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Olivier Maillard in an Age of Reform

Peter Loewen

Résumés

En observant l’attitude animée du frère franciscain et de la clarisse dans la Nef des fous, on pourrait être tenté d’adhérer aux commentateurs qui y ont vu une représentation de la corruption du clergé au XVe siècle. L’œuvre, attribuée à Jérôme Bosch, a pendant longtemps alimenté des spéculations sur la signification de cette absurde scène de religieux et de laïcs voguant à la dérive sur une mer de nageurs ivres. Toutefois, le fait que ces religieux conduisent ce qui semble être un chœur les place dans le rôle traditionnel de “Jongleurs de Dieu” assumé par les Franciscains, interprètes de chants pénitentiels. Cet article démontre que Bosch pourrait avoir modelé sa représentation sur Olivier Maillard, un célèbre prédicateur franciscain observant qui chantait son contrafactum pénitentiel “il faut mourir à ce coup cy” sur l’air de la pastourelle “Bergerotte savoysienne”. Lire la chanson de Maillard à la lumière du tableau de Bosch contribue à éclairer le rapport complexe entre le sacré et le profane inhérent à la spiritualité de l’Observance franciscaine.

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  • 1 Lafond 1914, p. 79-80.
  • 2 Cuttler 1969, p. 272.

1Since the time of Paul Lafond’s seminal study of 1914 on the art and influence of Hieronymus Bosch and his disciples, scholars have been puzzling over the layers of allegory represented in the panel known as The Ship of Fools. It was Lafond himself who introduced speculation about its reference to Sebastian Brant’s Das Narrenschiff – a popular piece of satire published in Basel in 1494, and then republished in Paris in a quick succession of Latin, French, and Flemish translations around the time Bosch created his panel1. Charles Cuttler says that “As in the Narrenschiff, Bosch has put the clerical and the lay populace in the same boat, and, like Brant, has accentuated the sensual pleasures in the overindulgence of which mankind is bound to sin”2. One can see the portrayal of drunkenness and gluttony at the stern, bow, and mast of the boat with a band in the middle that, he says, may be singing as well as bobbing for a pancake. Lust, is represented by the singing Franciscans, figured prominently at the center of the action.

  • 3 Adhémar 1962, p. 29.
  • 4 Cuttler 1969, p. 272-273.
  • 5 Boczowska 1971, p. 67; Dixon 2003, p. 76.

2Hélène Adhémar essentially agrees, adding that the painting was probably a satirical statement against monks, who were often accused of drunkenness3. Cuttler pursues the anti-clerical angle further, exposing possible connections to the visual culture of Maytime boating scenes in miniatures from Bruge and Ghent4. Anna Boczowska has interpreted Bosch’s panel through the lens of astrology. She perceives the figures under the crescent moon standard as “children of the moon”, phlegmatic and lustful; and she notes that the bowl of cherries and lute are common astrological symbols of venality, which heighten the sexual tension between the central characters in the ship5.

  • 6 “Nos sumus joculatores Domini, et pro iis volumus in hoc remunerari a vobis, videlicet ut stetis i (...)

3Yet, when one considers the scene from the Franciscan point of view, this ship appears to have a rudder after all. These Fools of God – Joculatores Domini, the name Francis of Assisi himself gave his friars – were renowned for their singing and preaching. According to the Speculum perfectionis, an early biography of St. Francis of Assisi, Francis convoked the best and most spiritual of his friars two years before his death, and sent them into the world on a mission to preach and sing the praises of the Lord. And so that there would be no mistaking their identity or purpose, Francis enjoined them to introduce themselves this way: “We are joculatores Domini, and this is what we want as payment: that you live in true penance.” And he said: “What are the servants of God if not His joculatores, who must lift people’s hearts and move them up to spiritual joy. “And he said this especially to the Lesser Brothers, who have been given to the people of God for their salvation”6.

