- 1 See Gómez 1997 for this series of Iberian biographies.
1In his collection of Lives of illustrious men of his time, Vespasiano included mainly Italian individuals, but he also incorporated some foreigners, such as English, Germans, Greeks, or Hungarians. However, the prevailing nationalities are those hailing from the Iberian Peninsula. Out of a total of 102 biographies (excluding those published in the appendices by Greco), we encounter sixteen biographies of Spaniards, with three originating from Portugal, five from Castille, and eight from the Crown of Aragon. These were the three groups known as Spaniards during that period.1
2The inclusion of Hispanic individuals transpires a clear intent to forge a connection between the two peninsulas. Vespasiano’s writings reveal that this was not a superficial relationship of seller and client. Instead, they reflect a genuine desire to build a cultural bridge between Italians and Spaniards. A bridge, anyway, that had been already built and transited since the arrival of the Aragonese court in the Italian South. It is worth noting, for instance, that there are no French rulers, archbishops, bishops, or writers featured among the biographees. Throughout his work, the passages related to Spanish figures consistently convey positive sentiments, as we will see in what follows.
- 2 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 34.
3In Vespasiano’s collection, he placed the biography of Pope Nicholas V at the beginning, likely to emphasize the significance of this religious figure as head and leader of the people (“perché lo spirituale debba tenere il principato in ogni cosa, metterò papa Nicola come capo e guida di tutti”).2 Following Nicholas V, Vespasiano included the biography of Alfonso V of Aragon (1396-1458), also known as the Magnanimous. Alfonso plays a prominent role in the collection, and many of the Spanish figures featured are closely associated with him. It is essential to contextualize Vespasiano’s work within the Catalan presence in Naples and the complex network of alliances among Italian Peninsula states during that era. Alfonso V arrived in Naples on February 26, 1443, and reigned until his death, while his son Ferdinand held power until 1494, just four years before Vespasiano’s passing. Vespasiano portrays this King with an overwhelmingly positive light, possibly to maintain and secure the royal favor. Additionally, Vespasiano’s affection for the Catalan King may also be rooted in the ideal of combining military prowess and intellectual pursuits (arms and letters) –an ideal which Alfonso V exemplified as a ruler dedicated to both governing and promotion of culture.
- 3 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 114-115.
4In the case of Alfonso’s biography, which is one of the longest in the collection, at the outset of his sketch, Vespasiano defers to the work already provided by Bartolomeo Facio (Rerum gestarum Alfonsi regis libri, 1448-1455)3 and Antonio Beccadelli, il Panormita (De dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Aragonum, 1455). Both works had been written in Latin and focused on the royal official side, while apparently Vespasiano was more interested in the exploration of his private life, habits (“costumi domestici”), and in the individual’s personality. Alfonso’s Life relies heavily, perhaps more so than in other instances, on the use of anecdotes, strategically selected to offer a certain image of the character.
- 4 Vespasiano dedicates a biography to Manetti: ibid., I, p. 485-538; for Vespasiano’s Commentario del (...)
5Vespasiano also capitalizes on his friendships, from which he gathers a wealth of anecdotes that he includes in his writings. One such example is Gianozzo Manetti, who emerges as a valuable source of information. In many of Vespasiano’s anecdotes, Manetti plays a critical role, and he is the one who directly interacts with the King.4
- 5 See the anecdote in Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 102-103.
- 6 Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 108.
6Vespasiano presents a very human portrayal of the King, while infusing his character with a kind of mysticism that aligns with the ideal of a good Christian. According to Vespasiano, Alfonso was a devout Christian, displaying mercy to the poor, regularly attending mass three times a day, assisting the less fortunate, observing fasts on bread and water every Friday, visiting the sick, and embodying virtues like pity, compassion, forgiveness, boundless generosity. Alfonso’s faith was paramount, as highlighted in various anecdotes, such as when Giovanni Vitelleschi arrived to attack him. Vespasiano paints a vividly human portrait: a king who recognizes the weight of his responsibilities, who is kind, just, honest, sincere, and who even has a certain sense of humor, as seen in the interactions with the Sienese ambassador.5 In his final hours, Alfonso, who was dying of “diabetica passione”, is depicted as the caring father bidding farewell to his son.6
- 7 See for example, the passage where il Panormita read Livy’s Decades during times of war (Bisticci 1 (...)
- 8 Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 114.
7Another particular trait of Alfonso V, on which Vespasiano insists very much is that he was a great benefactor, as it was also the case of Pope Nicholas V. According to Vespasiano, Alfonso held a deep regard for learned individuals and was a dedicated patron of scholars, such as Manetti, and Beccadelli who also enjoyed his patronage.7 Taking upon the example of the Catalan King, Vespasiano passionately defends the broader significance of benefactors as essential components within the cultural ecosystem.8 In this context, we can discern elements of protest, with Vespasiano advocating for the need to support the belles-lettres.
- 9 Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 93.
- 10 Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p.97.
