Navigation – Plan du site
Varia

The Stuart-Sobieska opera patronage in Rome

Stylistic trends, music, singers and musicians (1720-1730)
Diana Blichmann
p. 177-200

Résumé

The Italian exile of James III Stuart started in 1717 at the court of Urbino. In 1719, the Teatro Alibert opened in Rome and Stuart entered the Eternal City with his consort Maria Clementina Sobieska. These royal personalities became the protectors of the theater in 1720; they were appreciated by the Catholic Roman society and had close relations to some of the most important Roman noble families. This chapter examines the operatic performances organized for the royal couple on the basis of archival documents, librettos, and the music itself. The aim is to determine how the sojourn of Stuart at Urbino and Fano, where he first experienced Italian opera music, influenced the musical choices at the Teatro Alibert. The differences in the music styles of Francesco Gasparini, Nicola Porpora, and Leonardo Vinci are detailed. To determine the stylistic characterizations of the theater in the 1720s, various compositions of the two Neapolitan composers and their singers are evaluated and different musical trends explained.

Haut de page

Notes de l’auteur

This article continues from Blichmann 2018. It was prepared in the context of the research project “Promoting, Patronising and Practising the Arts in Roman Aristocratic Families (1644-1740). The Contribution of Roman Family Archives to the History of Performing Arts” (PerformArt). This project is funded by the European Research Council (ERC) in accordance with the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement No. 681415). The article by Giulia Anna Romana Veneziano “Da Napoli a Roma”: il Teatro Alibert come spazio performativo dinamico attraverso la produzione di Leonardo Vinci (1724-1730)” is part of this research in the Archive of Sovrano Militare Ordine di Malta (ASMOM). In Blichmann 2012 and 2018 the abbreviation I-Rasmom was used.

Texte intégral

  • 1 Visceglia 2002, p. 100. To further investigate Roman patronage and how it influenced the programmi (...)
  • 2 For examples of these personalized opera productions, see Blichmann 2018, p. 113-131.

1In the Baroque era, the cosmopolitan city of Rome —the European political-ecclesiastical centre par excellence in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries— witnessed an extraordinary explosion of artistic and cultural life through the sponsorship of prominent patrons. Music and art, commissioned by Roman, Italian and foreign aristocrats, became a strong means of projecting their power.1 These international presences made Rome an exceptional and sophisticated theater, which was reflected in many scenarios, notably in the cardinal courts, the courts of the ambassadors and the papal court. The Carnival became one occasion for extravagant aristocratic consumption. Among the various musical forms, opera seria was the most fashionable and accessible genre. The Teatro Alibert, firstly under the private management of Antonio d’Alibert (1717-1721) and then a society (1722-1730), reflected the Pope’s cultural and political position: he aimed to promote James Francis Edward Stuart, the ‘Old Pretender’ to the thrones of England and Ireland (as James III) and Scotland (as James VIII). Together with his well-known consort, Maria Clementina Sobieska, these royal figures were important personalities in early eighteenth-century European politics. Their arrival in Rome is to be considered an important event in the city in 1719. Between 1720 and 1730 they supported the activities of the Teatro Alibert. They also suggested some objectives for political propaganda, which had become a strong means of asserting the legal succession of the catholic Stuarts with the purpose of increasing their power. The dramatic and scenographic elements of these opera productions were personalized for the Stuart-Sobieska political enterprise, and the opera house management deliberately sought to support Stuart’s case as the rightful claimant to the British throne.2

  • 3 Archival documents related to the Teatro Alibert are preserved in the ASMOM. They include ledgers (...)
  • 4 Sobieska did not attend the performance of Valdemaro. She took refuge in the Convent of Santa Ceci (...)
  • 5 For more information concerning these representations, see Franchi 1997, for roles and interpreter (...)
  • 6 For more detail on Leonardo Vinci at the Teatro Alibert, see Veneziano in this volume.
  • 7 Corp 2011, p. 78-95 and Clark 2003.

2This chapter examines the operatic performances organized for the royal couple through the analysis of archival documents,3 librettos, and the music itself. The aim is to determine how the stay of Stuart at Urbino and Fano during 1717/1718, when he first experienced Italian opera music, influenced the musical choices at the Teatro Alibert from 1719. This will be achieved by reconstructing and discussing the composers, singers, and musicians involved in the performances dedicated to Stuart and Sobieska, in particular the representations they personally attended 4 (table 1).5 The differences in the music styles of Francesco Gasparini, Nicola Porpora, and Leonardo Vinci6 will be detailed. To determine the stylistic characterization of the theater in the 1720s the various compositions of two Neapolitan composers (Porpora and Vinci) and their singers will be evaluated and different musical trends will be explained. These aspects have not been discussed in depth previously.7

The protection of the Stuart-Sobieska couple by Clement XI Albani in Urbino and Rome

  • 8 For the location and difficult access to the theater, see Franchi 1997, p. xlix.
  • 9 For example, ASMOM, CT441 C (“Entrata et uscita”, 1722), Uscita, p. 59. For the importance of the (...)
  • 10 Giacomo d’Alibert, Count of Clignancourt and Beauregard, was born in 1626 in Orléans in France. Fr (...)
  • 11 The first was a tragic comedy in prose (Isdegarde). See De Angelis 1951, p. 133, and Franchi 1997, (...)
  • 12 After the 1719 Carnival season, Antonio d’Alibert incurred large debts due to work carried out in (...)
  • 13 Zeno 1718, p. 4, and Zeno – Pariati 1718, p. 3.
  • 14 This wedding is confirmed by several musical performances in Rome, Perugia and Ferrara. Cf. Anonim (...)

3The Teatro Alibert was situated near Piazza di Spagna,8 on the Pincian Hill in an area that was then called “Orti di Napoli”, near the Via Margutta in the Vicolo del Carciofolo.9 At the beginning of the eighteenth century, this Roman district was full of hotels and cafés that were frequented by cultured and wealthy foreign travelers. The theater was built in 1716 by Count Antonio d’Alibert, son of the French nobleman Giacomo d’Alibert,10 who was responsible for building the Teatro Tordinona. When the new theater opened in January 1717 it was still under construction due to insufficient financial resources.11 The opera season was inaugurated by Antonio d’Alibert during the Carnival season of 1718, with performances of two prestigious drammi per musica: Alessandro Severo and Sesotri, re d’Egitto. The librettos, written by Apostolo Zeno and Pietro Pariati, were set to music by Francesco Mancini and Francesco Gasparini, whilst the scenography was created by Francesco Sarti. In 1719, these drammi per musica were followed by Lucio Vero (Zeno/Gasparini) and Astianatte (Salvi/Gasparini), with stage sets by Francesco Galli Bibiena.12 While the 1718 productions were dedicated to various lords, ladies, patrons and favorites of the theater,13 those of 1719 were addressed to members of the Roman aristocracy: Lucio vero to Donna Teresa Borromei Albani and Astianatte to Donna Maria Isabella Cesi Ruspoli, Princess of Cerveteri. The dedicatees belonged to Roman noble families that supported the Stuart-Sobieska couple in Italy. Both were related to papal families: the first was the wife of Don Carlo Albani, Prince of Soriano, a member of a noble family in Rome and Urbino and the nephew of Pope Clement XI (born Giovanni Francesco Albani).14 The second dedicatee was the consort of Francesco Maria Marescotti, Prince Ruspoli; she was the daughter of Giuseppe Angelo Cesi, Duke of Acquasparta, and Giacinta Conti, who was related to Clement XI’s successor, Pope Innocent XIII (born Michelangelo Conti).

  • 15 Pantanella 1995, p. 307.
  • 16 Stuart first stayed at Pesaro from March 20 to May 22, 1717, then traveled to Rome (May 26 to July (...)
  • 17 His father, James II of England (1685-88), was forced to flee London on December 23, 1688, followin (...)
  • 18 Corp 2017.

4In fact, it appears that Alibert deliberately managed the theater to focus on pro-papal opera propaganda. Evidence for this hypothesis comes from the Carnival season of 1720, when dedications were made to two members of European royalty who were benefiting from the protection of Pope Clement XI: James Francis Edward Stuart and his wife Maria Clementina Sobieska. It is also significant that the theater opened in the very same year (1717) that Stuart was welcomed into Urbino by Don Carlo Albani, the Pope’s nephew.15 Thus, his arrival into the city, following short stays in Bologna (Palazzo Belloni) and Pesaro (Palazzo Davia),16 and after his exile in France,17 signaled the beginning of his permanent residency in Italy.18

  • 19 King Louis XIV and Pope Clement XI offered diplomatic and financial support to the Stuarts. The Po (...)
  • 20 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99. Regarding Stuart’s financial situation in Rome and his relatio (...)
  • 21 Corp 2003, p. 157-175: 174.
  • 22 In the city he also attended two oratories in 1718, San Romoaldo (Sartori 1990-1994, no. 20611) an (...)
  • 23 Corp 2003, p. 133-140: 137.
  • 24 Ibidem, p. 136, note 20 and p. 137.
  • 25 Corp 2000, p. 355 and Corp 2005b, p. 15.
  • 26 Corp (2000, p. 356) is assuming that La costanza in trionfo is a version of Antonio Vivaldi’s La c (...)
  • 27 No information about the singers in Lotti’s opera are given in Sartori 1990-1994, no. 18725 and 23 (...)
  • 28 “Due belle opere recitate da alcuni dei migliori cantanti italiani, con balli, in cui egli [il re] (...)

5Upon his father’s death on September 16, 1701, Louis XIV immediately recognized Stuart as the legitimate heir to the British throne. Clement XI also vehemently supported this claim, since the papal court had always followed the changing fortunes of the Stuarts.19 From Clement XI’s perspective, the Stuarts represented the best hope of restoring Catholicism and liberating the country from Anglican heresy. With Louis XIV’s death in 1715 and the subsequent nomination of Philippe II Duke of Orléans as regent, Stuart was denied formal recognition in France. In Italy, however, Clement XI offered him asylum in the Papal States, granting him his first Italian residence in Urbino and a monthly allowance of 12,000 scudi.20 The Pope, who was from Urbino, proposed the beautiful Palazzo Ducale to Stuart for his place of residence, which had been abandoned for a long time. Stuart arrived there in July 1717 and lived in the palace until his departure for Rome in the autumn of 1718.21 During the autumn of 1717 concerts were organized that were presumably arranged in one of the rooms of the King’s apartment or in the theater of the Palazzo Ducale. In October 1717 Stuart asked Don Carlo Albani to get permission from his uncle for opera representations during the next Carnival season. In particular, he wanted to bring the opera company from Pesaro to Urbino, but for unknown reasons the Pope declined his request. This did not mean that the King could not listen to Italian music: John Erskine, the Duke of Mar, arrived in Urbino in the second half of November 1717, immediately after the Duke began to organize concerts regularly, and in January the King attended concerts three times a week. Since the sovereign’s arrival in July 1717, one pasticcio and two operas were performed by the Accademia Pascolini at the theater in the Palazzo Ducale of Urbino.22 According to Corp, Stuart attended the first representations of L’Agrippa and La Griselda with the intermezzi Le forze di Ercole on February 20 and 21, 1718. The day after he departed for Fano where he resided until March 2, 1718.23 This journey had a logical motive. Meanwhile, in February 1718, the castrato-singer and virtuoso of the Duke of Mar, Paolo Mariani, went to Fano were he participated in the intermezzo’s of La costanza in trionfo. At the Teatro della Fortuna the Stuart courtiers who accompanied Mariani were overwhelmed by the quality of the opera performances.24 Consequently, Stuart also decided to travel to this city where his maternal grandmother, Laura Martinozzi, came from and where he had obtained the Palazzo Gabuccini as his residence. Stuart probably attended one pasticcio and two opera performances at the Teatro della Fortuna in Fano: the pasticcio was La fede ne’ tradimenti, with arias taken from Giovanni Maria Bononcini’s Il trionfo di Camilla (Londo 1709).25 The first opera was La costanza in trionfo (imprimatur December 23, 1717) with text by Francesco Silvani. The libretto mentions the singers of the intermezzi, Domenico Manzi and Paolo Mariani, but not the composer of the drama per musica.26 In this opera Stuart heard, for the first time, some of the singers that were engaged at the Roman Teatro Alibert a few years later: Raffaele Baldi, Giacomo Raggi, Luca Mengoni, and Giovanni Battista Perugini (cf. table 2). The second opera performance attended by Stuart was Il tradimento traditor di se stesso by Francesco Silvani and Antonio Lotti. The intermezzo of this opera was Il Pimpinone by Tommaso Albinoni where Perugini interpreted the Vespetta.27 Numerous documents mentioned by Corp testify to the success of the visit and the enthusiastic response of the King regarding the performances he attended. For instance, the Duke of Mar wrote that Stuart had become a great admirer of Italian music because he had attended operas recited by some of the most fascinating Italian singers.28

  • 29 Ibid.
  • 30 Tanenbaum – Talbot 2003, p. 38. According to these authors the visitor was the third Earl of Peter (...)
  • 31 Selfridge Field 2007, p. 327-336. For a precise discussion on the copies requested by the Duke of (...)
  • 32 Stuart personally attended a musical meeting in the Palazzo Ruspoli in Rome in June 1717, were he (...)
  • 33 Corp 2000, p. 356-357 and Corp 2005b, p. 15-17. These manuscripts are kept in the National Library (...)