4It is a legend of course, a hagiographical construct. But it represents an essential musical aspect of Francis’s cult of personality, which friars and artists readily propagated in the century after his death in 1226. Remarkably, in the same period that gave us Bosch’s Ship of Fools, we find prominent Franciscan reformers in France, Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands returning to their vocation as jongleurs, using songs and sermons to denounce the vice and corruption of their time, and to direct their audiences toward a life of penance. I propose that within his multi-valent depiction of folly, Bosch may be giving us a view of his Catholic conservatism, and offering his perception of the Observant Franciscans as an Order of singing preachers. He may even have been modeling certain Franciscan preachers who were actively involved in the Observant movement.

  • 7 Dixon 2003, p. 12.
  • 8 Dixon 2003, p. 34.

5Laurinda Dixon’s publication of 2003 opened the way to a more favorable interpretation of singing Franciscans. She points out the broad appeal Franciscans had among the weavers and clothiers of Brabant, as they venerated Francis of Assisi as their patron saint7. Dixon also places Bosch’s work in the context of his pious way of life. As a “sworn member” of the Brotherhood of Our Lady in ‘s-Hertogenbosch from 1488, he would have dressed like a monk with a colorful cowl and worn his hair tonsured8. Bosch’s own confraternity even included Franciscans, through whom he might have acquired a more thorough understanding of their unique spirituality.

  • 9 Tuttle 1981, p. 91-92.
  • 10 Clasen – Gurp 1956.

6‘s-Hertogenbosch was home to at least two Franciscan institutions: the Poor Clares; and the Friars Minor, whose convent was founded in 1228 and reformed by the Observants in 1517. Virginia Tuttle has shown that the Franciscan style of iconography that came with the Friars from Italy asserted an influence on Flemish art of Bosch’s time9. Bosch may also have learned about Franciscan spirituality from the early biographies and florilegia of St. Francis, which were available in Dutch translations10. In them he would have encountered stories about the power of song in Franciscan spirituality and its use in homiletics.

  • 11 Freed 1977, p. 44.

7To understand why Bosch might have wished to depict the Franciscans entangled among the rabble, ostensibly as participants in the folly, it would be import to understand how the Order’s reputation changed in the roughly hundred years preceding. By the end of the thirteenth century, the Order had grown to become, by some estimates, the largest monastic institution in Europe, with over six hundred convents – one in nearly every major city. As John Freed puts it, “the presence of a mendicant house quickly became an urban status symbol, the medieval equivalent of a nineteenth-century railroad station”11.

  • 12 Striking examples appear in the “Grüne Ton” by the Spruchdichter Heinrich von Meissen (aka. Frauen (...)

8Such a rapid rise to power makes their decline in the fourteenth century seem all the more striking. The ravages of plague caused massive devastation. In the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, popular perceptions of the Franciscans soured. Hearing the criticism fly from the pens of poets like Heinrich von Meissen and Geoffrey Chaucer gives one a sense of how entrenched their perception of clerical corruption had become12. In their distinctive styles and languages, they decried the hypocrisy of friars who feigned to practice the austerity of their founder while doing the opposite. The problem came to a head around the turn of the sixteenth century, the very period in which the Ship of Fools was created. In 1517, Pope Leo X ultimately divided the Order into Observant Friars Minor and Friars Conventual. Under this new regime, the reformed Observant Franciscans would experience a second wave of expansion and popular reception, founding anew and acquiring other reformed communities through the efforts of charismatic preachers and their supporters among the clergy and secular nobility.

  • 13 See Loewen 2013.

9It should come as no surprise to find that such enthusiasm for the spirit of St. Francis would coincide with a renewed interest in song production among Franciscan reformers. It would seem that a return to Franciscan asceticism meant a return to their avocation as joculatores Domini. And our “Fools” or “Jongleurs of God” were also charismatic preachers: Bernardino of Sienna and John of Capistrano, who sang and preached in Italy and the empire; Thomas Murner in Germany; Ambrosio Montesino and Iñigo de Mendoza in Spain; Olivier Maillard in France; and Jan Brugman and Dirk van Munster in the Netherlands13. A detailed examination of Maillard’s contribution will suffice at present.