8Another key element in Alfonso’s biography is precisely the consideration of language as a representation of cultural identity and a sign of his alien status. From a sociolinguistic perspective, the reactions of those around the King when he uses Spanish or Catalan, as opposed to Italian, can provide valuable insights into the dynamics of his reign, and help us to better evaluate how linguistic switch influenced the interactions between the king and his subjects. For instance, in the presence of the peasants arriving from Barcelona, the King uses Catalan to align himself with them, and contradicts the observation done by the royal officer.9 This episode, beyond highlighting the importance of linguistic communication in a multicultural and multilingual society, sheds light on the social hierarchies and power structures of the reign. On a different occasion, officer Martorella questions the King’s orders given to Manetti, arguing that as the King speaks in Spanish, he might have not understood him correctly.10 This anecdote, besides being to highlight the good understanding between Manetti and the King, might reflect a real concern, which was that royal messages were accurately understood by his subjects. Nevertheless, while these episodes contribute to our understanding of Alfonso’s character, they often lack historical and critical analysis. For instance, when the group of peasants from Barcelona embarks on a journey to Naples to seek the King’s judgment, Vespasiano’s narrative remains somewhat silent on the underlying reasons compelling these peasants to undertake such a voyage. It is worth stressing that Alfonso’s physical absence from the Catalan lands presented a unique set of challenges, particularly in the realm of effective decision-making.
9Finally, the depiction of Alfonso’s death occupies a significant place within the biography, and the extensive details provided stem primarily from firsthand accounts received by Vespasiano. In his narrative, we encounter a king whose entire entourage is composed of individuals hailing from the Crown of Aragon. Consequently, the King finds himself encircled by notable foreign figures.
- 11 The manuscript was Florence, Biblioteca Marucelliana, C 317. See Kim 2015b, p. 136.
10Vespasiano’s collection comprises a total of five cardinals, encompassing three Castilians (Torquemada, Mella, Mendoza), one Catalan (Margarit), and one Portuguese (Jacopo). Additionally, there are three bishops: two Catalans (Cosme de Montserrat, and Narcis de Verdú), and one Portuguese (Alfonso). Notably, these biographies exhibit considerable variation in length, with Joan Margarit’s being the most extensive, while those of the Castilian cardinals are relatively brief. It is also worth mentioning that in 1862, Pietri Fanfani unearthed an additional manuscript, containing nine previously unknown biographies.11 Among these, there was the biography of Ferrán Valentí, a renowned humanist from the island of Majorca, who served as the confessor of King Alfonso V. In this section, we will thoroughly examine all these figures to better understand the motivations behind their inclusion in Vespasiano’s collection.
- 12 His biography occupies Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 385-391. About Ferrán Valentí: Barc (...)
11Many of the figures featured in Vespasiano’s memoirs relate to Alfonso’s entourage. This includes two learned men, masters in theology and philosophy: Ferrán Valentí (d. 1476), humanist and jurist, and Joan Soler (1405-1463), who served as Bishop of Barcelona. While Soler is only referenced in Alfonso’s biography, Valentí is the subject of his own dedicated biography.12
- 13 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 109.
12Valentí is a well-known humanist hailing from the island of Majorca, whose first appearance in the collection takes place in Alfonso V’s biography, where he is portrayed as someone exceptionally close to the King. Vespasiano describes him as a marvelous man, characterized by his moral character, wisdom, and piety. The sanctity of his life was due to his profound knowledge in theology and philosophy. He was also an outstanding preacher and served as the King’s confessor. In fact, according to Vespasiano, when Valentí detected any wrongdoing on behalf of the King, he never hesitated to reprimand him, a gesture that even the King respected and feared. Valentí’s influence on the King was primarily due to his exemplary life of holiness and his refusal to accept cardinal positions or material wealth. Valentí sought only a modest role with a small income, devoid of the responsibility for the care of souls.13 Vespasiano had the opportunity to meet Valentí, particularly during his time in residence in Florence after the King’s demise. One might have expected more detailed insights from Vespasiano regarding Valentí’s literary and intellectual contributions, including his work as a translator. Although we preserve an independent biography on Valentí, the narrative reiterates the same elements already elucidated in Alfonso’s biography. Nevertheless, Valentí’s portrayal serves to reinforce the mystical aura that surrounded the King. It highlights that it was not only Alfonso who set an example of sanctified life, but also his closest servants, such as Valentí.
- 14 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 109.
- 15 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 99. See as well, Soler 2017, p. 443-448.
13Another figure who plays a pivotal role in Vespasiano’s narrative about King Alfonso, even though he does not have an independent biography, is Joan Soler. This Catalan priest initially served as a cannon at the Old Cathedral of Lleida. And, in 1456, he assumed the role of apostolic nuncio of Calixtus III, acting as a permanent ecclesiastical diplomat at the court of Alfonso V of Aragon in Naples. Soler earned the King’s favor and trust, to the extent that he was one of the clergy members present beside him during his final moments, as well as the executor of his will. Vespasiano describes him as a remarkable theologian and a person of the utmost sanctity.14 Additionally, Soler was intellectually well connected. For instance, he shared a friendship with Enea Silvio Piccolomini, the future Pius II, with whom he exchanged some letters. Following the King’s demise, Soler returned to Barcelona and served as the city’s bishop from October 4, 1458, until his passing in November 1463.15
- 16 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 113.