6The ten-day stay in Fano had an important influence on the music at the Stuart court in Urbino until autumn 1718. Stuart decided to invite some of the singers to whom he had listened at the Teatro della Fortuna to Urbino. Only Pietro Sbaraglia and Carlo Cristini accepted his invitation, and he spent 335 lire to hire them for private performances at his court.29 Back in Urbino, Stuart not only attended the recitals of four singers who sang in the Alibert performances in the first half of the decade, but he continued to build up a library of music. This library contained thirty-six undated copied arias from Fano, opera copies requested from Rome, Venice, Bologna, and Milan, as well as many musical manuscripts brought to Urbino by John Erskine. The whole library included extracts from new operas; the Duke of Mar probably heard some of these during his journey to Urbino via Venice and Bologna, which he purchased en route. We know that “during the carnival season of 1717 an English visitor […] was in Venice […]. During his stay he visited a copying shop, where he purchased […] a selection of recent operatic arias: some from the current autumn-carnival season […]; some from the previous season”. He acquired arias “in Reggio Emilia during the spring fair (April-May) of 1717 […]” and another aria at “Turin, in carnival 1717 […]”.30 Based on the musical manuscripts in the Urbino Library, the Duke of Mar would have had the chance to attend various opera performances during autumn and the Carnival season in Venice, depending on the days he arrived and departed in 1717.31 Performances could have included: Giovanni Porta’s La costanza combattuta in amore (sorting date 1716-10-17, San Moisè) and L’Argippo (sorting date 1717-10-31; San Cassiano); Antonio Vivaldi’s Arsilda, regina di Ponto (sorting date 1716-10-27, Sant’Angelo), L’incoronazione di Dario (sorting date 1717-01-23, Sant’Angelo), Tieteberga (sorting date 1717-10-16, San Moisè) and Il vinto trionfante del vincitore (sorting date 1717-11-22; Sant’Angelo); Carlo Francesco Pollarolo’s L’Ariodante (sorting date 1716-11-14, San Giovanni Grisostomo) and L’Innocenza riconosciuta (sorting date 1717-10-27; Sant’Angelo); Antonio Lotti’s Alessandro severo (sorting date 1717-01-17; San Giovanni Grisostomo), as well as Tomaso Albinoni’s Eumene (sorting date 1717-11-13; San Giovanni Grisostomo). If the Duke stayed in Bologna over the autumn he could have heard La Merope by Giuseppe Maria Orlandini at the Teatro Formaliari. The other composers present in the library are Domenico Scarlatti, who was active in Rome at San Pietro in 1717/1718, Francesco Gasparini, also active in Rome and the composer of the music for Il Pirro and Il trace in catena (both in 1717 at the Teatro Capranica),32 Francesco Mancini, vice-maestro della cappella reale in Naples, and Nicola Porpora, active at the Conservatorio of S. Onofrio in the same city.33

  • 34 Rostirolla 1981.
  • 35 For music at the Stuart court, see Leech 2004. For the repertory at Saint-Germain, see Lionnet 199 (...)
  • 36 The Stuart-Sobieska couple would have heard the singers who recited in the operas performed after (...)

7The following points are of interest:
1. The Italian repertoire heard by Stuart at Urbino was essentially that of Venetian music (Vivaldi, Lotti, Albinoni, Pollarolo, and Porta) or music that was acclaimed as belonging to the Venetian style (Gasparini) at this time.34 Before 1717, in Stuart’s French exile in Saint-Germain, operas consisted exclusively of French music.35 As a result, the new library and the music in Urbino and Fano were very different from the musical inclinations of Stuart.
2. Only two of these composers were born and active in Naples (Mancini and Porpora); these composers encountered Stuart for the first time in Rome.
3. Only two of them were active at the Teatro Alibert immediately after Stuart’s arrival to Rome in 1719: the Venetian styled composer Gasparini and the Neapolitan Porpora.
4. While the Venetian composers had influenced Stuart’s stay at Urbino and the beginning of his time in Rome (1719-1720), the Neapolitans, first Porpora (1721-1723, 1727) and then Leonardo Vinci (1724-1730), had a pronounced impact on the musical tendencies in the theater due to their different musical styles (table 1).
5. Adding to the vocalists heard by Stuart at Fano in 1718, ten other virtuosos were engaged at the Teatro Alibert in the 1720s, singing in operas dedicated to Don Carlo Albani and Donna Teresa Borromei Albani. As stated above, this family was amongst the first Stuart-Sobieska protectors in Italy, and the singers listed in table 3 could have been recommended by the Albani family for the Alibert operas dedicated to the royal couple (table 2).36

  • 37 Unfortunately, I could not find archival documentation that definitively confirms this hypothesis.

8France’s lack of support for Stuart after 1715 seems to have influenced certain developments in Rome, notably the properties of Count Giacomo d’Alibert that became vacant following his death in 1713. His son Antonio had maintained close contact with artists and powerful aristocrats; he was fascinated by musical performances and had been directly involved in his father’s theater. In light of this, it seems likely that the construction of the new theater was planned with the Pope, so as to give an important political and cultural dimension to the “patrimonio paterno” (or papal heritage).37 The inauguration of this prestigious theater in the year Stuart arrived in Italy (1717) was certainly not accidental; in fact, it was a clear political strategy of the claimant to the British throne.

  • 38 See note 10.
  • 39 Roszkowska 1984.

9However, the fact that Stuart was unmarried when he arrived in Rome was deemed problematic by the Pope. In 1719, the Pope once again assisted Stuart with his negotiations, helping him to secure his marriage to Princess Maria Clementina Sobieska, the granddaughter of King John III Sobieski of Poland. Initially, Stuart greatly opposed this marriage, not at least because he had previously tried in vain to secure a marriage to one of the daughters of Emperor Charles VI (who was the maternal uncle of Maria Clementina). For Pope Clement XI, however, there were several reasons why Maria Clementina was the right choice. Above all, her brilliant and cultured grandmother, Marie-Casimire-Louise de La Grange d’Arquien, was one of the most extravagant patrons of art and music living in Rome, and she had been Giacomo d’Alibert’s patron since her arrival in 1699.38 The Palazzo Zuccari theater typically had an aristocratic and elegant audience, but after her departure to France in 1714 the theater became devoid of its usual performances by artists such as Carlo Sigismondo Capeci, Domenico Scarlatti, and Filippo Juvarra.39 In addition, the Teatro Tordinona had been demolished under Pope Innocent XII’s orders after Giacomo d’Alibert’s death, with effect that his son, Antonio, had inherited Giacomo’s centrally located home. As a result, the likelihood of a new ‘Alibert’ theater being constructed with associations to Stuart and a member of the Sobieska family became increasingly probable. The Pope’s plan to support the claimant to the British throne and ensure his marriage to Maria Clementina Sobieska thus served two purposes. Firstly, he was able to promote political propaganda for Stuart. Secondly, he was able to establish a new musical-cultural center, providing the impetus for Antonio d’Alibert to build a new theater that, in terms of patronage networks and family ties, functioned as the surrogate of both Count Alibert’s Teatro Tordinona and Marie-Casimire’s Palazzo Zuccari theater.

  • 40 Pantanella 1995, p. 307.
  • 41 The palace is still famous for its sumptuous interior decoration, particularly its imposing stairc (...)
  • 42 Markuszewska 2017, p. 166. For details on contact with Belloni, see Corp 2005a, p. 312-313. For th (...)
  • 43 The wedding is depicted in Agostino Masucci’s painting entitled Le nozze di Giacomo III Stuart re (...)
  • 44 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99.

10Stuart’s marriage to Maria Clementina was initially complicated by her uncle, Charles VI. He had abducted her in Italy and subsequently imprisoned her in Innsbruck Castle, in an attempt to appease King George I who feared that this union might produce Stuart heirs to the British throne.40 Following her escape from captivity, and to ensure her safety from further exploits, her marriage by proxy took place in Bologna, since Stuart was in Spain at that time. Stuart had fostered family ties with Eleonora Colonna in Bologna and the city had given him a favorable reception. There he knew Giovanni Angelo Belloni who managed his investments. Belloni was the third-born of a rich Lombard merchant family who had moved to Bologna, and he was a banker for Stuart’s mother, Maria Beatrice d’Este of Modena. It was in his Belloni Palace that Stuart received the Papal Legate: Cardinal Origo Curzio, the Papal Vice-Legate, Saverio Cavaniglio, the Archbishop of Bologna, Giacomo Boncompagni, and Don Carlo Albani.41 Stuart also waited here for Maria Clementina (from October 15 to November 9, 1718), while she remained in captivity in Innsbruck. Furthermore, it is likely that their marriage by proxy occurred here on May 9, 1719. 42 The wedding was celebrated by the Bishop of Montefiascone, Bonaventura Sebastiano Pompilio, on September 3, 1719, immediately following Stuart’s return from Spain in August.43 The Pope’s wedding gift to the newlywed couple was 100,000 scudi from Spanish ecclesiastical goods. In addition, he increased their fixed monthly allowance to 12,000 scudi, a sum which was also drawn from the chest of the Reverenda Camera Apostolica.44

  • 45 Pantanella 1995, p. 308.
  • 46 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99.
  • 47 Appendix 1 in Blichmann 2018.
  • 48 For details on the cultural activities of the Stuart-Sobieska couple in the Palazzo Muti and in Ro (...)
  • 49 Piperno 1981, p. 206.
  • 50 Maria Clementina was a close friend of Cardinal Niccolò Coscia. Cf. Valesio 1978, 756, 826. In 172 (...)
  • 51 For more detailed information on Stuart-Sobieska and Roman society cf. Corp 2011, p. 59-77.

11The new royal couple were duly received in Rome in October 1719, the city in which they would live their “golden exile”.45 Moreover, the Pope himself chose their Roman residence on Quirinal Hill,46 the Palazzo Muti Papazzurri, also known as Palazzo Balestra. This was another stroke of genius by Clement XI, and not an accidental choice, since Stuart was related to the Colonna family.47 Both Stuart and Eleonora Colonna (who was Sicinio Pepoli’s wife) were descendants of the two sisters of Cardinal Giulio Raimondo Mazzarino: James from Laura Margherita Martinozzi-Mazzarino and Eleonora from Geronima (Girolama) Mazzarino (who was also known as the mother of the seven Mazarinettes). As the son of Maria Beatrice d’Este of Modena, Stuart was also one of their nephews, that is of Laura Martinozzi, who was in turn the daughter of Laura Margherita Martinozzi-Mazzarino and the first-degree cousin of Maria Mancini (Girolama Mazzarino’s daughter and the wife of Prince Lorenzo Colonna). Thus, in the second generation, Maria Beatrice d’Este was the second-degree cousin of Marcantonio Colonna, whilst in the third generation, Stuart was the third-degree cousin of Eleonora Colonna Pepoli. The Palazzo Muti Papazzurri was situated opposite one of the most famous squares in Rome, Piazza SS. Apostoli. It was also in the same parish and immediate vicinity of the Palazzo Colonna, the historic seat of one of the oldest and most important Roman families. Due to the building’s ideal location, Stuart and Maria Clementina could immediately benefit from all the Roman festivities upon arriving into Rome, so actively participating in the social life of the city.48 Except the Colonna family, which included Fabrizio Colonna and his consort Catteriana Teresa Salviati (niece of his friend Alamanno Salviati, principal of Urbino), other noble families lived nearby the Palazzo Muti-Papazzurri on Via del Corso, including the Ruspoli and Gualterio families. At the Palazzo Ruspoli a prestigious musical meeting in honor of Stuart (“Conversatione del Rè”) was organized on June 30, 1717, as “a tribute to the taste of the Majesty of England”.49 Stuart had a particularly friendly relationship with Cardinal Filippo Antonio Gualterio (1660-1728), who was nominated Cardinal Protector of England, and with the other two cardinal protectors of his kingdoms, Giuseppe Sacripanti (1642-1727) and Giuseppe Renato Imperiali (1651-1738). This group of friends also included the protector of France and vice-chancellor Pietro Ottoboni (1667-1740), the Spanish ambassador Francesco Acquaviva (1665-1725), the secretary of state Fabrizio Paolucci (1651-1726), the camerlengo Annibale Albani (1682-1751) the Pope’s nephew, as well as Carlo Albani, the cardinal presbitero of San Crisogono Giulio Alberoni (1664-1752) and Livio de Carolis.50 Stuart associated with this group of noblemen because they supported the Jacobite cause. The princess of Piombino, Ippolita Boncompagni Ludovisi (1663-1733), was among the closest female friends of Stuart.51 Some of these Stuart-Sobieska family supporters attended the Teatro Alibert and are listed in the ledgers of the opera house (palchetti affitati).

The formal protection of the Teatro Alibert by the Stuart-Sobieska couple

  • 52 Piperno 1995, p. 806. For music on the Roman Stuart court, see Corp 2000 and Corp 2011.
  • 53 It is likely that he saw Lucio vero in the Teatro Alibert during the Carnival of 1719. Franchi 199 (...)
  • 54 For example ASMOM, CT441 C (“Entrata e uscita”, 1724), Uscita, p. 63: “Maestà del Rè Britanico, pr (...)
  • 55 ASMOM, CT441 A, p. 39; CT441 B, c. 60; CT441 C, p. 38 and CT421, c. 38. A letter from Sir William (...)
  • 56 Corp 2011, p. 82. Other English noblemen rented box 32 in the fourth tier on February 9, 1722. Box (...)
  • 57 For examples, see Blichmann 2018, p. 113-131.
  • 58 Villa 2010.
  • 59 The only poet who personally revised this drama was Metastasio. He was in Rome in 1726 and supervi (...)
  • 60 Blichmann 2012, p. 116-117. For Lucchini see note 68.
  • 61 Valesio, p. 620 and 626: “Domenica 13 [gennaio] […] Questa sera si è dato principio al dramma dell (...)
  • 62 Blichmann 2012, p. 31.
  • 63 “A un ‘grado zero’ della diffusione di un’opera, l’autore offre un manoscritto autografo al dedica (...)
  • 64 The dedicatees were confirmed by “Antonio d’Alibert” or “Gl’interessati (del teatro)”, “Gl’Accadem (...)
  • 65 When the dedicatee was the supporter of a composer, they could be involved in the stylistic choice (...)

