-113.

Morillo 2018 = L.L. Morillo, Les Bourbons sacrés: música sacra y liturgia de Estado en las cortes de Roma, Madrid y Versalles (1745-1789), PhD dissertation, Sorbonne Université/Universidad de La Rioja, 2018.

Nery 1984 = R.V. Nery, A música no ciclo da Bibliotheca Lusitana, Lisboa, 1984.

Nery 1990 = R.V. Nery, The Music Manuscripts in the Library of King D. João IV of Portugal (1604-1656): A Study of Iberian Music Repertoire in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, PhD. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, EUA, 1990.

Nery 1998 = R.V. Nery, Teatro Eclesiástico: A Liturgia Musical Barroca como Espectáculo, in M.G. Ventura (ed.), O Barroco e o Mundo Ibero-Atlântico, Lisboa, 1998, p. 103-116.

Nery – Castro 1991 = R.V. Nery, P.F. Castro, Sínteses da Cultura Portuguesa – História da Música, Lisboa, 1991.

Pimentel 2002 = A.F. Pimentel, Arquitectura e Poder: O Real Edifício de Mafra, Lisboa, 2002.

Rocca – Borghini 1995 = S.V. Rocca, G. Borghini (ed.), Giovanni V di Portogallo (1707-1750) e la cultura romana, Roma, 1995.

Rodríguez 2003 = P. Rodríguez, Música, poder y devoción. La Capilla Real de Carlos II (1665-1700), PhD dissertation, Universidad de Zaragoza, 2003.

Rodríguez 2007 = P.L. Rodríguez, The villancico as music of state in seventeenth-century Spain, in T. Knighton, A. Torrente (ed.), Devotional music in the Iberian World (1450-1800): the villancico and related genres, Aldershot, 2007, p. 189-198.

Rostirolla 1994 = G. Rostirolla, Alcune note storico-istituzionali sulla Cappella Pontificia, in Bernhard Janz (dir.) Studien zur Geschichte der Papstlichen Kapelle Collectanea II, Tagungsbericht Heidelberg 1989, Vatican City, 1994, p. 631-831.

Troni 2012 = J. Troni, A Casa Real Portuguesa ao tempo de D. Pedro II (1668-1706), PhD dissertation, Universidade de Lisboa, 2012.

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Notes

2 See Carreras 2005, p. 8-20.

3 Nery 1990; Brito 2011.

4 When King John IV died in 1656, the heir of the throne was only 13 years old, so the regency was ensured by queen Luísa de Gusmão. Afonso VI should have been acclaimed king in 1657 but he suffered from physical and mental incapacity. Luísa de Gusmão was regent until 1662, when a coup d’état promoted by a group of nobles placed the king on the throne. The Count of Castelo Melhor assumed leadership and put an end to the wars of independence. But the inability of Afonso VI to reign led Pedro to force his brother to renounce and to assume himself the regency after 1668.

5 Theatro Ecclesiastico is the title of a famous plainchant manual, by Fr. Domingos do Rosário that counted on 9 print editions between 1743 and 1817. The metaphorical title testifies that the theatricality of liturgy was clearly assumed by the religious authorities. See Nery 1998.

6 Despite some contributions (mainly Latino 2001; Lopes 2006), knowledge about musical practices in the Lisbon Royal Chapel during the 17th century is still very incomplete.

7 Martín Marcos 2019.

8 Troni 2012, p. 625.

9 For instance the codex Origem da Capela Real, BNP, Cód. 11103, fol. 13-13v.

10 Regimento para a Capela Real, que fez o Senhor Rei D. João 4º, ANTT, Colecção São Vicente, vol. 23.

11 Manuscript copy from the 18th century at BNP, Cód. 10981.

12 For a description of the ceremonial features see Castro 1763, III, p. 175-181.

13 A. Latino (2001, p. 81) identified the name of 240 musicians that served the Royal Chapel between 1580 and 1706. Among them, 156 were singers or instrumentalists of the Royal Chapel, 27 were chamber musicians and 71 were part of the minstrels.