14Vespasiano emphasizes the significance of these two men especially because he had a personal acquaintance with them. Regarding the detailed account of Alfonso’s death, he justifies his narrative by explaining that after the King’s passing, both Soler and Valentí came to Florence, where had the privilege of hearing all the particulars directly from them.16
- 17 Vespasiano calls him “vescovo d’Urguelli”, Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 112.
15Another figure solely mentioned in the narrative of Alfonso’s death is Arnau Roger de Pallars (1408-1461), who served as the Bishop of Urgell from April 14, 1436, to August 14, 1461.17 When King Alfonso V was nearing the end of his life, he specifically requested that the last sacraments and the anointing with holy oil be administered by the hands of this Bishop.
- 18 Martín n.d.; Gómez 1997, p. 42; Tate 1970, p. 128, 152 and 1976.
- 19 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 220.
16In Vespasiano’s collection, the most significant Spanish figure after King Alfonso is his friend, Joan Margarit (1422-1484). Margarit was a prominent figure, serving as a Bishop and Cardinal of Girona. He was a politician, a devoted bibliophile, a distinguished historiographer, and a writer.18 In the late 1430, he embarked on his studies in Bologna, earning his doctorates in both laws around 1443. Vespasiano provides an insightful portrait of Cardinal Margarit, commending his eloquence, extensive knowledge spanning various disciplines (law, theology, philosophy, literature, history, and cosmography), and practical approach to life, which stemmed from his professional and personal experience.19
17Vespasiano structures Margarit’s biography around his significant life events, often enriched by his personal recollections, which were likely directly shared by Margarit himself. For instance, Vespasiano recounts Margarit’s tenure in Pope Nicholas’ court (1448-1452), where he assumed the role of Clerk of the Camera Numeraria Apostolica. However, he faced a challenge when an officer called Luigi Scarampi, who harbored a dislike for Aragonese members in the Vatican, opposed his appointment. This incident hints at potential animosity from certain curia members toward foreigners, particularly Spaniards. Fortunately, Pope Nicholas intervened, and the matter was resolved with Scarampi eventually accepting Margarit’s new position.
- 20 See the many works of R.B. Tate, Tate 1970.
18Vespasiano’s narrative contains memories meant to emphasize Margarit’s strong relationship and unwavering loyalty to the royal powers, especially with Alfonso of Aragon in Naples, and later Ferdinand in Aragon. Notably, Vespasiano provides insights into the political landscape during the early years of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, reflecting Margarit’s preference for Ferdinand. This stance deviates from official Castilian historiography, which predominantly supported Queen Isabella.20
- 21 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 215; for the existing manuscript, Villalonga 1993, p. 132.
19Vespasiano also commends Margarit’s linguistic abilities. During one of his missions representing the Pope and King Joan, Margarit addressed the Florentines in March 1459, demanding their adherence to their agreement to observe the heirs to the throne in Naples, with King Alfonso and his son, and, in Spain, with Joan II and his heir Ferdinand. Vespasiano underscores that Margarit delivered this address in Italian, rather than in Latin, and did so with remarkable eloquence.21 In this case, language is not only a tool for communication, but it also demonstrates intellectual and professional worth.
- 22 See for example Tate 1976.
20Vespasiano references some of Cardinal Margarit’s most notable works, including De corona principum, a treatise on the education of princes (which earned him the moniker of the “Catalan Machiavelli”), and Paralipomenon, considered the first history of Spain created according to the principles of humanistic historiography.22
- 23 For details on Verdú, see Paolella 2019.
- 24 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 101-125.
- 25 A critical edition is in progress, Paolella 2019.
- 26 The Epistola is preserved in two manuscripts: London, British Library, ms. Add. 24895 (olim ms. Phi (...)
- 27 Additional data in Mirabile. Digital Archives for Medieval Culture, s.v. Narcissus de Verduno: http (...)
- 28 The BNF catalog offers detailed descriptions, and are available through Gallica: Latin 1703, https: (...)
21Vespasiano includes two additional biographies of Catalan individuals. One of them is Narcís de Verdú, referred to by Vespasiano as the “Vescovo Militense”.23 While his origins may have been from Verdú (Lleida, Spain), he remains a relatively obscure figure. Initially, he served as the Canon of Saragossa, later relocating to the court of Naples around 1450, where he emerged as a prominent intellectual figure. Following Alfonso’s passing, he continued to serve in the Napolitan court, offering his services to Ferdinand and assuming the roles of secretary and Bishop of Miletus in Calabria (Italy) from 1473 to 1477. It appears that Verdú had a notable association with prominent intellectuals, including Giannozzo Manetti and other humanists. More significantly, he was part of the intellectual circle of Greek scholars, which included notable figures such as Theodorus Gaza, John Argyropoulos, Bessarion, Demetrio Calcondila, Alessio Celadeno, among others. In fact, Vespasiano recounts an occasion when Argyropoulos met with Verdú, and he later inquired about Verdú’s knowledge on Plato. The Greek described Verdú as one of the most wise and well-informed individuals about the philosopher. Vespasiano goes on to describe how Verdú was held in high esteem by the King. In 1471, he was appointed to deliver a speech at the diet of Regensburg in Germany, alongside Antonio Cicinello, who also has a biography within Vespasiano’s collection.24 Interestingly, it was on their journey back to Naples from Germany that Verdú and Cicinello made a stop in Florence where they had the opportunity to meet with Argyropoulos and Vespasiano himself. We are aware of at least three works authored by Narcís de Verdú: Caedula de matrimonio, likely written between 1470 and 1472;25 Epistola de nativitate Christi, dedicated to Antonio Peruzzi, the secretary of Ferdinand of Aragon, King of Naples;26 De sanguine Christi; and Oratio Ferdinando regi dicta.27 In addition to his writings, we know he possessed a minimum of two manuscripts today at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, one containing a translation by George of Trebizond of Basil of Caesarea, and the other a Quintilian.28
- 29 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 315-318.