10Olivier Maillard was born in Yvignac, Brittany around 1430. He entered the Franciscan order in Aquitaine and was then sent to the University of Paris for advanced training. After earning his doctorate in theology, he converted to the strict observance (in Châteauroux) and continued his career as a popular preacher, beginning some time around 1460. He traveled widely throughout Europe – to England, Hungary, Germany, the Netherlands, and throughout France – and on at least one occasion preached before the king and queen of Spain. He three times served as Vicar of the Ultramontane Observants (1489, 1493, and 1499), and died in 1502.

  • 14 Taylor 2002, p. 232. On the theatrical dimension of Maillard’s preaching, see also Martin 1988, es (...)
  • 15 Taylor 2002, p. 29.
  • 16 Taylor 2002, p. 47.
  • 17 Taylor 2002, p. 256, n. 80.
  • 18 Taylor 2002, p. 47.

11Larissa Taylor calls Maillard “a ‘People’s preacher’ in every sense of the word”14. Indeed, he appears to have been incredibly popular. In Toulouse, over 4000 people showed up to hear him preach in 149515. In anticipation of such crowds, sermons were often held outdoors, in larger urban spaces like the cemetery. In fact, it seems that Franciscan preachers like Maillard, Thomas Illyricus, and Michel Menot preferred cemeteries for their theatrical potential. The cemetery served as the perfect morbid setting for penitential sermons. To enhance his image as a penitential preacher, Maillard appears also to have cultivated what Larissa Taylor calls “the poor look”, thin and haggard. Brother Thomas Illyricus, a Franciscan and contemporary of Maillard’s, is described as tall and thin, with a long nose and beard16. Contemporary chroniclers describe Maillard as pale and emaciated17. As Taylor explains, “the ‘poor look’ was actively sought after by those in reformed orders, not only because of their vows of poverty, but also because of the visual impact it would have on the audience”18. It certainly gives one cause to wonder whether Bosch’s “poor looking” Franciscan singing amidships was one of this ilk.

  • 19 Maillard 1506, fol. 70. See also Quadragesimale opus Parisius predicatum, fol. 116 and 153 (Broder (...)
  • 20 “Il les prêcha éloquemment comme se fut un petit frère Olivier Maillard” (François Rabelais 1965, (...)

12Maillard’s 518 sermons and 6 French chansons prove him to have been a man of strong moral conviction, an antiroyalist, and a vociferous opponent of vice. He spoke out against the common vices of the city like lust, vanity, and sloth. He considered Paris a cesspool and its people complacent19. His anti royal invective ran him afoul of three successive kings of France: Louis XI, Charles VIII, and Louis XII. Maillard openly preached against Louis XI’s political intrigues. And for his cheek, one of the king's servants threatened to have him tied in a sack and thrown in the river, to which Maillard is heard to have said that he would then arrive in paradise before the king. In 1488, he petitioned Charles VIII, on behalf of Pope Innocent VIII, to abolish the Pragmatic Sanction, but to no avail. In 1498 he spoke out against the notorious affair of Louis XII’s petition to have his marriage with Jeanne de France annulled. Maillard, who had openly supported Jeanne de France in the affair, was sent into exile in Flanders. It was perhaps his impertinence and gift of wit that won Maillard a backhanded complement from François Rabelais, a former Observant friar himself. In Book 4 of his satire Pantagruel, the author writes that the character Panurge “preached eloquently as if he were a little brother Maillard”20.

  • 21 Borderie 1877, p. 77.
  • 22 Gennrich 1965, p. 7. See also Suppan 1973, p. 22-24.
  • 23 Suppan 1973, p. 24.

13One gets a taste of Maillard’s eloquence in his chanson piteuse “Il faut mourir a ce coup cy”. It is a contrafactum – that is to say, a new text sung to the melody of an older song, in this case the well-known pastourelle “Bergerotte savoisienne”21. Maillard’s choice of melody was probably not arbitrary, nor was it selected merely because it matched the line lengths and cadence of the new text. Friedrich Gennrich and Wolfgang Suppan both observe that medieval and early-Modern composers were conscious of the interplay between the new and latent texts engaged with each other in a contrafactum22. Suppan calls it a “Sinnverknüpfung” – an interpretive connection between the declarations of text and of music23.