14 Leti 1685, p. 542.

15 Filipe da Madre de Deus left Portugal, to work in Seville, after his patron was deposed in 1668. Afonso VI’s interest for music can be deduced from his request of “10 or 12 choirboys”, including “some who know how to play several instruments” and someone who “knew how to play harp” for his Chapel, when he was exiled in Terceira Island (Azores). BNF, Fond Portugais, Cód. 25, fl. 14-17v. See Troni 2012, p. 231.

16 Nominated “Master of chamber musicians” with an annual wage of 45 thousand réis in 1668. License in ANTT, Matrículas, Livro 3, fol. 22.

17 Nery 1990; Brito 2011.

18 Primeira parte do Index da Livraria de Mvsica do muyto alto, e poderoso Rey Dom Ioão o IV, Lisboa, Paulo Craesbeeck, 1649. Facsimile published by Ribeiro (1967).

19 This is particularly evident in the treatises of the king’s authorship Defensa de la Musica moderna contra la errada opinión del Obispo Cyrilo Franco (Lisboa, ca. 1650) and Respuestas que se pusieron a la Missa Panis quem ego dado del Palestrina (Roma, 1655).

20 Nery 1990, passim.

21 Rodríguez 2007, p. 189.

22 Lopes 2007, p. 199-217.

23 On the place of villancicos within the structure of the main liturgical ceremonies of the Portuguese Royal Chapel see Lopes 2006, p. 97-108. Regarding the Spanish Royal Chapel see Rodríguez 2003; Morillo 2018.

24 Morillo 2018, vol. I, p. 203. Due to the Spanish influence, reminiscences of this practice can also be found in the Palatine Chapel of Palermo, precisely at the Immaculate Conception celebration, in which Spanish musical pieces were performed. Like in the Iberian Peninsula, some texts were printed as is the case of Letras que se cantan en la Capilla Real de Palermo (1652). See Ilaria Grippaudo’s article in this volume.

25 Lopes 2012, p. 281.

26 Lopes 2007, p. 211-213; Lopes 2006, p. 170-174.

27 Modern edition in Stevenson 1976. The volume contains also vilancicos by Manuel Correa, Pedro de Cristo, Gaspar Fernandes, Marques Lésbio, Filipe da Madre de Deus, Francisco Martins, Pedro Vaz Rego, Gonçalo Mendes de Saldanha, Francisco de Santiago, Manuel dos Santos and anonymous.

28 As part of the project coordinated by Álvaro Torrente (Universidad Complutense de Madrid): Catálogo Descriptivo de Pliegos de Villancicos.

29 According to Lopes (2012, p. 282-283), until 2013 only 64 musical concordances were found, which correspond to 3,83 % of the vilancicos sung in the Royal Chapels of Lisbon and Vila Viçosa.

30 Modern editions in Alegria 1985.

31 See Carreras – Fenlon 2013.

32 Modern edition in Alegria 1982.

33 See Nery 1984, p. 177-180, 190-191, 204-206, 213-214.

34 Lopes 2006, p. 18.

35 Relação do baptismo do Serenissimo Infante D. Afonso, Lisboa, Domingos Lopes Rosa, 1643, fol. 1-1v. Apud Latino 2001, p. 141.

36 Dance groups usually accompanied processions and solemn public entries in Lisbon and other cities of Portugal during the 16th and 17th centuries, including the Corpus Christi procession. This practice was abolished in the reign of John V.

37 Oliveira 1882, p. 336-337.

38 "Foram os cónegos entrando para a Igreja, em procissão, com Te Deum que cantava a Capela da mesma Sé, e as pessoas reais acompanhando o Santo Lenho. [...] Na Capela Maior, sem cortina nem setial, em razão da pouca demora que haveria, fizeram Suas Majestades e o senhor infante oração só sobre almofadas em alcatifa, enquanto se acabava o Te Deum; e disse o deão André Furtado as orações e se cantou um vilhancico" [...] [No regresso ao Palácio Real foram recebidos] "ao som de trombetas, charamelas e atabales, que estavam na varanda." Translation: “The clerics entered the Church, in procession, with the Te Deum sung in the chapel of the same See, and the royal persons accompanied the Cross of Christ. […] In the Major Chapel, without curtain or footrest, given the short time, His Majesties and the lord prince prayed only upon carpet pillows, while the Te Deum ended; and the dean André Furtado said the prayers and a vilhancico was sung” […] [On returning to the Royal Palace they were received] “with the sound of trumpets, shawms, and atabales [kettledrums], that were on the varanda.” Pinheiro 1971, p. 61-62.