- 30 Villalonga 1993, p. 158-160.
- 31 Cosme was nominated Bishop of Girona, and afterwards of Vic, in 1459 by Pius II.
- 32 For the role of Cosme at the Vatican library, Villalonga 1993, p. 158-160; Albareda 1946.
- 33 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 318.
22Another Catalan Cardinal whose biography entered Vespasiano’s collection was Cosme de Montserrat (d. 1473).29 Montserrat held various ecclesiastical positions, beginning with his role as the Prior of the Cathedral of Zaragoza and later as the Archdeacon of Sant Llorenç in Tarragona (Spain). On April 4, 1455, he arrived in Rome, accompanying Pope Calixtus III (born Alfonso de Borgia). Within the papal curia, Montserrat assumed the roles of apostolic datary and the Pope’s confessor. He was a highly educated individual, well-versed in theology, medicine, and the arts. In contrast to Margarit, who consistently supported Joan II, Cosme aligned himself with Carlos de Viana, who ultimately lost in the Catalan civil war. Pius II appointed him as the Bishop of Girona, although Joan II never granted his approval for this position. The King had desired that the bishopric be given to Margarit, which eventually occurred. Montserrat was also named Bishop of Barcelona in 1463, but he, too, lacked royal approval.30 By the time Vespasiano wrote, Montserrat had already passed away, and he is primarily remembered for his title as Bishop of Vic, referred to as “Vescovo Vicense”. Vespasiano holds a rather unfavorable view of Montserrat for two primary reasons. First, it appears that their rivalry over the bishopric of Girona, which was sought after by both Cosme and his friend Margarit, may have contributed to Vespasiano’s public disapproval.31 Second, Vespasiano is particularly critical of Montserrat’s role in the Vatican library, where he was in charge of the book inventory.32 According to Vespasiano, Montserrat’s tenure involved mishandling the Vatican library, as he is believed to have removed and distributed numerous volumes from its collection. While this accusation may be quite severe, it provides valuable insights for tracking and reconstructing the library of Nicholas V. Vespasiano sumps up his character by saying: “Erano in questo vescovo molte laudabili conditioni, ma aveva la testa dura.”33
23Among the cardinals’ biographies, we find, as well, three individuals from Castile: Juan de Torquemada, Juan de Mella, and Pedro de Mendoza. However, these biographies are notably concise and lack the vibrancy and originality found in many others, such as those of Margarit, Valentí, or Verdú. It is likely that, due to the absence of anecdotes, as Vespasiano may not have had personal interactions with them, he limits these biographies to brief summaries. This suggests that Vespasiano’s compilation of biographies was not primarily intended to feature famous individuals, but rather guided by his personal preferences and connections.
- 34 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 183-184; Martínez n.d.
24Vespasiano includes Juan de Torquemada (1388-1468), a renowned theologian, and diplomat, erroneously labeled as “catelano”.34 Vespasiano acknowledges his expertise in philosophy and theology and highlights his role as a Cardinal during the era of Eugene IV. Vespasiano emphasizes Torquemada’s notable participation in the Council of Florence-Basel, where he engaged in discussions regarding the legal authority of the Pope and led to the publication of De potestate pape (1440). His unwavering loyalty to Pope Eugene IV is exemplified by his relocation from Rome to Pisa, and later to Florence, always accompanying the Pope. While Vespasiano mentions Torquemada’s prolific writing, he does not provide specific titles of his work. It is worth noting that Torquemada was also featured in Claros varones de Castilla, one of the few collections of biographies in Spain, compiled by Fernando del Pulgar around 1486. Torquemada passed away and was buried in Rome.
- 35 Lera n.d.
- 36 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 187.
25The second Castilian cardinal to be considered, in a notably concise account, is Juan de Mella (1397-1467).35 He is remembered as a prominent legal scholar and canonist. In April 1440, Pope Eugene IV appointed him as an auditor (judge) of the Apostolic Tribunal of the Roman Rota, the highest tribunal within the Catholic Church. He also spent his final years in Rome. Vespasiano candidly admits that is unaware of any of Mella’s works. However, his renowned reputation as a jurisconsult justifies his inclusion in Vespasiano’s collection. Additionally, as emphasized by Greco, Ammannati recalls Mella as a diligent man and an intrepid servant of justice (vir laboriosus et iusticiae minister intrepidus), who almost single-handedly managed the Curia.36
- 37 González n.d.