12The protection of the Teatro Alibert by the Stuart-Sobieska couple ensured their integration into Roman society and their presence at theatrical and musical performances in Baroque Rome.52 From the outset of his near-lifelong stay in Rome, Stuart enjoyed operas in the Teatro Alibert.53 The Carnival season of 1720 was the first year in which the names of the two new theater patrons,54 James Stuart and Maria Clementina Sobieska, adorned the opera librettos performed in Antonio d’Alibert’s theater, which had been enlarged for this occasion by Francesco Galli Bibiena. Usually they rented boxes 3, 4 and 5 for 240 scudi/box in the third balcony of the theater for their permanent use.55 Furthermore, Stuart liked to have an apartment in addition to his three boxes and this was an important political statement. Foreign ambassadors were granted one box in honor of the one sovereign they represented, but Stuart’s three boxes were a tribute to the fact that he was the legitimate monarch of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland.56 No financial details emerge from the payment registers that can establish what the role of the theater “protectors” exactly consisted of. However, the papal protectors ensured that the Stuart-Sobieska couple were formally protected, and they aimed to propagate their political interests by supporting them as patrons to the operas.57 The first dramma per musica of the season was usually dedicated to Stuart and the second to Maria Clementina. In accordance with the hypothesis of Alessandra Villa, these dedications can be considered as the top of the iceberg regarding the relationship between the author and dedicatee, between the writer and patron, and in opera between the composer and patron. The dedication is therefore a remarkable document of the relations between intellectuals and power, and an explicit and codified investigation tool that must be interpreted according to its language and the conditions under which it was published.58 Fifteen librettos published for opera representations at the Teatro Alibert were revised dramas of old librettos (table 1). The authors, especially Zeno, Salvi and Silvani, were not present or in contact with the dedicatees.59 It was the impresario Antonio Alibert, and imaginative Don Carlo Albani, who choose the pre-existing librettos and arranged the texts according to the needs of Stuart and Maria Clementina. The operas Alessandro nell’Indie and Artaserse, and probably Farnace too, were dedicated to the couple who were present in the audience. Pietro Metastasio and Antonio Maria Lucchini, who were present during the first performances, wrote the operas ex novo.60 We do not know the nature of the relationships between the dedicatees and Metastasio, but we know that Stuart attended the rehearsal of Didone abbandonata on December 27, 1725, with one of his sons: “Giovedì 27 [dicembre] […] Questa sera si fece la prova della comedia in musica nel teatro d’Aribert, alla quale intervenne il re d’Inghilterra col principino, e si è allungato il palco nel fine con la nuova fabrica circa 40 palmi”.61 Metastasio was also a friend of the composers and singers engaged at the theater. In Naples, in the early 1720s, the poet worked together with Nicola Porpora, Domenico Gizzi, and Carlo Broschi Farinelli who were all engaged at the Teatro Alibert in the early 1720s. They could have arranged the first contract for Metastasio at the theater in 1726.62 According to a statement by Villa in the case of older librettos by the impresarios, the authors had to consult the dedicatees before the librettos were printed; thus, the text and its support were checked together.63 The opera performances can therefore be regarded as “gifts” offered by the theater64 to the dedicatees Stuart-Sobieska. Since Pope Clement XI and the Albani family were actively involved in the building of the Teatro Alibert and protecting the Stuart-Sobieska couple, they can also be considered as personalities who offered the performances as gifts.65

The stylistic trends at the Teatro Alibert (Teatro delle Dame)

  • 66 The two operas performed in 1729/30 can be considered as a specific homage to the dedicatees who h (...)
  • 67 It is the first time that he was present on the Roman stage. For Farnace cf. Markstrom 1993, p. 45 (...)
  • 68 Lucchini escorted Antonio Vivaldi to Rome in winter 1723-1724 for the performance of Giustino in t (...)
  • 69 Blichmann 2012, p. 291-307.
  • 70 The style of Vinci coincided with the “morbidezza dello stile” di Metastasio. Cf. Clementi 1939, p (...)

13It is striking that fifteen of the twenty opera texts written between 1720 and 1730 were preexisting librettos readapted for the Teatro Alibert with new musical settings. Pietro Metastasio wrote four of the five original librettos, but only Alessandro and Artaserse, with musical settings by Leonardo Vinci, were the two outstanding operas created specifically for Stuart-Sobieska66 (table 1). Although the opera Farnace was first performed at this theater in 1724 with music by Leonardo Vinci,67 we cannot determine if the Venetian librettist Lucchini, a guest in Rome, wrote the Farnace text for this theater.68 This opera signals a junction between the performances of the early and late 1720s. Since Vinci’s extraordinarily modern style69 probably pleased the audience, notably Stuart-Sobieska, he was immediately reengaged in 1726 for other compositions. Likewise, the performances of Metastasio’s Didone abbandonata between 1724 and 1725 in Naples, Florence, Reggio Emilia, and Milan were among the best Italian opera seria in this period. Metastasio was recruited at the Teatro Alibert in 1726, probably due to the success of this libretto. The combination of the sweet new styled music of Vinci and the reformed Arcadian opera text by Metastasio was perfect, and all five of their productions mark important stylistic, musical, and interpretive changes. This leads to our discussion on the first paradigm shift in opera in the eighteenth century.70 Alessandro and Artaserse mark this extraordinary artistic alliance between Vinci —who died in 1730— and Metastasio —who departed for the Imperial court in Vienna at the beginning of the same year. In addition, both operas demonstrate the support of the British Majesties.

  • 71 For the thirty-two operas and pasticcios written between 1702 and 1713 in Venice, see Rostirolla 1 (...)
  • 72 Ottoboni favored the composer’s return to Rome from Venice. Cf. Della Seta 1981, p. 223. For the V (...)

14While this second half of the decade is characterized by the Metastasian libretto, in contrast, the first half manifests the older dramaturgical style, characterized especially by Apostolo Zeno. Referring to the music at the Teatro Alibert between 1720 and 1730 we can observe a stylistic evolution. In 1720, the composer Francesco Gasparini (1661-1627) opened a series of opera productions dedicated to the royal couple (table 1). Many of his compositions were present in Stuart’s personal music library he had built up at the Urbino court since 1718. As the most requested composer of his time, he was active from 1686 until almost the end of his life. In 1720, his “compositional fecundity” can be defined as “Venetian styled” because of his long sojourn in the Serenissima.71 This style was heard in 1712 in Rome at the Teatro della Cancelleria of Pietro Ottoboni, during the performance of L’Eraclio with music also by Carlo Francesco Pollarolo.72 After Gasparini’s return to Rome he was engaged in the compositions of several operas in the Teatro Capranica: Lucio Papirio (1714), Il Vincislao, and Il Ciro (both in 1716), as well as Il trace in catena and Il Pirro (both in 1717). In 1719 and 1720, it is striking that Gasparini is no longer present at the Capranica, but rather at the Teatro Alibert (Lucio Vero, Astianatte, Amore e maestà, and Il Faramondo). Considering the facts mentioned above we can presume that selecting Gasparini’s work for the first Alibert operas was not an accidental choice; it coincides with the arrival of the Stuart-Sobieska couple in Rome and with their protection of this opera house.

  • 73 Porpora’s music is an adaption of Lotti’s setting for Venice in 1711. Cf. Strohm 1976, p. 203.
  • 74 For a case study on Eumene, see Markuszewska 2016c.
  • 75 Zanetti 1981, p. 269.
  • 76 De Angelis 1951, p. 137 and Corp 2005a, p. 313, n. 18.
  • 77 Blichmann 2012, p. 314-316. Porpora’s style depended on the type of ritornello in his arias and th (...)
  • 78 Broschi was protected by the Bolognese Sicinio Pepoli, husband of Stuart’s third-degree cousin, El (...)
  • 79 Blichmann 2012, p. 316-332, 351.
  • 80 For a case study on Adelaide, see Markuszewska 2016b.
  • 81 Strohm 1976, p. 203.
  • 82 In 1723, Porpora had many activities and other commitments in Naples, including —together with Bro (...)
  • 83 For Predieri’s success in Rome, see Della Seta 1982, p. 148.
  • 84 Both return to the Roman scenes but separately; Porpora in 1727 (Siroe, re di Persia) and Broschi (...)

15D’Alibert was still the owner and manager of the theater, but he had increasing financial difficulties. His decision to have stylistic and more modern opera performances was reflected by him employing Nicola Porpora (1686-1768) for the setting of Artaserse73 and Eumene74 in 1721. Porpora was a promising younger composer from the Neapolitan conservatories, his first opera was Agrippina (Naples 1708), and he was the most competitive and representative of the Neapolitans at this time, close to hegemony in the Italian opera theaters.75 There was a complete private rehearsal on December 26, 1720,76 and we can assume that Porpora and the cast of Artaserse were present at the Stuart court in the Palazzo Muti Papazzurri. Whereas Nicola Grimaldi, who belonged to the cast and conquered the Alibert stage with ten arias during the 1721 season, is considered as a singer belonging to the older style,77 the following Carnival seasons unquestionably aspire to a different, more modern direction. In addition, the arrival of two Neapolitan soprano singers, Carlo Broschi78 and Domenico Gizzi in 1722, is considered as a step toward innovative opera performances at the Alibert. Their modern singing style combined with the new type of musical composition by Porpora, who focused on the relationship and interaction between the orchestra and vocal part,79 is demonstrated by the two librettos Flavio Anicio Olibrio and Adelaide.80 Although Porpora had already prepared a Flavio-setting for Naples in 1711, in 1722 he wrote completely new music for the Roman setting.81 It is likely that this combined his style with the vocal characteristics of the two singers, especially those of Broschi who was scholar of Porpora. Their musical unity sparked the reconfirmation of the two castratos in 1724 with Farnace and Scipione, and in absence of Porpora,82 the musical settings were entrusted to Vinci and Luca Antonio Predieri.83 The artistic union between the two singers and Porpora in Flavio and Adelaide was unique to the Roman scene in the 1720s,84 but it could not overcome Vinci and Predieri. Gizzi was among the best-paid singers and he collaborated with Vinci after 1725 for the setting of Didone (and Sarro’s Valdemaro), but apparently, he did not belong to the outstanding castratos which complemented Vinci’s style. Compared with Giacinto Fontana, Gizzi had staged fewer musical productions and had no act-ending musical number (table 2b). Considering that Broschi was no longer singing at the Alibert and that Gizzi’s interpretation was reduced by more than a third (table 2a, b), it is hypothesized that Vinci’s style demanded a different type of singer in the lead role compared to the singer in Porpora’s leading role.

16The hypothesis is that Porpora and his two excellent Neapolitan soprano singers brought a new stylistic trend in music to the Alibert stage during the first half of the decade, and that Vinci, Fontana, and Barbieri did similar for the second half. Although we do not have any precise proof, this could have been driven by the special requests of the Stuart-Sobieska couple to Alibert and the theater impresario. Among all the music in the Urbino library and that heard during 1717/1718 at Urbino and Fano, only two composers had the chance to make their debut in the newly built Teatro Alibert and it seems that the King somehow favored them. The first choice was Francesco Gasparini. However, in times of increasing financial difficulties for Count Alibert, Nicola Porpora, a Neapolitan new style “experiment” at the theater and Stuart’s second choice, replaced Gasparini. The observation that Vinci produced his first opera in Rome in 1724, because of the absence of Porpora and Farinelli, leads to the speculation that Vinci was part of yet another stylistic modernization after 1725 (table 1), collaborating with Metastasio, Fontana, Barbieri, and others. An analysis of these changing styles is presented below after detailing the musicians and instruments in the Alibert orchestra.

The musicians and instruments in the Alibert orchestra

  • 85 In table 4 musicians are listed alphabetically. For a better understanding of the organics of the (...)
  • 86 The trumpet players are not always mentioned by name, but are included under the name of Ludovico (...)
  • 87 He was probably replaced by the “cimbalaro” Pietro Cremesi after the first performance, as Cremesi (...)
  • 88 In the ledgers Simonelli is also registered as “Giacomo Antonio” (ASMOM, CT421-22), “Giacomo Girol (...)
  • 89 In ASMOM, the name CT441 was corrected to “Arnò”. Giovanni Arnò was a dance teacher and cannot be (...)
  • 90 Musicians were not investigated in the context of their professional status in Rome. Refer to Barb (...)
  • 91 Notably Costanzi, who was a cello virtuoso and a stable member of the Ottoboni family. Cf. La Via  (...)
  • 92 See for example, Careri 1987, p. 69-126.
  • 93 For their integration into Roman musical life, see Oriol 2015, p. 269-299.
  • 94 Cf. ASMOM, CT433, c. 104, 106, 118, 121.
  • 95 Cimapane also played the violone, Belcore the organ, Poli the cornet, Oriente the viola, Bartolome (...)