39 The marriage of Afonso VI with Maria Francisca de Saboia was annulled on March 24th, 1668, due to the inability of the king to ensure descendants. Ten days after, the infante Pedro married his sister in law in a discrete ceremony, given the scandal involved.

40 See Gomes 2000, p. 51-73.

41 Latino 2001, p. 104-106.

42 Martín Marcos 2019, p. 17.

43 Nery 1991, p. 84-109.

44 BGUC, Ms. nº 50, p. 49ss. The report was commissioned to Lázaro Leitão Aranha, secretary of the Roman embassy of the Marquis of Fontes and future high dignitary (Principal) of the Patriarchal.

45 See Diez del Corral 2019, p. 1-10.

46 Martín Marcos 2019, p. 24.

47 Through the bull Apostolatus ministerio (March 1st, 1710), Pope Clement XI erected the Royal Chapel in Collegiate of Saint Tomas and by the golden bull In Supremo Apostolatus solio (November 7th, 1716) it was promoted to Metropolitan and Patriarchal Church, with the invocation of Our Lady of the Assumption. On that occasion, the metropolis of Lisbon was divided into two dioceses, with the so-called Eastern Archiepiscopal to the east (the actual See), which continued to belong to the metropolitan archbishop; and the Western Patriarchate, under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch (D. Tomás de Almeida). After December 13th 1739, with the bull Salvatoris nostri Mater, by Pope Benedict XIV, the diocese of Eastern Lisbon was incorporated into the Patriarchate. The Eastern See was therefore extinguished and designated Basilica of Santa Maria. Additional information in Fernandes 2010, p. 3-4.

48 Merveilleux 1738, vol. 2, p. 163.

49 On the artistic relations between Rome and Lisbon see Rocca – Borghini 1995; Delaforce 2002; Diez del Corral Corredoira 2019.

50 After the union of the two dioceses in 1740, the Patriarchal College was constituted by 24 Principals (dignitaries of first rate); 72 Monsignors (divided in several hierarchies: Presbyters, Protonotaries, Subdeacons and Acolytes); 20 Canons; 12 Beneficiaries (of 1st rate); 32 Beneficiaries (2nd rate); 32 Beneficiary Clergies, and other Ministers. The Principals, with cardinal habit, wore violet and scarlet, in the fashion of the papal chamberlain, and the Monsignors of prelate habit wore purple garments, having right to the miter. Castro 1763, p. 185-192.

51 See Curto 1993.

52 Pimentel 2002, p. 100.

53 Diario Sistino 138 (1718), fols. 51-53. See Rostirolla 1994.

54 Letter to the ambassador André de Melo e Castro (21-09-1719). BNP, PBA 157, fols. 376v-377.

55 Receipt relative to part of the payment in BA, Ms. 49-VI-29 (156), p. 129.

56 Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 90.

57 Fernandes 2013.

58 Alvarenga 2008, p. 17-68.

59 Fernandes 2012.

60 Namely the soprano Antonio Natale, the altos Ambrosio de la Cueva e Viedna and Girolamo Bezzi, the tenor Gaetano Mossi and the basses Anzano Bernini and Giuseppe Coccuccioni. The soprano castrato Floriano Flori was also hired. See Alvarenga 2008, p. 37.

61 Castro 1763, III, p. 189-192. The list recapitulates another payment sheet from 1747 (BNP, PBA 141).

62 A description by Johann Gottfried Walther in his Musikalisches Lexicon (1732, p. 469) refers that the court orchestra in 1728 included 7 violinists (two of which could play oboe), 2 violists, 2 cellists and a double bassist, all of them foreign (1 Genovese, 2 Florentine, 3 Roman, 1 French, 2 Bohemian, 3 Catalan and 1 Portuguese of German origin) in addition to the Portuguese organist Carlos Seixas.