- 38 Let’s recall that Íñigo López de Mendoza was portrayed in Pérez de Guzmán, Generaciones.
- 39 Alvar 2010, p. 349.
26Additionally, Vespasiano includes a member of one of Castile’s most powerful families, Pedro González de Mendoza (c. 1427-1495).37 He was the son of Íñigo López de Mendoza, Marquis of Santillana, renowned for his extensive library, and he held the positions of Cardinal of Seville (1473) and Toledo (1482).38 He served under the reigns of Juan II of Castile and Enrique IV, later becoming the chancellor of the Catholic Monarchs and the primate of Spain, earning the title “Gran Cardenal de España”. In his account, Vespasiano aptly contextualizes this prominent Cardinal, who was deeply connected with the Roman Curia. Vespasiano’s particular interest in Mendoza lies in the Cardinal’s deep appreciation for books. Vespasiano reveals that Menodza consistently engaged in ordering and transcribing books, encompassing both sacred and secular texts. As a result, he amassed a substantial collection to further enrich the already esteemed family library. Furthermore, Vespasiano subtly alludes, without specifying his name, to the noteworthy contributions of Mendoza’s father, a book enthusiast who, despite not being very literate, read the Tuscan language. It was therefore partly due to his father’s interests that he commissioned copies of numerous Italian books from Florence and subsequently translated them into Spanish. This information proves invaluable in the quest to trace Italian manuscripts that once graced the Santillana library. In particular, it is worth noting that Pedro González de Mendoza was responsible for partially translating Homer’s Iliad into Spanish, a task he undertook between 1446 and 1452. This translation was based on the Latin version by Pier Candido Decembrio, which had, in turn, been commissioned by Juan II through Alfonso de Cartagena.39
- 40 Jacopo’s Life: Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 193-200; this quotation, p. 194.
- 41 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 144.
27As far as the Portuguese presence in the companion, Vespasiano includes two religious biographies corresponding to governor and pupil whose fate relates to Florence. James of Portugal or James of Coimbra (1413-1439), referred to by Vespasiano as Jacopo di Portogallo, hailed from the royal house of Portugal. He was sent to Perugia to study Canon Law and, despite having the opportunity to pursue a career in politics, he made the extraordinary decision to dedicate his life to serve God and maintain a vow of chastity (“verginità”). Vespasiano’s account highlights that Jacopo was around eighteen years old when he was appointed apostolic proctor, marking the beginning of his religious journey. Vespasiano expresses his deep admiration for young Jacopo, for leading a life of exceptional piety, remarking “Mirabile Idio, in carne vivere di vita non umana, ma angelica!”.40 Despite eventually becoming a Cardinal, Jacopo continued to lead the same humble and devout life. It appears that Vespasiano may not have known Jacopo directly but possibly through some of his manuscripts, providing insight into his personality and beliefs. Vespasiano shares an interesting anecdote, recalling a commentary within a marginal note written in the Cardinal’s own hand regarding women attending public spaces on their own.41
28A humorous, rather shameless, memory recounted by Vespasiano relates to the time when the young Cardinal was on his deathbed. During his illness, a charlatan claiming to be a doctor visited him. The charlatan suggested that, to improve the Cardinal’s health, he should sleep with a young girl, considering it the best possible remedy. Given Jacopo’s lifetime of chastity, he was horrified by such a proposal, and he became infuriated, forbidding the charlatan from ever entering his house again.
29The Cardinal desired to be buried in the Basilica of San Miniato al Monte in Florence. His tomb was crafted by Antonio Rossellino and other relevant artists of the time. To this day, the remains of the Cardinal rest in the Florentine church.
- 42 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 199.
30In this case, it becomes evident that Vespasiano was moved to write Jacopo’s biography due to the rarity and authenticity of the character, as well as the sense of pity that his story elicited in him. Although Vespasiano did not personally know Jacopo, he counted on reliable sources to learn about the Cardinal’s life. What fascinated Vespasiano was not just the uniqueness of Jacopo’s life but also the profound message it conveyed, the central role of our free will in guiding the course of our lives.42
- 43 See Greco’s study in Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 349.
- 44 Nunes 1968.
31Vespasiano also included the portrait of Alfonso di Portogallo (Alvaro Alfonso from Coimbra) (d. 1469), the appointed governor of Jacopo’s household, and doctor in civil and canonical laws. Vespasiano particularly remembered him for his dedicated care of Jacopo’s house and well-being. Both Alfonso and Jacopo resided in Florence, making them well-known figures in the community. When Jacopo passed away, Alfonso served as the executor of his will and was responsible for completing the chapel Jacopo had commissioned. After fulfilling his duties with the chapel, he relocated to Rome, during the papacy of Pius II and was appointed regent of the Chancellery. Later, he returned to Portugal and served as Bishop of Algavre and then Silves (1453-1468). Alfonso might have also been well positioned among the intellectual circles of the time. Greco remembers that Poliziano wrote him a letter in Latin.43 While Vespasiano’s portrayal of Jacopo is one of admiration, his description of Alfonso focuses on acknowledging the support he provided to him and his subsequent contributions to the Roman Chancellery.44
- 45 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 351.