17No less than 60 musicians staged the music for the Stuart-Sobieska operas (table 4).85 As far as we know from the registered payments, the orchestra employed between 33 and 37 musicians every season.86 The composer on the first harpsichord, who usually played in at least the first performance, was paid separately and did not belong to the group of instrumentalists.87 Eleven of the instrumentalists were continually employed at the Alibert orchestra during the 1720s. The violinists with permanent engagements were Domenico Ghilarducci (first violin), Giovanni Mossi (second violin), Giorgio Erba, Luigi Piatti, Urbano Fraus, Pietro Antonio Haim, and Giacomo Benincasa. Giovanni Travaglia and Pietro Paolo Giuliani regularly participated in the performances on double basses, Ludovico Vacca (with Giovanni Battista Bisucci) on the trumpet and Giacomo Simonelli88 on the second harpsichord. Others were not continuously employed, but when they participated they received a high salary. These musicians were the cellists Giovanni Battista Costanzi, Giovanni Bombelli and Lazzaro Carosi, the bassist Bartolomeo Cimapane, the oboists Rossi and Onofrio d’Anna,89 Giovanni Brambilla and Giuseppe Fantoni (the latter two were also on the bassoons), and finally Giovanni Andrea Miele and Ernesto Piffer on the hunting trumpet and horn. Some of them were important Roman musicians and well-integrated into the musical life of the city in the eighteenth century.90 They were sponsored by noble patrons91 and many of them participated together in several (non-) theatrical Roman festivities.92 Other Alibert instrumentalists had recently moved to Rome and had great success in the Eternal City.93 Among others, Andrea Serospi, Ludovico Vacca, Francesco Agostino Cappelli, and Giovanni Battista Tibaldi were active at the theater until the 1740s.94 Many of the musicians indicated in table 4 were able to play other instruments, or were singers or copyists.95

  • 96 The “cimbalaro” Cremesi is included in the amount. Cf. note 87. For two seasons, the number of mus (...)
  • 97 Giovanni Brambilla and Giuseppe Fantone played the oboe and bassoon. Andrea Miele and Ernesto Pife (...)
  • 98 ASMOM, CT441 B, c. 69 (“sonatori di timpani”). In scene I.1 of Cosroe and scene II.3 of Adelaide t (...)

18There are two notable observations (table 5). 96 Firstly, in the Carnival of 1728/1729 one less musician was engaged compared with the count in 1721/1722, but the cost for the whole orchestra was 169,50 scudi more than for the earlier season. This is why, among other reasons, we can assume that the financial crisis of the theater had not been overcome by 1729. Secondly, considering that in 1722/23 the theater still had some economic problems, another remarkable detail is that for Cosroe and Adelaide 37 musicians were involved, for a relatively low cost of 1070 scudi.97 Forty-one instruments are detailed; seven instruments more than in the prior season. This increase is noted in the string section, which would have certainly caused a fuller orchestral sound, especially in the number of wind instruments. In 1721/1722 four musicians were on two trumpets and two hunting trumpets, while in the following year three trumpets, three hunting trumpets and two hunting horns are registered. The addition of these four wind instruments probably reflects a symbolic function within some of the most important arias; during the incoming of the triumphal chariot in Adelaide (I.13) trumpets played on the stage with the drummers.98 From an instrumental point of view, the representations of Cosroe and Adelaide in the 1722/1723 season were particular cases that are discussed below.

Assessment of singers and arias: the creation of artistic unions

  • 99 In 1721/22 Broschi received an unspecified honorary, that was included in the 750 scudi salary of (...)
  • 100 This topic will be published in an article by the author (Blichmann [in preparation]).

19Table 2 is organized into two parts corresponding to the different types of singer-assemblages during the first and second half of the decade. Only Domenico Gizzi, Giovanni Ossi, Giovanni Battista Minelli, and Filippo Finazzi were engaged for the whole decade. Gizzi belongs to the group of the most active and leading singers during the first half of the decade (table 2a). Although he participated in fewer musical representations than Broschi, he received the highest salary.99 Both castratos were involved in the most important arias during the dramatic culminations at the end of act I and II. Furthermore, Broschi performed the last arias at the end of act III in Adelaide (Per te nel caro nido) and Scipione (Come scherzo la mia sorte) just before Italia and Virtue appeared “in Machina”100 (table 6).

  • 101 “E Farinelli e Caffarelli sono gli idoli del carnevale 1723 e 1724, sempre festeggiatissimi nell’E (...)
  • 102 Cf. music manuscripts in B-Bc 4658, p. 213-228 and B-Bc 4664, p. 298-308.
  • 103 Cf. music manuscripts in D-Hs, M A/460, f. 57-88 and 141-160.

20The act endings of the most important operas can now be evaluated (table 6), since the significance of Porpora, Broschi101 and Gizzi’s presence in the Teatro Alibert during the first half of the decade was stated above. Their arias Ad altro laccio (C, A major, Allegro) and La colomba imprigionata (C, F major, Allegro) in the most vibrant sections of Falvio Anicio Olibrio were created as sad or hopeful love arias, revolving around the “laccio” metaphor and are very similar in their musical virtuosity.102 They are the same as syncopated sobs, with tone repetitions, short legatos, and trill ornaments. The violins mostly support the voices of the singers. Gizzi’s arias might have suited his voice better, given their length and several short coloraturas, as well as more intense ornaments. Nevertheless, in both love arias, Porpora had chosen a moderately virtuoso notation. However, at the act endings of Adelaide Broschi and Gizzi sang two arias again with the same affect, but this time in the popular genre of the nautical storm aria. Both “simile arias” Nobil onda (C, D major, Allegro) and Sto in mezzo all’onde (C, A major, Allegro) are in contrast to the love arias sang the year before and were the virtuoso highlights of Adelaide, in which both singers demonstrated their vocal skills. The text of both arias deals with the aquatic metaphor of the wave that Porpora composed by strictly interpreting the text that was pioneering for its time.103 In so doing, the composer embeds the voices of Broschi and Gizzi in an uninterrupted, tight-moving sound complex and equips their voices with vocal techniques that were usual at this time, such as extensive intervals, semiquavers, appoggiaturas, ornaments (messa di voce, trills etc.), which fitted the context of the arias. Broschi’s aria Nobil onda surpasses Gizzi’s aria, with the addition of double-staffed hunting horns and oboes. The winds contribute to the dynamic crescendo in the ritornellos, during which they gradually enter. The wild run of the water in the text finds its expression not only in the winds, but above all in the voice, through numerous trills, surging runs, staccato and trilled scales. Finally, yet importantly, the eight coloraturas of Broschi, far more imposing than those of Gizzi, reach up to ten bars (fig. 1).

Fig. 1 – Nicola Porpora, Nobil onda (Adelaide, I.17), D-Hs, M A/460, f. 74-78.

Fig. 1 – Nicola Porpora, Nobil onda (Adelaide, I.17), D-Hs, M A/460, f. 74-78.

Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, M A/460, f. 74-78.

  • 104 Brumana 1996.
  • 105 The virtuoso aria Il pastor se torna aprile (Semiramide) is one of the few exceptions. For this an (...)
  • 106 The more virtuose aria Se resto sul lido (Enea) is an exception.

21During the second half of the decade, Broschi was absent and Gizzi lost his artistic weight. The two new leading singers were the soprano Fontana104 and the tenor Barbieri (table 2b). Judging from their frequent musical (and act-ending) participations, they can be considered as the celebrities of this period, but their competences were very different from those of Broschi and Gizzi. Fontana was assigned to the prima donna part, analogously to Broschi, which is why a comparison is appropriate. Since Vinci’s compositions dominated the theater in 1726-1730, we can summarize his style. Normally, Vinci assigned Fontana short and simple coloraturas, using his vocal virtuosity relatively late in the second part of the arias, and embedding his voice in a two-part orchestral movement with a rhythmic and melodically simple style. Fontana’s declamation was equipped with numerous articulation marks. The vocal melody was mostly repetitive or circling around a sound, with syncopations, lombardic rhythms, and wide intervals.105 The arias of Barbieri focus more than once on despondency, which Vinci set to music by means of the spezzato-rhythm in the orchestra, strongly broken declamation, staccato, tone and word repetitions. Although Barbieri’s voice was more pervasive on orchestral forte-passages, he was more of a reserved tenor that rarely defeated the string continuo movement. The numerous caesuras and fermata characterize Fontana and Barbieri as skilled actors.106 For both vocalists Vinci followed their talents and favored a dramatic-expressive style of singing, so the vocalists had the opportunity to gesticulate the text. Vinci’s style for Fontana and Barbieri was therefore far from Porpora’s style personalized on Broschi and Gizzi.

  • 107 After 1730, no opera at the Teatro delle Dame was dedicated to Stuart and Maria Clementina. Maria (...)
  • 108 For changes in the name and owners of the Teatro delle Dame, see Veneziano in this volume note 4.
  • 109 Blichmann 2018, p. 118-119 and Erkens 2018, p. 92-93.

22The performances at the Teatro Alibert in the 1720s can be summarized, the only decade in which the Stuart-Sobieska couple protected this opera house.107 There were profound differences in the theater between the first and last half of the decade, in not only the theater changing its name108 and architecture in 1725, and the noticeable changes in management, but in the enormous poetic, musical, artistic, and stylistic fluctuations. The first half of the decade —marked initially by an “archaic” style by Gasparini— rapidly developed into a more modern “Neapolitan” styled direction in 1722. Sofonisba and Flavio Anicio Olibrio were the first two productions that started to bring the opera house out of a financial crisis.109 The new main attractions were of “Neapolitan” formation, and the twosome Broschi and Gizzi commanded the Carnival season of 1722/23. According to the analysis of the orchestra and arias, their singing style connected with the music of Porpora. This finally led to artistic perfection in Porpora’s outstanding opera, Adelaide, in the first half of the decade.

  • 110 For the high quality of the Vinci and “Neapolitan” productions in Rome, see Veneziano in this volu (...)

23In the second half of the 1720s the theater patrons did not attend all the performances. The two Metastasian librettos Alessandro and Artaserse were the most significant operas because the poet directly collaborated with Vinci and skilled singers were employed. Therefore, the selection of composers and singers in the Teatro Alibert in the 1720s almost certainly depended on the style combinations and artistic unions of the most fashionable artists. In the early 1720s this union was created among Porpora, Broschi, and Gizzi and in the late 1720s among Vinci,110 Fontana, and Barbieri.

24The following conclusion is also a path for further research. We know that Stuart was first put in contact with Italian opera music at Urbino and Fano, and we know that this music was written in particular by Venetian styled composers, only Francesco Mancini and Porpora were outsiders coming from the Neapolitan school. This first interaction can be considered as the origin of Stuart’s musical inclinations, as is also observed in his library of musical manuscripts. Considering that only the Venetian styled Gasparini and the Neapolitan Porpora were engaged at the Teatro Alibert when the royal couple settled down in Rome, we can presume that they were the couple’s favorite Italian composers.

  • 111 I want to thank Anne-Madeleine Goulet for further reflections on the concept of musical “taste” in (...)
  • 112 For a better understanding of Porpora’s function regarding the opera dedications to Maria Sobieska (...)
  • 113 “E il successo del teatro metastasiano era così clamoroso che lo stesso Farinelli al Capranica, ma (...)

25The issue that arises here is whether the operas in the 1720s and their musical styles were the result of random decisions made by Antonio Alibert and the theater company, or whether they were due to the personal inclinations of the Stuart-Sobieska couple, or whether they derived from the “local taste” in Rome at the time.111 A “local taste” can only occur when a composer is already established in a locality, but this term could apply to Francesco Gasparini who was the only active composer in Rome before 1719. However, the main composers at the Teatro Alibert during the 1720s —Porpora and Vinci— could not have founded a “local taste” before the arrival of the royal couple. Porpora was only sporadically present in Rome with an opera at the Teatro Capranica in 1718 (Berenice, regina d’Egitto). It was only after 1720 that he set music to four works at the Teatro Alibert. Therefore, Porpora’s sustained presence in Rome coincides with the time that the Stuart-Sobieska couple were settling into the city.112 Vinci arrived only in 1724, just when Porpora and the star of the cast, Carlo Broschi Farinelli, were not longer available due to other commitments in Naples. Vinci was appreciated by the royal couple and the general public, and was reconfirmed in 1726 by the new theater owners. From that year onward, due to the close collaboration with Metastasio, Fontana and Barbieri, Vinci managed to conquer the Stuart family, the theater owners, and the Roman and European public.113 It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the new Neapolitan style of Vinci and his singers had become the non plus ultra in 1730, as Porpora and his singers had achieved before 1724 and Gasparini in 1719/1720, due to the personal inclinations of the Stuart-Sobieska couple.

Table 1 – Alibert opera performances 1720-1730.

season opera dedication, attendance librettist composer first performed
1719/1720 Amore e maestà ♂ ☺ A. Salvi F. Gasparini Florence 1715
Il Faramondo ♀ ☺ A. Zeno F. Gasparini Venice 1699
1720/1721 Artaserse ♂ ☺ F. Silvani N. Porpora [A. Lotti] Venice 1711
Eumene ♀ ☺ A. Zeno N. Porpora Venice 1697
*1721/1722 Sofonisba ♂ ☺ F. Silvani L.A. Predieri Venice 1708
Flavio Anicio Olibrio ♀ ☺ A. Zeno/P. Pariati N. Porpora Venice 1707
*1722/1723 Cosroe ♂ ☺ A. Zeno A. Pollarolo Wien 1721
Adelaide ♀ ☺ A. Salvi N. Porpora Munich 1722
1723/1724 Farnace ♂ ☺ A.M. Lucchini L. Vinci fp
Scipione ♀ ☺ A. Zeno L.A. Predieri Barcellona 1710
1724/1725 -------------------holy year and shift of opera paradigma-------------------
*1725/1726 Didone abbandonata ♂ ☺ P. Metastasio L. Vinci Naples 1724
Il Valdemaro ♀ ☻ A. Zeno D. Sarro Milan 1706
*1726/1727 Gismondo re di Polonia ♂ ☻ F. Briani L. Vinci Venice 1708
Siroe re di Persia ♀ ☻ P. Metastasio N. Porpora Venice 1726
*1727/1728 Catone in Utica × ☻ P. Metastasio L. Vinci fp
Ipermesta × ☻ A. Salvi F. Feo Florence 1727
*1728/1729 Ezio × ☻ P. Metastasio P. Auletta Venice 1728
Semiramide riconosciuta × ☺ P. Metastasio L. Vinci fp
(*)1729/1730 Alessandro nell’Indie ♂ ☺ P. Metastasio L. Vinci fp
Artaserse ♀ ☺ P. Metastasio L. Vinci fp

Abbreviations: * documents in ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert; (*) not complete; ♂ dedication to James III Stuart; ♀ dedication to Maria Clementina Sobieski; ☻ no attendance; ☺ attendance; × not dedicated to Stuart-Sobieski, fp first performed at Teatro Alibert.