63 Doderer 2003.

64 Rostirolla 1994, p. 640-642. This was a peculiarity linked to Patriarchal Church in line with the Cappella Pontificia, other Portuguese churches didn’t have to follow the same profile of chapel master.

65 The position of Composer of the Royal Chamber and Master of Music of His Royal Highness persisted throughout the 18th century (afterwards held by David Perez, João de Sousa Carvalho, Giuseppe Totti and Marcos Portugal).

66 João Rodrigues Esteves’ church music was studied and edited by Eugénio Amorim (2015).

67 See Maral 2002.

68 BNP, Res. D. 13 R.; BA, 54-XI-38, nos 17 e 17b. See Mandroux-França 1995.

69 For a more detailed study on the relations between architectonic spaces, ceremonial and musical practices see Fernandes 2019, p. 142-147. Plan with caption in p. 139.

70 Castro 1763, III, p. 196-197; BA, 54-VIII-29, no. 169, Cerimonial usado quando o Cardeal Patriarca vai à Patriarcal celebrar.

71 “Na galeria se tocarão os Atabales Reaes debaixo da Tribuna Real, tocava um terno de Charamelas, os quaes eram Muzicos: Debaixo da Tribuna das Criadas, outro terno de trombetas, e atabales dos antiquissimos”. Diário escripto em 1719 o qual se atribui ao Beneficiado Figueira, AHPL, s/cota, fol. 156v.

72 BA, 49-I-59.

73 Alvarenga 2011, p. 184. This article includes as an Appendix, a list of the polyphonic repertory mentioned in the Breve rezume, p. 195-198.

74 Alvarenga 2011, p. 179-214.

75 Morelli 2017, p. 105-106.

76 Cancellieri 1790, p. 219-220.

77 Bassani 2012.

78 As reported by the apostolic nuncio for 1726 (Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 107) and other years.

79 Cardoso 2019.

80 The manuscript is preserved in Igreja do Loreto, Lisbon.

81 Regarding France see Éléonore Alquier’s article in this volume. On music in the Gazeta de Lisboa see Machado 2017.

82 Prado 1751.

83 According to the letters from the apostolic núncio. See Doderer – Fernandes 1993, p. 113, 115-117.

84 Ferreira 1945, p. 290-291.

85 Diez del Corral 2017, p. 253-254.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muy Alto e muy poderoso Rey D. João o IV. N. S. Nas matinas da festa da Immaculada Conceição, Lisboa, Domingos Lopes Rosa, 1654. BNP, RES. 189/25 P.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mefrim/docannexe/image/10920/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,5M
Titre Fig. 2 – Villancicos que se cantaram na Capella do muito Alto e muito Poderoso Príncipe D. Pedro Nosso Senhor nas Matinas da Noite dos Reys, [Lisboa], Antonio Craesbeeck, 1671. BNP, RES. 191/8 P.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mefrim/docannexe/image/10920/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,1M
Titre Fig. 3 – Main churches and convents with royal patronage and/or the participation of royal musicians in specific religious ceremonies along the year. Some places mentioned in the text (such as the Mosteiro dos Jerónimos and the Convento das Necessidades) are not included because they are outside the area covered by the map. Additional captions: 35 – Igreja de São Roque; 36 – Igreja dos Religiosos da Divina Providência (Teatinos); 37 – Igreja de Santa Justa. Image source: Olisipo – Lisabona, engraving. Leiden, Pierre Vander Aa, 1729. BNP, C.C. 1760 A.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/mefrim/docannexe/image/10920/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,3M
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Référence électronique

Cristina Fernandes, « Changing ceremonial and musical paradigms », Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Italie et Méditerranée modernes et contemporaines [En ligne], 133-2 | 2021, mis en ligne le 18 mars 2022, consulté le 01 juillet 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefrim/10920 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mefrim.10920

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Cristina Fernandes

INET-md, Universidade Nova de Lisboa - cristina.fernandes@fcsh.unl.pt

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