32With Alfonso’s biography, Vespasiano finished the Lives devoted to Bishops and Archbishops outside Italy (“fuori d’Italia”),45 and started the series of statesmen and politicians, among which there are other interesting Spaniards.
33Some of the most fascinating figures in Vespasiano’s collection are undoubtedly the men of arms and the laymen. Vespasiano includes the life stories of four individuals: Íñigo Dávalos, a relatively well-known figure of the Alfonsian court in Naples; Álvaro de Luna, the Castilian Constable whose dramatic end on the gallows sent shockwaves throughout Europe; and two relatively obscure figures from the Crown of Aragon: Mateu Malferit and Miquel Ferrer.
- 46 See Cagni 1969, p. 146.
34Íñigo Dávalos (1414-1484), also known as Enyego, Inico d’Ávalos, or Inicho de Davolos by Vespasiano, was the son of Ruy López Dávalos, Constable of Castile, who was portrayed in one of the most important collections of Lives in Castile: Generaciones y semblanzas by Fernán Pérez de Guzmán. This Castilian author explains that his father was accused by the King, and along with all his family, they moved to Valencia (1422) to be part of the court of Alfonso V of Aragon. They followed him to Sicily and Naples, where they settled. By the end of 1430, after a political stay in Milan in the court of Filippo Maria Visconti, Íñigo arrived in Naples. From 1449, he held the title of Gran Camerario of the King. In fact, Vespasiano in his letters refers to him as the “Camerlingo”.46 Íñigo, along with his three brothers, remained in Naples after the death of King Alfonso. He was entrusted by Ferdinand with various political embassies to the Royal Curia. Vespasiano’s portrait agrees with the image of Íñigo as a man of letters, learned in Latin, a benefactor, a lover of books and music, and a bon vivant. Vespasiano underscores he was generous, educated, and he frequently used to have a full house with guests. He also emphasizes Íñigo’s good taste in books, and his liberality in illuminating and adorning the manuscripts. Moreover, he was a devout Christian and an expert in arms, as he demonstrated his skills on several occasions, such as during the war against the Turks.
- 47 Soler 2017.
- 48 See the review of Soler’s book in Badia 2019, where further bibliography on the topic is found.
35As a final note, Vespasiano does not mention any literary activity, which he normally does when he knows the author has produced something. In recent years, Iñigo Dávalos has been considered the author of Curial e Güelfa, one of the most famous chivalric romances written in Catalan.47 However, it is worth noting that some of the most relevant scholars in the field do not support this hypothesis.48
- 49 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 431-434; Gómez 1997, p. 41.
- 50 Pérez de Guzmán 1998; Chacón 1940.
- 51 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1999; Luna 2009.
36Another prominent name among Castilian nobles was Álvaro de Luna. Although Vespasiano mistakenly labels him as Catalan, this figure was deeply involved in the politics of Castile and held the prestigious position of Constable under King Juan II. His inclusion in the collection diverges significantly from the others, serving as a poignant reminder of the capriciousness of fate and how a nobleman can experience a swift and dramatic fall from grace.49 Two aspects regarding Vespasiano’s account on Luna are particularly intriguing. Firstly, it raises questions about whether Vespasiano had read any of the biographies of Luna written by other authors, such as the one included in Pérez de Guzmán’s collection or Gonzalo Chacón’s Chronicle (c. 1453), which were available during that time.50 However, the magnitude and resonance of Luna’s death was a well-known episode inside and outside Spain, therefore Vespasiano might have just heard the story. Secondly, it is noteworthy that Vespasiano does not mention any of the works authored or commissioned by the Constable himself. This omission is a curious coincidence, as both Luna and Vespasiano wrote collections of biographies of women, following the tradition of authors like Boccaccio.51
- 52 Barceló Crespí n.d.
- 53 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 91.
- 54 “Impare ognuno essere cortese et fare piacere a ognuno, chè non è ignuno che sappi dov’egli s’ha a (...)
37Another statesman and humanist in Vespasiano’s collection is Mateu Malferit (d. 1492), who likely received training in Italy as a jurist.52 By the late 1430s, he joined King Alfonso’s court, accompanying him to Naples, where he spent much of his life holding various important positions and conducting expeditions throughout Italy. Vespasiano first mentions him in the biography of Alfonso V, highlighting Malferit’s protection and generosity toward learned men in the king’s court.53 In Vespasiano’s portrayal, Malferit is depicted as a distinguished, educated, and learned individual, a great jurist, a devout Christian, and a person of integrity. What particularly captivates Vespasiano about Malferit’s life are the challenges and setbacks that he faced, such as surviving four shipwrecks at sea, during which he lost all his belongings, including the books that he had collected during his studies. Vespasiano recalls an anecdote that exemplifies the Majorcan’s honesty and kindness. During the siege of Piombino in 1448, Vespasiano recounts how Malferit showed compassion by arranging the release of a young prisoner. Years later, Malferit himself was taken prisoner on a Genovese ship, and he encountered, as part of the crew, the same young man that he had helped to escape years earlier. The moral lesson, according to Vespasiano, is clear: Let everyone learn to be courteous and do favors for others, for no one knows where they will find themselves.54 After serving King Alfonso for twenty-two years, Malferit decided to get married and return to Majorca, leaving behind a legacy of famous jurists on the island for generations to come.