D. Blichmann.

 

Table 2 – Singers, participations and examples of seasonal salary in scudi (ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT 441, 421, 422, 424).

a) 1720-1724
singer nr. of operas total musical participation salary
1721/1722 CT 441 1722/1723 CT 441
Broschi, Carlo 6 43 450 (cf. n. 99) 550
Gizzi, Domenico 6 37 600 700
Mengoni, Luca 6 32 400
Ossi, Giovanni 4 26
Pio Fabri, Annibale 4 21
Grimaldi, Nicola 2 16
Romani, Stefano 2 14 600
Finazzi, Filippo 2 13
Pasi, Antonio 2 13
Vitali, Francesco 2 12 600
Federici, Domenico 2 12
Raggi, Giacomo 2 12
Minelli, Gio. Battista 2 11
Tollini, Domenico 2 11
Berenstadt, Gaetano 4 10
Carestini, Giovanni 2 9 450
Marchetti, Agostino 2 9 350
Perugini, Gio. Batt. 2 9 200
Baldi, Raffaelle 2 8
Lauri, Antonio 2 8 600
Cantelli, Angelo 2 7 450
Guerri, Andrea 2 6 330
Rumi, Domenico 2 6
Venturini, F. Maria 2 5 350
Lauretti, Baldassar 2 4
Ferrarini, Tommaso 1 2
Rapinzi, Antonio 1 1 60
b) 1726-1730
1725/1726 CT 421 1726/1727 CT 422 1728/1729 CT 424
Fontana, Giacinto 7 45 800 800 800
Barbieri, Antonio 5 27 450 450 550
Berenstadt, Gaetano 3 16 525 600
Carestini, Giovanni 2 15
Appiani, Giuseppe 2 11
Gizzi, Domenico 2 10 800
Minelli, Giov. Battista 2 10 800
Signorini, Raffaele 2 10
Ossi, Giovanni 3 9 200 425
Morosi, Giovanni Maria 2 9 400
Tolve, Francesco 2 9
Scalzi, Carlo 1 8 1050
Balatri, Filippo 1 8 650
Finazzi, Filippo 2 8 250
Tassi, Giovanni Andrea 3 6 300
Morici, Pietro 1 6 200
Valletti, Gaetano 1 5 300
Franchi, Angelo 2 4 140
Majorano, Gaetano 1 3 160

Italic names: singers with act-ending musical participation.

D. Blichmann.

 

Table 3 – Singers in operas dedicated to Carlo Albani and Teresa Borromei Albani.

Raffaele Baldi La pace generosa
Fano, Teatro della Fortuna, carnival 1716; music by A. Massarotti
Gaetano Berenstadt Lucio Vero
Rome, Teatro Alibert, carnival 1719; music by F. Gasparini
Annibale Pio Fabri M. Attilio Regolo
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1719; music by A. Scarlatti
Giacinto Fontana La pace generosa
Fano, Teatro della Fortuna, carnival 1716; music by A. Massarotti
Lucio Vero
Rome, Teatro Alibert, carnival 1719; music by F. Gasparini
Tito Sempronio Gracco
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1720; music by A. Scarlatti
Turno Aricino
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1720; music by A. Scarlatti
Nicola Grimaldi Tito Sempronio Gracco
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1720; music by A. Scarlatti
Turno Aricino
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1720; music by A. Scarlatti
Giovanni Ossi Lucio Vero
Rome, Teatro Alibert, carnival 1719; music by F. Gasparini
Stefano Romani M. Attilio Regolo
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1719; music by A. Scarlatti
Carlo Scalzi M. Attilio Regolo
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1719; music by A. Scarlatti
Raffaele Signorini La tirannide vendicata
Pesaro, Teatro Pubblico, carnival 1726, music by L. Predieri
Gio. Andrea Tassi La costanza in cimento o sia Il Radamisto
Viterbo, carnival 1721; music by C. Vinchioni
Domenico Tollini M. Attilio Regolo
Rome, Teatro Capranica, carnival 1719; music by A. Scarlatti

D. Blichmann.

 

Table 4 – Instrumentalists involved in performances at the Teatro Alibert with seasonal salary in scudi (ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT 441, 421, 422, 424).

instrumentalist instruments 1721/1722 CT 441, p. 12-16 1722/1723 CT 441, c. 65 1725/1726 CT 421, c. 63 1726/1727 CT 422, c. 74 1728/1729 CT 424, c. 78
Alberto d’ [Albertò, Aliberti] Antonio Benedetto va, ob - 25 (va) 25 (ob) 25 (ob) -
Andreozini [Andreozzini] Domenico vc, db - 11 (vc) 12 (vc, db) 12 (vc) -
Andriani Pietro b 16 - - - -
Anna d’ [Anna, Arnò] Onofrio ob - 30 30 30
Batistelli Giacinto vn - - 15 - -
Belcore Giovanni vc 40 43 - - -
Benincasa Giacomo vn 25 25 25 25 25
Bisucci [Pisucci] Giovanni Battista trp 26,50 26,50 - - -
Bombelli Giovanni vc - - 40 40 40
Brambilla Giovanni ob, b 24 (b) 24 (ob, b) 24 (b) 24 (b) 24 (b)
Bucci Francesco db 25 - 25 - -
Cappelli Francesco Agostino db - - - - 24
Carosi Lazzaro vc - - - 50 -
Cavatori Francesco ob 24 - - - -
Cestino Antonio Maria va - - - - 20
Cimapane Bartolomeo db - - - 40 40
Ciurini Ferdinando vn 24 24 24 24 -
Costanzo [Costanzi] Giovanni Battista vc - 65 80 - 80
Croce Domenico vc - - 30 - -
Erba [Orba] Giorgio vn 38 36 36 40 50
Fallarini Prespero va 25 24 - - -
Fantone [Fantoni] Giuseppe ob, b 25 (b) 25 (ob, b) 25 (b) 25 (b) 25 (b)
Fraus [Feraus] Urbano vn 33 30 33 33 33
Gabrielli Francesco va - - - - 24
Gasparini Lorenzo va - - 24 24 -
Ghirlarducci [Gherarducci] Domenico first vn 80 80 80 80 80
Giuliani Pietro Paolo db 38 35 35 35 35
Haim [Haym, Haimy, Aim] Pietro Antonio vn 30 25 25 25 25
Labort Giuseppe vn - - 18 20 -
Martelli Carlo vn - 24 24 24 24
Mercuri Giovanni vn - - - - 15
Micheli Benedetto ob - - - - 50
Micheli Giuseppe ob - - - - 40
Miele [Miehle, Mielle] Giovanni Andrea htrp, hhn 24 (htrp) 12 (htrp, hhn) 24 (htrp) 24 (hhn) 24 (hhn)
Minissari [Ministari] Vincenzo vc 30 - - - -
Mossi Bartolomeo va 30 30 30 - -
Mossi Giovanni second vn 60 60 60 60 57
Mossi [Messi, Mozzi] Giuseppe va 25 24 24 24 24
Nicolini Giuseppe vn 21 - - - -
Orienti [Oriente] Giuseppe vn - 25 25 25 28
Penna [Penca] Antonio trp - 12 - - -
Perini Francesco vn 15 15 10 - -
Piatti Luigi vn 34 34 34 34 35
Pifer [Piffer, Teffer] Ernesto trp, htrp, hhn - 12 (htrp, hhn) 24 (trp) 24 (hhn) 24 (hhn)
Poli Carlo Alfonso vn, va 30 (vn) 25 (vn) 25 (vn) 30 (va) 30 (va)
Portelli [Portella, Portell] Giuseppe [Joseph] vn, va 13 (vn) 15 (va) 15 (va) - -
Pucci Francesco db - 25 - - -
Ricci Filippo vn - - - 35 35
Rosati Francesco vn - 18 - - -
Rossi Ferdinando ob 32,50 - - 30 -
Rossi Luigi ob 32,50 - - 25 -
Sannier [Sanier] Francesco htrp 24 12 - - -
Serospi Andrea vn 20 16 16 - -
Serra Giovanni Battista vn - - - 36 36
Simonelli (cf. note 88) Giacomo h 50 50 50 50 50
Tibaldi Giovanni Battista vn - - - 30 30
Travaglia [Travagli] Giovanni db 50 50 50 50 50
Ugaldi [Ugaldes, Ugualdi, Ugualde] Ignatio [Ignacio] vn, va 18 (vn) 18 (vn) 18 (vn) 24 (va) 24 (va)
Vacca Ludovico trp 26,50 26,50 53 (cf. n. 86) 60 (cf. n. 86) 60 (cf. n. 86)
Vanni Giovanni Battista vn 12 14 - - -

Abbreviations: vn: violin; va: viola; vc: violoncello; db: double bass; ob: oboe; b: bassoon; trp: trumpet; htrp: hunting trumpet; hn: horn; hhn: hunting horn; hp: harpsichord.

D. Blichmann.

 

Table 5 – Orchestration at the Teatro Alibert (examples).

season vn va vc db ob b trp htrp hhn hp total scudi
1721/1722 15 3 2 3 3 3 2 2 - 1 34 1020
1722/1723 16 5 3 3 3 2 3 3 2 1 41 1070
1725/1726 16 4 4 4 2 2 4 - - 1 37 1114,30
1726/1727 14 4 3 3 4 2 2 - 2 1 35 1159,50
1728/1729 13 5 2 4 2 2 2 - 2 1 33 1189,50

D. Blichmann.

 

Table 6 – Act-ending arias of Carlo Broschi and Domenico Gizzi.

opera Carlo Broschi Domenico Gizzi
Sofonisba 1721/1722 I.17 Non è fallo in un amante
Flavio Anicio Olibrio 1721/1722 II.16 La colomba imprigionata I.15 Ad altro laccio
Cosroe 1722/1723 II.15 Nella foca e ria procella
Adelaide 1722/1723 I.17 Nobil onda III.15 Per te nel caro nido II. 18 Sto in mezzo all’onde
Farnace 1723/1724 I.20 Chi temea Giove regnante II.19 S’arma il ciel di tuoni e lampi
Scipione 1723/1724 I.19 Tal per nembo orrido e fiero III.15 Come scherza la mia sorte II.22 Non è sì afflitta
 
Examples
Flavio Anicio Olibrio, I.15 (D. Gizzi) Flavio Anicio Olibrio, II.16 (C. Broschi)
    Ad altro laccio     La colomba imprigionata
vedere in braccio sciolto il laccio, sen fuggì,
in un momento e schernì
la speme amica, con la fuga il cacciator.
se sia tormento,     Ma la sua compagna amata,
per me lo dica benché resti afflitta e sola
chi lo provò. si consola
    Rendi a quel core perché libero è il suo amor.
la sua catena  
tiranno amore;  
che in tanta pena  
viver non so.  
Adelaide, I.17 (C. Broschi) Adelaide, II.18 (D. Gizzi)
    Nobil onda     Sto in mezzo all’onde;
chiara figlia d’alto monte e tempestoso è ‘l mar:
più ch’è stretta e prigioniera dove rivolgo il ciglio
più gioconda periglio io veggo e orrore,
scherza in fonte, scampo trovar non so.
più leggiera     Quest’alma si confonde
all’aure và. fra l’ombre del timore.
    Tal quest’alma Ah se non splende in ciel
più ch’è oppressa dalla sorte, un astro a me fedel
spiegherà più in alto il volo; sommerso io resterò.
e la palma  
d’esser forte  
dal suo duolo  
acquisterà.  

D. Blichmann.

Haut de page

Bibliographie

Archival sources

ASMOM, CT421 = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT421 (Copia delli Capitoli convenuti tra li Sig.ri compadroni del Teatro d’Alibert nel 1725 e Libro Mastro A, 1725/26).

ASMOM, CT422 = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT422 (Libro Mastro B, 1726/27).

ASMOM, CT423 = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT423 (Libro Mastro C, 1727/28).

ASMOM, CT424 = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT424 (Libro Mastro D, 1728/29).

ASMOM, CT433 = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT433 (1740/41).

ASMOM, CT441 A = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT441, Teatro Alibert 1722. Spese fatte e denari pagati per servitio del teatro d’Alibert con ordine et approvatione dell’Illustrissimi signori deputati 1721.

ASMOM, CT441 B = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT441, Teatro Alibert stagione 1722/23 [Libro Mastro].

ASMOM, CT44 C = ASMOM, Ricetta di Roma, Teatro Alibert, CT441, Entrata et uscita 1722 (a bis).

Primary sources

Anonimo 1714a = Anonimo, Per le nozze. Degli eccellentissimi signori donna Teresa Borromei e don Carlo Albani. Cantata a due di Eurindo Olimpiaco [Francesco Maria Gasparri] posta in musica dal sig. Domenico Scarlatti, Roma, Gaetano Zenobj, 1714.

Anonimo 1714b = Anonimo, Serenata. Per le felicissime nozze degl’illustriss. ed eccellentissimi signori D. Carlo Albani e D. Teresa Borromei fatta cantare in Foligno in occasione del loro passaggiodall’ill. […] Mons. Francesco Foscari, nobile veneto e governatore generale di Perugia e dell’Umbria, Perugia, Per il Costantini, 1714.

Anonimo 1714c = Anonimo, Le virtù del pastor fido. Fatte rappresentare in Ferrara dal marchese Scipione Sacrati Giraldi nella di lui sala per il passaggio degl’ill.mi […] don Carlo Albani e donna Teresa Borromei in occasione delle gloriosissime loro nozze, Ferrara, Eredi Pomatelli, 1714.

Salvi 1720 = A. Salvi, Amore e maestà, Rome, Stamperia del Bernabò, 1720.

Zeno 1718 = A. Zeno, Alessandro severo, Rome, Stamperia del Bernabò, 1718.

Zeno – Pariati 1718 = A. Zeno, P. Pariati, Sesostri re d’Egitto, Rome, Stamperia del Bernabò, 1718.

Secondary sources

Barbieri 2009 = P. Barbieri, An assessment of musicians and instrument-makers in Rome during Handel’s stay: the 1708 Grand Taxation, in Early Music, 37-4, 2009, p. 597-619.

Blichmann 2012 = D. Blichmann, Die Macht der Oper - Oper für die Mächtigen. Römische und venezianische Opernfassungen von Dramen Pietro Metastasio bis 1730, Mainz, 2012 (Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft, 20).

Blichmann 2016 = D. Blichmann, Antonio Marchi und Antonio Vivaldi im Dienst des venezianischen Publikums: Die Fassungen der «Costanza trionfante degl’amori e degl’odii» und ihr zeitpolitischer Kontext, in Studi vivaldiani: Rivista annuale dell'Istituto Italiano Antonio Vivaldi della Fondazione Giorgio Cini, 16, 2016, p. 103-146.

Blichmann 2018 = D. Blichmann, The Stuart-Sobieski opera patronage in Rome. Alibert-performances (1720-1723) and the idea of political propaganda promoting the legal heir to the English throne, in R. Rasch (ed.), Music and power in the Baroque era, Turnhout, 2018 (Music, Criticism and Politics, 6), p. 107-152.

Blichmann [in preparation] = D. Blichmann, Effetti scenografici e macchine spettacolari nelle performance pubbliche nella Roma del primo Settecento, in J.-M. Dominguez, A.-M. Goulet, É. Oriol (dir.), Spectacles et performances artistiques à Rome (1644-1740). Une analyse historique à partir des archives familiales, in preparation.

Brumana 1996 = B. Brumana, Il cantante Giacinto Fontana detto Farfallino e la sua carriera nei teatri di Roma, in Roma moderna e contemporanea, 4, 1996, p. 75-112.

Careri 1987 = E. Careri, Giuseppe Valentini (1681-1753). Documenti inediti, in Note d’Archivio per la storia musicale (nuova serie, anno V), Venice, 1987, p. 69-126.

Clark 2003 = J. Clark, The Stuart presences at the opera in Rome, in Corp 2003, p. 85-93.

Clementi 1939 = F. Clementi, Il carnevale romano nelle cronache contemporanee, 2 vol., Città di Castello, 1939, vol. II.

Corp 2000 = E. Corp, Music at the Stuart court at Urbino, 1717-18, in Music and Letters, 81-3, 2000, p. 351-363.

Corp 2003 = E. Corp (ed.), The Stuart court in Rome. The legacy of exile, Ashgate, 2003.

Corp 2005a= E. Corp, Farinelli and the circle of Sicinio Pepoli: a link with the Stuart court in exile, in Eighteenth Century Music, 2-2, 2005, p. 311-319.

Corp 2005b = E. Corp, A possible origin for the berkeley castle manuscripts of Italian arias and cantatas: the Stuart court at Urbino, in Studi Vivaldiani, 5, 2005, p. 13-21.

Corp 2011 = E. Corp, The Stuarts in Italy, 1719-1766: a royal court in permanent exile, Cambridge, 2011.

Corp 2013 = E. Corp, I giacobiti a Urbino, 1717-1718: la corte in esilio di Giacomo III re d’Inghilterra, T. di Carpegna (ed. and translation), Bologna, 2013.

Corp 2017 = E. Corp, The Stuarts in Italy: a cultural factor, in F. Fedi, D. Tongiorgi (ed.), Diplomazia e comunicazione letteraria nel secolo XVIII, Rome, 2017 (Biblioteca del XVIII secolo, 31), p. 119-128.

De Angelis 1951 = A. De Angelis, Il Teatro Alibert o delle Dame (1717-1863) nella Roma Papale, Tivoli, 1951.

De Lucca (forthcoming) = The politics of princely entertainment: music and patronage during the lives of Lorenzo Onofrio and Maria Mancini Colonna (1659-1689), New York, forthcoming.

Della Seta 1981 = F. della Seta, Francesco Gasparini, virtuoso del principe Borghese?, in F. Della Seta, F. Piperno (ed.), Francesco Gasparini (1661-1727), Atti del I Convegno internazionale (1978), Florence, 1981, p. 215-243.

Della Seta 1982 = F. Della Seta, Le nozze del Tebro coll’Adria. Musicisti e pubblico tra Roma e Venezia, in G. Morelli (ed.), L’invenzione del gusto: Corelli e Vivaldi. Mutazioni culturali, a Roma e Venezia, nel periodo post-barocco, Milan, 1982, p. 142-149.

Erkens 2018 = R. Erkens, Accounting for opera: financing theatre seasons on Roman stages in the 1720s, in R. Rasch (ed.), Music and Power in the Baroque Era, Turnhout, 2018 (Music, Criticism and Politics, 6), p. 69-106.

Field 2013 = N.E. Field, Outlandish authors: Innocenzo Fede and musical patronage at the Stuart court in London and in exile, PhD, University of Michigan, 2013.

Franchi 1997 = S. Franchi, Drammaturgia romana, Repertorio bibliografico cronologico dei testi drammatici pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio, vol. 2: Annali dei testi drammatici e libretti per musica pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio dal 1701 al 1750, con introduzione sui teatri romani nel Settecento e commento storico-critico sull’attività teatrale e musicale romana dal 1701 al 1730; ricerca storica, bibliografica e archivistica condotta in collaborazione con Orietta Sartori, Rome, 1997 (Sussidi eruditi, 45).

Goulet 2014a = A.-M. Goulet, Costumes, décors et machines dans L’Arsate (1683) d’Alessandro Scarlatti. Contribution à l’histoire de l’opéra à Rome au XVIIe siècle, in XVIIe siècle, 262, 2014, p. 139-166.

Goulet 2014b = A.-M. Goulet, Princesse des Ursins, loyal subject of the king of France and foreign princess in Rome (1675-1701), in R. Ahrendt, M. Ferraguto, D. Mahiet (ed.), Music and diplomacy from the early modern era to the present, New York, 2014, p. 191-207.

Goulet – Giron-Panel 2012 = A.-M. Goulet, C. Giron-Panel (ed.), La musique à Rome au XVIIe siècle. Études et perspectives de recherche, Rome, 2012 (Collection de l’École française de Rome, 466).

Gregg 2003 = E. Gregg, The financial vicissitudes of James III in Rome, in Corp 2003, p. 65-83.

La Via 1995 = S. La Via, Il cardinale Ottoboni e la musica: nuovi documenti (1700-1740), nuove letture e ipotesi, in A. Dunning (ed.), Intorno a Locatelli. Studi in occasione del Tricentenario della nascita di Pietro Antonio Locatelli (1695-1764), 2 vol., Lucca, 1995, I, p. 319-526.

Leech 2003 = P. Leech, Musik und Musiker an den Stuart Catholic Courts, 1660-1718, PhD, Anglia Polytechnic University, 2004.

Lionnet 1992 = J. Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique de la cour des Jacobites à Saint-Germain-en-Laye, in Revue de la Bibliothèque nationale : Les Jacobites, 46, 1992, p. 14-18.

Markstrom 1993 = K.S. Markstrom, The operas of Leonardo Vinci, Napoletano, PhD, University of Toronto, 1993.

Markuszewska 2013 = A. Markuszewska, Alla Maestà Clementina Regina Della Gran Bretagna: The Political Significance of Dedications on the Example of Selected Operas Staged in the Teatro d’Alibert in Rome (1720-1730), in Musicology Today, 2013, p. 46-52.

Markuszewska 2016a = A. Markuszewska, Serenata and Politics of Remembrance Music at the Court of Marie Casimire Sobieska in Rome (1699-1714), in B. Over (ed.), La Fortuna di Roma. Italienische Kantaten und römische Aristokratie um 1700 / Cantate italiane e aristocrazia romana intorno il 1700, Kassel, 2016, p. 269-294.

Markuszewska 2016b = A. Markuszewska, Queen of Italy, Mother of the Kings or Adelaide on Opera Stages: A Case Study of Adelaide (Rome 1723), in V. Katalinič (ed.), Music Migrations in the Early Modern Age : People, Markets, Patterns and Styles, Zagreb, 2016, p. 231-246.

Markuszewska 2016c = A. Markuszewska, “Eumene”: a case study of an opera hero migration in the Early Modern Age, in J. Guzy-Pasiak, A. Markuszewska (eds.), Music migration in the Early Modern Age: centres and peripheries – people, works, styles, paths of dissemination and influence, Warsaw, 2016, p. 215-236.

Mischiati 1993 = O. Mischiati, Considerazioni in margine alla dedica come tramite tra compositore e committente, in G. Ferraro, A. Pugliese (ed.), Fausto Torrefranca: l’uomo, il suo tempo, la sua opera, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi Vibo Valentia, 15-17 Dicembre 1983, Vibo Valentia, 1993, p. 223-233.

Monson 1988 = D. Monson, The trail of Vivaldis singers: Vivaldi in Rome, in A. Fanna, G. Morelli (ed.), Nuovi studi vivaldiani. Edizione e cronologia critica delle opere, 2 vol., Florence, 1988 (Studi di musica veneta. Quaderni vivaldiani, 4), II, p. 563-589.

Moroni 1840-1861 = G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica da San Pietro sino ai nostri giorni, Venice, Tipografia Emiliana, 1840-1861.

Oriol 2015 = É. Oriol, Musicisti e ballerini stranieri a Roma. Percorsi sociali e sviluppo delle carriere nella prima metà del Settecento, in A.-M. Goulet, G. zur Nieden (ed.), Europäische Musiker in Venedig, Rom und Neapel 1650-1750, Kassel, 2015 (Analecta musicologica, 52), p. 269-299.

Pantanella 1995 = R. Pantanella, Palazzo Muti a piazza SS. Apostoli residenza degli Stuart a Roma, in Storia dell’arte, 84, 1995, p. 307-328.

Pavanello 1995 = A. Pavanello, Locatelli e il cardinale Camillo Cybo, in A. Dunning (ed.), Intorno a Locatelli. Studi in occasione del Tricentenario della nascita di Pietro Antonio Locatelli (1695-1764), 2 vol., Lucca, 1995, I, p. 749-791.

Piperno 1981 = F. Piperno, Francesco Gasparini «virtuoso dell’eccellentissimo principe Ruspoli»: contributo alla biografia gaspariniana (1716-1718), in F. della Seta, F. Piperno (ed.), Francesco Gasparini (1661-1727). Atti del primo convegno internazionale, Florence, 1981, p. 191-214.

Piperno 1995 = F. Piperno, «Su le sponde del Tebro»: Eventi, mecenati e istituzioni musicali a Roma negli anni di Locatelli. Saggio di cronologia, in A. Dunning (ed.), Intorno a Locatelli. Studi in occasione del Tricentenario della nascita di Pietro Antonio Locatelli (1695-1764), 2 vol., Lucca, 1995, I, p. 793-877.

Platania 1993 = G. Platania, La politica europea e il matrimonio inglese di una principessa polacca: Maria Clementina Sobieski, in Polska Akademia Nauk, Manziana, 1993 (Biblioteka i Stacja Naukowa, 101), p. 3-61.

Rostirolla 1981 = G. Rostirolla, Il periodo veneziano di Francesco Gasparini, in F. della Seta, F. Piperno (ed.), Francesco Gasparini (1661-1727). Atti del primo convegno internazionale, Florence, 1981, p. 85-118.

Rostirolla 1994 = G. Rostirolla, La professione di strumentista a Roma nel Sei e Settecento, in Studi musicali, 23-1, 1994, p. 87-174.

Rostirolla 2001 = G. Rostirolla (ed.), Il «mondo novo» musicale di Pier Leone Ghezzi, Rome, 2001.

Roszkowska 1984 = W. Roszkowska, Filippo Juvarra al servizio dei Sobieski, in M. Bristiger, J. Kowalczyk, J. Lipiński (ed.), Vita teatrale in Italia e Polonia fra Seicento e Settecento, Warsaw, 1984, p. 245-263.

Sartori 1990-1994 = C. Sartori (ed.), I Libretti italiani a stampa dalle origini al 1800, 7 vol., Cuneo, 1990-1994.

Selfridge-Field 2007 = E. Selfridge-Field, A new chronology of Venetian opera and related genres, 1660-1760, Stanford, 2007.

Sgaria 1995 = G. Sgaria, Giovanni Mossi, musicista romano del primo Settecento, in A. Dunning (ed.), Intorno a Locatelli. Studi in occasione del Tricentenario della nascita di Pietro Antonio Locatelli (1695-1764), 2 vol., Lucca, 1995, vol. 2, p. 1113-1167.

Silvagni 1967 = D. Silvagni, La corte e la società romana nei secoli XVII e XIX, 3 vol., Naples, 1967, vol. II.