- 55 See Greco’s notes: Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 443.
38Mateu Malferit likely had significant connections with the intellectual elite of the time. Notably, Francesco Filelfo composed an elegy addressed to him,55 highlighting his recognition among humanist scholars. Furthermore, Bartolomeo Facio mentions Malferit’s involvement in diplomatic missions, including his interactions with Sigismondo Malatesta and Filippo Visconti, in his work Rerum gestarum. Additionally, Pier Candido Decembrio dedicated his work Super Iliadibus to Malferit, further emphasizing his intellectual standing within the humanist community.
- 56 Some details on this figure in Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 93.
- 57 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 94.
39Another relevant Catalan jurist was Miquel Ferrer, or Michele Ferrari, as Vespasiano refers to him. Ferrer served as Pontifical Secretary of Calixtus III.56 During his tenure, Ferrer was responsible for drafting and signing many papal bulls, as Vespasiano notes. An interesting episode involving Ferrer occurred when count Jean d’Armagnac forged a papal bull to secure approval for his marriage to his sister. The king of France, Charles VII, became aware of this deception and demanded an explanation from the newly elected Pope Pius II. In the meantime, Ferrer had returned to Catalonia and was summoned to Rome to clarify the authenticity of the bull. He successfully demonstrated that the bull was a counterfeit, exonerating himself from any involvement in the forgery. The guilty parties were duly punished, and Ferrer returned to Barcelona with his honor intact. Vespasiano presents Ferrer as an exemplar of dignity and justice, wishing that the reputation of such an honorable man will endure (“la fama di sì degno uomo non perisca”).57
- 58 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 447.
40In the final section of Vespasiano’s collection, he turns his attention to those who have composed literary works, considering them as luminaries to their own time and inspiration for future generations.58 Among these esteemed authors, Vespasiano includes two Spaniards: the Castilian Nuño de Guzmán and Velasco of Portugal.
- 59 Lawrence 1982, p. 55.
- 60 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 435-442, this quotation in p. 436.
- 61 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, I, p. 438.
41The figure of the humanist Nuño de Guzmán (ca. 1405-1467) was extensively examined by J. Lawrance, who referred to him as “one of the early enthusiasts of Italian humanism”.59 Most of the biographical details that we know about this Castilian noble come primarily from Vespasiano’s account. As a young man, Nuño made the bold decision to explore the world, and visited France, “Terra Sancta et al monte Sinai, et al Cairo, et cercato tutta la Soria.”60 After a stay in Venice, he settled in Florence around 1439. There, he formed friendships with some of the most prominent intellectual figures of his time, including Leonardo Bruni and Giannozzo Manetti. Nuño had a deep passion for books and commissioned numerous works to be transported to Spain. Even after his departure from Florence, he continued to send messengers to acquire additional volumes. Over time, some of these manuscripts have been discovered, and today, there is sufficient evidence to place him among the finest humanists of the 15th century. A particularly moving anecdote recounted by Vespasiano portrays Nuño as a young man who, after leaving his native Cordoba for eight years and depleting part of his mother’s fortune, finds himself in a precarious situation due to his father’s anger. Vespasiano advises Nuño to meet and converse with Manetti. Upon their meeting, Manetti appears to have been deeply moved by Nuño’s family situation and writes an apology dedicated to Nuño’s father, Luís de Guzmán, to justify the young man’s journey. The result is the Apologia Nunni equitis Hispani, a Latin work that successfully secures the father’s forgiveness for his son. Vespasiano also commends Nuño for his mastery of the Tuscan language,61 and also praises him for his generosity and kindness. This biography is one of the most poignant and personal depictions among Vespasiano’s portraits. It paints a vivid picture of the young Castilian noble, the heartfelt conversations about his extensive travels, and the torment he experienced by his family’s disapproval of his prolonged absence.
- 62 Alvar 2010, p. 49-50.
- 63 Díez 2020.
42Furthermore, Nuño de Guzmán is known as well to be a prolific translator, and Vespasiano takes note of this endeavor. At the request of the Marquis of Santilla, he translated Gianozzo Manetti’s funeral speech for Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta.62 Also, it seems that Nuño versioned Aristotle’s Ethica from an anonymous Catalan translation (before 1467), which in turn depended on Leonardo Bruni’s version.63 Vespasiano says that he ordered the translation from Latin to Italian, of Cicero’s Tusculanae, Quintiliano’s Declamationi, and Macrobio’s De saturnalibus.
- 64 Nunes 1968.
- 65 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 83.
- 66 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 84.