Strohm 1976 = R. Strohm, Italienische Opernarien des frühen Settecento (1720-1730), Cologne, 1976 (Analecta musicologia, 16 I/II), II.

Strohm 1988 = R. Strohm, The critical edition of Vivaldi’s «Giustino» (1724), in A. Fanna, G. Morelli (ed.), Nuovi studi vivaldiani. Edizione e cronologia critica delle opere, 2 vol., Florence, 1988, I, p. 399-415.

Tanenbaum – Talbot 2003 = F. Tanenbaum Tiedge, M. Talbot, The Berkeley manuscript: arias and cantatas. Vivaldi and his Italian contemporaries, in Studi vivaldiani, 3, 2003, p. 33-86.

Valesio 1978 = F. Valesio, Diario di Roma, G. Scano and G. Graglia (ed.), 6 vol., Milan, 1977-1979, vol. IV.

Veneziano 2019 = G. Veneziano, Da Napoli a Roma: il Teatro Alibert come spazio performativo dinamico attraverso la produzione di Leonardo Vinci (1724-1730), in MEFRIM, 131-1, 2019, p. 169-175.

Viale Ferrero 1978-1981 = M. Viale Ferrero, Antonio e Pietro Ottoboni e alcuni melodrammi da loro ideati o promossi a Roma, in M.T. Muraro (ed.), Venezia e il melodramma nel Settecento, 2 vol., Florence, 1978-1981, I, p. 271-294.

Villa 2010 = A. Villa, Tipologia e funzionamento del sistema della dedica nell’Italia del Rinascimento, in Line@editoriale, 2, 2010, p. 26-48.

Visceglia 2002 = M.A. Visceglia, La città rituale: Roma e le sue cerimonie in età moderna, Rome, 2002.

Zanetti 1981 = E. Zanetti, La presenza di Francesco Gasparini in Roma. Gli ultimi anni (1726-1727), in F. della Seta, F. Piperno (ed.), Francesco Gasparini (1661-1727). Atti del primo convegno internazionale, Florence, 1981, p. 259-319.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Visceglia 2002, p. 100. To further investigate Roman patronage and how it influenced the programming of cultural events, see the contribution of the Orsini and Colonna families in Goulet 2014a-b and De Lucca forthcoming.

2 For examples of these personalized opera productions, see Blichmann 2018, p. 113-131.

3 Archival documents related to the Teatro Alibert are preserved in the ASMOM. They include ledgers (Libri Mastro) for several years (CT421: Libro Mastro A, 1725/26; CT422: Libro Mastro B, 1726/27; CT423: Libro Mastro C, 1727/28; CT424: Libro Mastro D, 1728/29) as well as the registers of receipts and expenditures associated with the theater (CT437: Registro di entrata e uscita, 1730-1737; CT439: 1728/29; CT440: 1727, CT441A: 1722, CT441B: 1723). Some of these documents have been partially transcribed in Blichmann 2012. Since 2017, they have begun to be systematically transcribed and inserted into the PerformArt database. At the end of this project (August 31, 2021), the data will be made publically available via a Web portal. For more information, see http://performart-roma.eu.

4 Sobieska did not attend the performance of Valdemaro. She took refuge in the Convent of Santa Cecilia (November 15, 1725, until July 7, 1727), before leaving for Bologna. Neither of the couple attended any of the performances of Gismondo and Siroe, as Stuart was leaving for Bologna on September 27, 1726. They did not rent the regular boxes (cf. note 55). In contrast, the representation of Semiramide was dedicated to the ladies because it was uncertain whether Stuart would return to Rome. Since he arrived in Rome at the beginnings of February 1729 (Corp 2011, p. 33) we can presume that he attended at least one performance of Semiramide between February 6 and March 1, 1729 (cf. ASMOM, CT424, c. 70). He did not rent a box (cf. ASMOM, CT424, c. 34). For other unforeseen inconveniences, cf. Corp 2011, p. 25-35, 175-193.

5 For more information concerning these representations, see Franchi 1997, for roles and interpreters, see Sartori 1990-1994, for sources, see Strohm 1976, for the stage design and action on stage, see Blichmann 2018, and for the payments of the staff, refer to the PerformArt database.

6 For more detail on Leonardo Vinci at the Teatro Alibert, see Veneziano in this volume.

7 Corp 2011, p. 78-95 and Clark 2003.

8 For the location and difficult access to the theater, see Franchi 1997, p. xlix.

9 For example, ASMOM, CT441 C (“Entrata et uscita”, 1722), Uscita, p. 59. For the importance of the Teatro Alibert in the Roman and European context, see Silvagni 1967, p. 86.

10 Giacomo d’Alibert, Count of Clignancourt and Beauregard, was born in 1626 in Orléans in France. From at least 1661, he served as a gentleman under Queen Christina of Sweden in Rome before entering the service of Marie Casimire Sobieska, the widow of the King of Poland (John III Sobieski), in 1699. Until his death on August 23, 1713, Alibert lived near the Palazzo Zuccari on the Pincio (the residence of Marie Casimire) in a house on the Vicolo del Carciofolo, which his son Antonio inherited. Antonio d’Alibert obtained a portion of the neighboring terrain from Giovanni Battista and Giovanni Antonio Naro, on which he built his own theater house. See Franchi 1997, p. xlvii-xlviii. For some of the representations of the serenatas in Marie Casimire’s court in Rome, see Markuszewska 2016a.

11 The first was a tragic comedy in prose (Isdegarde). See De Angelis 1951, p. 133, and Franchi 1997, p. 126.

12 After the 1719 Carnival season, Antonio d’Alibert incurred large debts due to work carried out in his theater by Francesco Galli Bibiena. See De Angelis 1951, p. 14.

13 Zeno 1718, p. 4, and Zeno – Pariati 1718, p. 3.

14 This wedding is confirmed by several musical performances in Rome, Perugia and Ferrara. Cf. Anonimo 1714a-c.

15 Pantanella 1995, p. 307.

16 Stuart first stayed at Pesaro from March 20 to May 22, 1717, then traveled to Rome (May 26 to July 4) before he finally arrived at the Urbino court on July 11, 1717. GB-Lbl, Stuart Manuscripts, Add. Mss. 20298, 31259 and 31260, cited in Corp 2000, p. 353. For performances involving Stuart in Pesaro, Rome, and Urbino, see ibidem, p. 354-355. Intent on leaving Urbino as soon as possible, Stuart and his supporter John Erskine, the Duke of Mar, followed David Nairne to Rome in mid-November 1718, where the latter figure organized accommodation for the Stuart court. Stuart stayed there until the beginning of February 1719, when he left for Spain. GB-Lbl, Stuart Manuscripts, Add. Ms. 31261, fol. 307 (Nairne to Gualtiero, January 7, 1719), cited in Corp 2000, p. 358.

17 His father, James II of England (1685-88), was forced to flee London on December 23, 1688, following his defeat in the Glorious Revolution. The exiled James II subsequently benefited from the protection of Louis XIV until his death in 1715. When James arrived in France, his son, Stuart, was just six months old.

18 Corp 2017.

19 King Louis XIV and Pope Clement XI offered diplomatic and financial support to the Stuarts. The Pope in particular proved to be attentive to the exiled claimant to the British throne. In 1715, he wrote personally to Philip V of Spain to encourage him to support Stuart’s military plans. He requested him to send money to his mother Maria Beatrice d’Este, and he gave them large sums of money. See Pantanella 1995, p. 315, n. 4.

20 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99. Regarding Stuart’s financial situation in Rome and his relationship with his three pontifical hosts, see Gregg 2003, p. 67. Gregg’s account is based on the reports of Baron Philipp von Stosch, who wrote biweekly newsletters from Rome to London. In Stosch’s view, Stuart was “reluctant […] to take refuge in the Papal States” and Clement XI was “unhappy that he was forced to become James’s host in 1717”. Ibidem, p. 67 and 69. Nevertheless, both Clement XI and his successor, Innocent XIII, granted him an annual pension and provided him with money for special expenditures.

21 Corp 2003, p. 157-175: 174.

22 In the city he also attended two oratories in 1718, San Romoaldo (Sartori 1990-1994, no. 20611) and Il sepolcro di Cristo fabbricato dagli angeli (Sartori 1990-1994, no. 21620), the latter with music by Francesco Mancini. The librettos do not mention any singer.

23 Corp 2003, p. 133-140: 137.

24 Ibidem, p. 136, note 20 and p. 137.

25 Corp 2000, p. 355 and Corp 2005b, p. 15.

26 Corp (2000, p. 356) is assuming that La costanza in trionfo is a version of Antonio Vivaldi’s La costanza trionfante degl’amori e de gl’odi (Venice, 1716) written on a text by Antonio Marchi. Cf. Sartori 1990-1994, no. 6839 and 6822. For Vivaldi’s opera, see Blichmann 2016.

27 No information about the singers in Lotti’s opera are given in Sartori 1990-1994, no. 18725 and 23385.

28 “Due belle opere recitate da alcuni dei migliori cantanti italiani, con balli, in cui egli [il re] danzò, e conversazioni, la loro parola per assemblées, in cui la gente dell’opera cantò, come fece ogni giorno per il re nel suo proprio alloggio, essendo egli diventato un grande estimatore della musica italiana”. Cited in Corp 2003, p. 138 (HMC Stuart VI, p. 101, letter of Mar to Tullibardine, March 6, 1718).

29 Ibid.

30 Tanenbaum – Talbot 2003, p. 38. According to these authors the visitor was the third Earl of Peterborough; according to Corp the visitor was the Duke of Mar (Corp 2005b, p. 15).

31 Selfridge Field 2007, p. 327-336. For a precise discussion on the copies requested by the Duke of Mar, see Corp 2005b, p. 15-17.

32 Stuart personally attended a musical meeting in the Palazzo Ruspoli in Rome in June 1717, were he could have met Gasparini who was in the service of the prince. Cf. note 49. Some arias in the musical library of Mar and Stuart belong to Gasparini’s Arsace (Corp 2005b, p. 16). Mar could not have attended he Venetian performance in San Giovanni Grisostomo (sorting date 1717-12-26), because he arrived at Urbino in the second half of November.

33 Corp 2000, p. 356-357 and Corp 2005b, p. 15-17. These manuscripts are kept in the National Library of Scotland (two arias from La Merope by Orlandini, Bologna 1717) and others in the Berkeley Castle (arias from La costanza trionfante by Vivaldi, Venice 1716). Cf. Tanenbaum – Talbot 2003.

34 Rostirolla 1981.

35 For music at the Stuart court, see Leech 2004. For the repertory at Saint-Germain, see Lionnet 1992 and Field 2013.

36 The Stuart-Sobieska couple would have heard the singers who recited in the operas performed after October 1719 for themselves. Nicola Grimaldi was in contact with John Erskine, Corp 2003, p. 135. The Venetian singer, probably heard by the Duke of Mar during his sojourn in Venice in 1717, could have recommended this castrato to Stuart.

37 Unfortunately, I could not find archival documentation that definitively confirms this hypothesis.

38 See note 10.

39 Roszkowska 1984.

40 Pantanella 1995, p. 307.

41 The palace is still famous for its sumptuous interior decoration, particularly its imposing staircase to the noble floor that was built for Stuart’s first stay in Bologna. Belloni created a marble commemorative plaque, in the center of the staircase, above the arched statues of Hercules and Orpheus, with a Latin inscription that recalls Stuart’s stay there in March 1717. For his other stays between 1717 and 1726, Stuart had an apartment consisting of a salon and four exquisitely decorated rooms at his disposal.

42 Markuszewska 2017, p. 166. For details on contact with Belloni, see Corp 2005a, p. 312-313. For the wedding date, see Corp 2000, p. 360. The European politics and the wedding of Stuart and Maria Clementina are described in detail in Platania 1993.

43 The wedding is depicted in Agostino Masucci’s painting entitled Le nozze di Giacomo III Stuart re d’Inghilterra e della principessa Maria Clementina Sobieska (1719), currently held in the National Portrait Gallery of Scotland in Edinburgh.

44 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99.

45 Pantanella 1995, p. 308.

46 Moroni 1840-1861, vol. xxxv, p. 99.

47 Appendix 1 in Blichmann 2018.

48 For details on the cultural activities of the Stuart-Sobieska couple in the Palazzo Muti and in Rome, see Corp 2011, p. 59-95.

49 Piperno 1981, p. 206.

50 Maria Clementina was a close friend of Cardinal Niccolò Coscia. Cf. Valesio 1978, 756, 826. In 1723, the Stuart-Sobieska couple attended the Carnival at the balcony of the newly built Palazzo de Carolis. Cf. Clementi 1939, p. 32, note 2.

51 For more detailed information on Stuart-Sobieska and Roman society cf. Corp 2011, p. 59-77.

52 Piperno 1995, p. 806. For music on the Roman Stuart court, see Corp 2000 and Corp 2011.

53 It is likely that he saw Lucio vero in the Teatro Alibert during the Carnival of 1719. Franchi 1997, p. 154. According to the documents seen by Edward Corp, Stuart enjoyed Gasparini’s Astianatte during the Carnival season of 1719. See Corp 2000, p. 358, fn. 56. For an overview of the operas performed in Rome, see Clark 2003.

54 For example ASMOM, CT441 C (“Entrata e uscita”, 1724), Uscita, p. 63: “Maestà del Rè Britanico, protettore del teatro”. On January 1, 1726, it reads “Sua Real Maestà del Rè d’Inghilterra, nostro protettore” (ASMOM, CT421, Libro Mastro A, c. 44). A reference bibliography for the Teatro Alibert is given in Veneziano in this volume note 1.