43Finally, one of the funniest Lives in the collection is the one dedicated to a certain Velasco of Portugal, probably Vasco Rodrigues, originally from Lisbon.64 Born and raised in a wealthy family, he was sent to Bologna to study law. Once there, instead, Velasco spent his time going out at night, not attending class, and reading Petrarch’s poems. It turned out that Velasco’s father fell in disgrace in front of the King of Portugal John I (1357-1433), who confiscated all his property, and the family had to leave the kingdom. Without his father to send him money, Velasco decided it was in his best interest to get to work and study to earn a living. And so he did, he studied conscientiously and became a great jurist and canonist.65 According to Vespasiano, what made him a unique jurist was his writing ability, which hailed from intellectual foundation in literature. He worked as Consistorial lawyer in the papal Curia, and he became quite rich. Vespasiano underscores his passion for books, as well, “perché voleva tutti i più begli che trovava”.66 However, Velasco – according to Vespasiano – had a flaw: he could not stand to be contradicted, and he was bold and impatient. This led him to some extreme situations that earned him the disapproval of Pope Eugene (for having beaten an abbot and reduced before the feet of the Pope himself), or altercations in Rome (he visited a bishop imprisoned in Castel Sant’Angelo to reproach him for not having given him an audience and beat him with a cane). He left Rome, following the Pope, and moved to Siena. Once there he had another inconvenience: during a trial he had a fight with those present who almost threw him out of the window of the Palace. He fled from Siena without any of his belongings and came to Florence. From this quarrel, Velasco wrote a strong invective that he sent to Siena and all over Italy. He ended his days in Florence practicing law for a while. Without many resources, he sold his remaining books and his earnings, and retired to a monastery, where he dedicated himself to contemplative life and to reflect on his sins.
44In the gallery of illustrious men, Vespasiano incorporates a significantly large group of Iberian figures, with Spaniards being the predominant nationality compared to others, such as English or Greeks. The origin of the individuals corresponds to the three major peninsular power areas at the time: the kingdoms of Castile and Portugal and the Crown of Aragon. As observed, Vespasiano demonstrates a clear preference for the latter, and it is from this region that most of the biographers come, encompassing essentially all the geographical areas that currently correspond to Catalonia and Aragon, the Balearic Islands, and Valencia.
45Hispanic biographies are, in a way, centered around a set of key characters who confer social status. The different popes play a crucial role in shaping the distribution of these biographies. In the orbit of Pope Eugene IV, we encounter two Castilian cardinals, Juan de Torquemada and Juan de Mella, who Vespasiano probably did not know firsthand. In the court of Pope Nicholas V, we find other figures of maximum importance, some with brief notes, as in the case of Pedro González de Mendoza, and others with relatively extensive texts that gather numerous anecdotes from personal friendships, as seen in the case of Joan Margarit. Additionally, two other characters, Cosme de Montserrat and Miquel Ferrer, are also connected with the papacy of Calixtus III. However, it is undoubtedly around the figure of Alfonso V of Aragon that most of the characters revolve. For instance, Ferrán Valentí, along with others – who do not have an independent biography – like Joan Soler or Arnau Roger, witness the final moments of the Aragonese King. In other words, the relationship of the King with the papacy is mostly conveyed through these Aragonese individuals, such as Joan Margarit. Another set of lay figures, including jurists and knights, participate in the royal power, such as Narcís de Verdú, Íñigo Dávalos, or Mateu Malferit. Two biographies appear somewhat disconnected from these lines of action: Nuño de Guzmán and Álvaro de Luna. In the case of Nuño, it was clearly the friendship between the bookseller and the young Castilian, along with his personal and intellectual worth, that led to his inclusion among the illustrious men. Luna’s case is different, likely incorporated due to his notorious fate across Europe, serving as a reminder of the vicissitudes of fortune. Another case similar to Luna might be that of Velasco Rodriguez whose story leaves a moralizing aftertaste due to his reckless character.
- 67 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 438.
- 68 Vespasiano da Bisticci 1970-1976, II, p. 440.
46Vespasiano’s positive disposition towards Spaniards is evident, and negative descriptions are extremely rare. In Nuño de Guzmán’s biography, Vespasiano notes: “Per questo caso fu ingannato, per bontà della sua natura, ch’era liberalissimo e uomo di maraviglioso ingegno, come sono i più degli Spagnuoli”;67 and towards the end of his Life, he reiterates: “Bene che la natura degli Spagnuoli sia d’essere acutissimi d’ingegno, meser Nugno era acutissimo, et d’uno prestantissimo giudicio.”68 Perhaps the darkest portrayal is reserved for Cosme de Montserrat, whom Vespasiano accuses of mishandling the Vatican Library.
47Finally, I would like to highlight the intriguing network that emerges between Vespasiano’s work and other contemporary collective biographies. In some cases, the same individuals appear in different Spanish and Italian works, while in other cases, we find direct relatives. For instance, Álvaro de Luna is present in Pérez de Guzmán’s Generaciones y semblanzas (1450-1455), and in the case of Íñigo Dávalos, it is his father, Ruy López Dávalos, who makes an appearance in this work. Additionally, both Juan de Torquemada and Pedro González de Mendoza were included by Pulgar in his Claros varones de Castilla. Joan Margarit was part of De viris illustribus catalanis (1476), written by Pere Miquel Carbonell. While this could be an improbable coincidence, it might suggest a shared common knowledge and set of values and reveal an underlying humanistic cultural network.