55 ASMOM, CT441 A, p. 39; CT441 B, c. 60; CT441 C, p. 38 and CT421, c. 38. A letter from Sir William Ellis to John Hay Inverness (January 27, 1727) confirms that the King’s boxes had been reserved for Gismondo and Siroe (Corp 2011, p. 90). However, the respective Libro Mastro (CT422, c. 33) does not list “Sua Maestà [Brittanica]” renting the boxes, which were alternatively rented for 260 scudi by Don Felix Cornego and Marquis Girolamo Muti, signora Marquis Tassi and Virginio Cenci and Don Tomaso Leti.

56 Corp 2011, p. 82. Other English noblemen rented box 32 in the fourth tier on February 9, 1722. Boxes were rented to Roman noblemen, cardinals and foreign ambassadors (on behalf of the monarchs they represented), and Stuart-Sobieska could have had social contact with these figures. They included: the Senator of Portugal (half of the circle III-25), Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni (II-13 and IV-23), the Princess of Piombino (I-14), Don Mario Chigi (III-33), Cardinal Acquaviva (II-16 and III-2), Prince Borghese (I-3), Prince Altieri (half of II-7), Abbot Tanté, Minister of France (II-15), the Prince of Santa Croce (II-8), Prince Carbognana (II-27), Prince Chigi (half of II-7), the Ambassador of Portugal (II-20 and half of IV-29), the Ambassador of Venice (II-14 and a room), Duke Lante (II-23), Prince Carlo Albani (II-18), Cardinal Althan (II-17, 19 and a room), Cardinal Pereira (III-13 and a room), Monsignor Acquaviva (II-29), the Duke of Acquasparta (III-7, IV-25) and also Nicola Porpora (IV-7 “per la seconda opera” that was his own work). I-Rasmom, CT441 A, p. 31-34. Luca Antonio Predieri was also granted a box. See ASMOM, CT441 A, p. 39 (Denari riscossi delli palchetti incredenzati).

57 For examples, see Blichmann 2018, p. 113-131.

58 Villa 2010.

59 The only poet who personally revised this drama was Metastasio. He was in Rome in 1726 and supervised the messa in scena of Didone abbandonata with Vinci. For the accomodation he received a “orologio con cassa e controcassa e catena d’oro donato al Signor Metastasio Poeta per haver acomodato il libretto della Didone” ASMOM, CT 421, c. 58sx. Cf. Blichmann 2012, p. 40.

60 Blichmann 2012, p. 116-117. For Lucchini see note 68.

61 Valesio, p. 620 and 626: “Domenica 13 [gennaio] […] Questa sera si è dato principio al dramma della Didone nel teatro Aribert con belle apparenze, essendo stato allungato il palco di oltre 40 palmi.”

62 Blichmann 2012, p. 31.

63 “A un ‘grado zero’ della diffusione di un’opera, l’autore offre un manoscritto autografo al dedicatario, controllando così insieme il testo e il suo supporto. È il modello che vige prima della stampa”, Villa 2010.

64 The dedicatees were confirmed by “Antonio d’Alibert” or “Gl’interessati (del teatro)”, “Gl’Accademici del Teatro delle Dame”, “Li padroni del teatro”.

65 When the dedicatee was the supporter of a composer, they could be involved in the stylistic choice of the setting; thus, the composer would change his style according to the patron. Cf. Mischiati 1993, p. 226. We do not know what kind of relation the Stuart-Sobieska couple had with the composers mentioned in table 1, but we know that they could have had contact with Porpora who rented box IV-7 3 per la seconda opera [Flavio Anicio Olibrio] in 1722. ASMOM, CT 441, p. 32.

66 The two operas performed in 1729/30 can be considered as a specific homage to the dedicatees who had moved to Rome from Bologna after five years, in February and June 1729, respectively. Cf. Corp 2011, p. 33, 207.

67 It is the first time that he was present on the Roman stage. For Farnace cf. Markstrom 1993, p. 45-58.

68 Lucchini escorted Antonio Vivaldi to Rome in winter 1723-1724 for the performance of Giustino in the Teatro Capranica. Cf. Franchi 1997, p. 197, note 326 and Strohm 1988, p. 412-413. See also Veneziano in this volume, note 6.

69 Blichmann 2012, p. 291-307.

70 The style of Vinci coincided with the “morbidezza dello stile” di Metastasio. Cf. Clementi 1939, p. 36. Stylistic, musical, and interpretive changes are discussed in Blichmann 2012, in particular p. 349-52.

71 For the thirty-two operas and pasticcios written between 1702 and 1713 in Venice, see Rostirolla 1981, p. 93-94, 97.

72 Ottoboni favored the composer’s return to Rome from Venice. Cf. Della Seta 1981, p. 223. For the Venetian-Roman opera exchange and the important role of Ottoboni, see Viale Ferrero 1978-81.

73 Porpora’s music is an adaption of Lotti’s setting for Venice in 1711. Cf. Strohm 1976, p. 203.

74 For a case study on Eumene, see Markuszewska 2016c.

75 Zanetti 1981, p. 269.

76 De Angelis 1951, p. 137 and Corp 2005a, p. 313, n. 18.

77 Blichmann 2012, p. 314-316. Porpora’s style depended on the type of ritornello in his arias and the different competences of the singers, see Ibid., p. 340-345.

78 Broschi was protected by the Bolognese Sicinio Pepoli, husband of Stuart’s third-degree cousin, Eleonora Colonna. Cf. Corp 2005a. Stuart could not have heard Farinelli during his short sojourns at Bologna in 1717 and 1719, because the singer began his career in 1720 in Naples (L’Angelica, music by Porpora). Broschi was a fraternal friend of Metastasio as they had collaborated in Naples in the early 1720s. This raises the question of whether Farinelli (and Vinci) might have been responsible for Metastasio’s return to Rome and his involvement with the Teatro delle Dame. For their friendship with Vinci, see Veneziano in this volume note 17. The singer guaranteed the extraordinary success of Metastasio’s operas in Venice, in the second half of the decade. Cf. Blichmann 2012, p. 362-364, 366-380.

79 Blichmann 2012, p. 316-332, 351.

80 For a case study on Adelaide, see Markuszewska 2016b.

81 Strohm 1976, p. 203.

82 In 1723, Porpora had many activities and other commitments in Naples, including —together with Broschi— the representation of Imeneo for the wedding of the Prince of Montemiletto, and Amare e regnare (Teatro di San Bartolomeo). Porpora and Broschi were active at the same theater in spring 1724 for Semiramide, regina dell’Assiria.

83 For Predieri’s success in Rome, see Della Seta 1982, p. 148.

84 Both return to the Roman scenes but separately; Porpora in 1727 (Siroe, re di Persia) and Broschi in 1727 and 1728 to the Teatro Capranica (L’amor generoso, Il Cid, L’isola d’Alcina, Cesare in Egitto). Together with Gizzi they were active at the Grimani theater in Venice in 1729 (Semiramide riconosciuta).

85 In table 4 musicians are listed alphabetically. For a better understanding of the organics of the orchestras between 1726-1729 cf. table 5. In Blichmann 2012, p. 200-201, musicians are listed by instrument. Errors are corrected in the two tables cited here. Only the musicians in table 4 were engaged in the operas Ipermestra and Catone (1727/28) Cf. ASMOM, CT423, c. 74.

86 The trumpet players are not always mentioned by name, but are included under the name of Ludovico Vacca. Between 1721 and 1723 Vacca and Giovanni Battista Bisucci together received 53 scudi. In 1725/1726 the indication of “Lodovico Vacca trombe [sic], sc. 53” (ASMOM, CT421, c. 63) could probably also refer to Bisucci. In the following years there are similar abbreviations —Vacca and “comp.e trombe”— with an increased salary of about 60 scudi for all trumpet players. Cf. ASMOM, CT422, c. 74 and CT424, c. 78. In these instances, there are two trumpet players, Vacca and Bisucci.

87 He was probably replaced by the “cimbalaro” Pietro Cremesi after the first performance, as Cremesi is included in all payment lists for the orchestra.

88 In the ledgers Simonelli is also registered as “Giacomo Antonio” (ASMOM, CT421-22), “Giacomo Girolamo” (ASMOM, CT441) and “Girolamo” (ASMOM, CT424).

89 In ASMOM, the name CT441 was corrected to “Arnò”. Giovanni Arnò was a dance teacher and cannot be identified as an oboist. In the ledgers other names were written with errors, e.g., Giovanni Andrea Miele on the trumpet is confused with “Andrea Micheli” (ASMOM CT421, c. 63) and “Ernesto Teffer” is written instead of Ernesto Piffer (ASMOM, CT441, c. 65). For other name variations cf. table 4.

90 Musicians were not investigated in the context of their professional status in Rome. Refer to Barbieri 2009, p. 607; Della Seta 1981; La Via 1995; Rostirolla 1981; Rostirolla 1994; Rostirolla 2001; Piperno 1981; Sgaria 1995; Pavanello 1995.

91 Notably Costanzi, who was a cello virtuoso and a stable member of the Ottoboni family. Cf. La Via 1995, p. 322, 473-478.

92 See for example, Careri 1987, p. 69-126.

93 For their integration into Roman musical life, see Oriol 2015, p. 269-299.

94 Cf. ASMOM, CT433, c. 104, 106, 118, 121.

95 Cimapane also played the violone, Belcore the organ, Poli the cornet, Oriente the viola, Bartolomeo Mossi the violin, Giuseppe Mossi and Penna the violoncello, Carosi and Minissari the double bass and finally Benincasa, Erba, Ghirlarducci, Haim, Carosi and Travaglia the trombone. Belcore and Rosati were also singers and Mercuri a copist.

96 The “cimbalaro” Cremesi is included in the amount. Cf. note 87. For two seasons, the number of musicians does not correspond with the number of instruments. In 1722/23 there were 37 musicians on 41 instruments and 36 on 37 in 1725/26.

97 Giovanni Brambilla and Giuseppe Fantone played the oboe and bassoon. Andrea Miele and Ernesto Pifer were both on the hunting trumpet and hunting horn.

98 ASMOM, CT441 B, c. 69 (“sonatori di timpani”). In scene I.1 of Cosroe and scene II.3 of Adelaide trumpets play, but the trumpet players were not necessarily marching on stage. For a detailed discussion, see Blichmann 2018, p. 126.

99 In 1721/22 Broschi received an unspecified honorary, that was included in the 750 scudi salary of his teacher Porpora. Since Predieri earned 300 scudi for one opera during this season (like Porpora did in 1723) we can presume that Broschi received 450 scudi for singing in the 15 arias in Sofonisba and Flavio (Cf. ASMOM, CT441 A, p. 6 and 10). His salary was larger than that of the other singers in the cast. His leading role in 1722 and 1723 probably depended on the fact that Broschi, only sixteen years old at that time, had made his operatic debut in the prima donna part of Sofonisba.

100 This topic will be published in an article by the author (Blichmann [in preparation]).

101 “E Farinelli e Caffarelli sono gli idoli del carnevale 1723 e 1724, sempre festeggiatissimi nell’Ercole sul Termodonte e nell’Adelaide”, Clementi 1939, p. 32, see also Silvagni 1967, p. 91.

102 Cf. music manuscripts in B-Bc 4658, p. 213-228 and B-Bc 4664, p. 298-308.

103 Cf. music manuscripts in D-Hs, M A/460, f. 57-88 and 141-160.

104 Brumana 1996.

105 The virtuoso aria Il pastor se torna aprile (Semiramide) is one of the few exceptions. For this and an analysis of assorted arias, see Blichmann 2012, p. 314-315 and Monson 1988, p. 568-571.

106 The more virtuose aria Se resto sul lido (Enea) is an exception.

107 After 1730, no opera at the Teatro delle Dame was dedicated to Stuart and Maria Clementina. Maria Clementina died in 1735 and afterward dedications to Stuart were only resumed in 1738: Quinto Fabio was dedicated to Stuart, Vologeso re de’ Parti (1739) and Siroe (1740) to his sons, Charles Edward and Henry Benedict Stuart. For operas dedicated to Maria Clementina in particular, see Markuszewska 2013.

108 For changes in the name and owners of the Teatro delle Dame, see Veneziano in this volume note 4.

109 Blichmann 2018, p. 118-119 and Erkens 2018, p. 92-93.

110 For the high quality of the Vinci and “Neapolitan” productions in Rome, see Veneziano in this volume. The author underscores the innovative aspect of Neapolitan composers and singers at the Teatro Alibert. The authors look for reasons why the most representative Neapolitans could have found an engagement in the Roman Teatro delle Dame.

111 I want to thank Anne-Madeleine Goulet for further reflections on the concept of musical “taste” in Rome.

112 For a better understanding of Porpora’s function regarding the opera dedications to Maria Sobieska, see Markuszewska 2018.

113 “E il successo del teatro metastasiano era così clamoroso che lo stesso Farinelli al Capranica, malgrado i miracoli della sua voce, passava in seconda linea”, Clementi 1939, p. 37-38.

Haut de page

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 – Nicola Porpora, Nobil onda (Adelaide, I.17), D-Hs, M A/460, f. 74-78.
Crédits Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, M A/460, f. 74-78.
Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Diana Blichmann, « The Stuart-Sobieska opera patronage in Rome », Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Italie et Méditerranée modernes et contemporaines, 131-1 | -1, 177-200.

Référence électronique

Diana Blichmann, « The Stuart-Sobieska opera patronage in Rome », Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Italie et Méditerranée modernes et contemporaines [En ligne], 131-1 | 2019, mis en ligne le 30 juin 2019, consulté le 05 août 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefrim/6296 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mefrim.6296

Haut de page

Auteur

Diana Blichmann

dianablichmann@yahoo.de

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

© École française de Rome

Haut de page
  • Logo École française de Rome
  • OpenEdition Journals