14In “Bergerotte savoysienne”, the shepherdess guards the sheep and her own virtue from seduction, warning the seducer, by the power of the priest (le cura) and God, that her piety is unshakable. One imagines how Maillard might have recognized himself as this priest, who now mingles the listeners’ memories of the Shepherdess’s piety with his own call to penance. In the first three stanzas of his contrafactum, he invokes the judgment bell that calls all sinners to “Give an account and settle the balance” (Pour rendre compte et reliqua) – a refrain that might have hit home with the merchants in the audience. He points to the evil “joymakers” (gaudisseurs) in stanza five, and in stanza six to the vanity of red and white hats (Bonnetz rouges et chapeaulx blanc), to the debauched, and the idlers (Ribleurs et batcurde pavez). In stanza nine he denounces the gossips, and in stanza ten the false, the hypocrites, the fools, and the proud. In the closing stanza, he evokes the final judgment once more, singing.

  Poor sinner, prepare yourself

  to give an account and settle the balance

  

  Bergeronnette savoysienne

  

  • 24 The word “merande” seems to refer to an afternoon “snack time”. See “marande” and “marander” in God (...)
  • 25 Paris, BnF, fr. 12744, fol. 9v. Modern edition in Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot,1875, p. 14-15, (...)

  Bergerotte savoysienne,

  Qui gardes ses moutons aux praz,

  Dy moy si vieulx estre myenne:

  Je te donray ung soulas.

  Je te donray ung soulas,

  Et ung petit chapperon;

  Dy moy se tu m’aymeras

  Ou par la merande ou non24.

  

  Je suis la proche voisine

  De monsieur le cura

  Et pour chose qu’on me die

  Mon vouloir ne changera,

  Mon vouloir ne changera

  Pour François ne Bourgoignon.

  Par le cor Dé, si fera

  Ou par la merande ou non. 25

  

  Il faut mourir à ce coup cy

  

  • 26 Borderie 1877, p. 39-43.

  1

  Il faut mourir à ce coup cy,

  Puisque le grant sainct est sonné.

  N’avez vous point ouy le cry ?

  Quant à moy, ie suis estonné !

  Monde, tu es bien assommé:

  Ne pense tu point à cela ?

  Chascun a esté adjourné

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  2

  Generale citation

  A esté donnée à chascun

  En plaine predication.

  Quant à moy, ie n’ay paour que d’vn:

  Bien sçay que nul n’eschappera

  Et ne respondra pour aucun:

  Car chascun pour soy perlera

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  3.

  Par les frères predicateurs

  Sommes citez et convoquez.

  Entre voys, endurcis pecheurs,

  Ne faictes que vous en mocquer.

  Mais la Mort vous viendra croquer

  Devant qu’il soit ung an en ça.

  Lors vous aurés bel escouter

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  4.

  Nous sommes aussi invitez

  Souvent par flagellations,

  Maladies, infirmitez,

  Et maintes tribulations.

  Divines inspirations,

  Remors de conscience ya a:

  Nous donnent persuasions

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  5

  Que vous en semble, gaudisseurs,

  Qui en tout mal vous employez ?

  Ne congnoissez vous le prescheurs

  Que frère Olivier vous nommez ?

  Vorstre terme pas n’oubliez !

  Il fault aller de par delà,

  Devant que soient deux ans passez,

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  6

  Bonnetz rouges et chapeaulx blancs,

  Ribleurs et bateurs de pavez,

  Vous mourrés tous, pour parler franc,

  Et serez damnez ou sauvez.

  Maillart vous a très bien lavez !

  Las ! vous amenders vous ià,

  Qui menez la vie que sçavez,

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua?

  

  7.

  Levez les cueurs et vos espritz,

  Femmes qui menez haultz caquetz,

  Et vous estes allées offrir

  A ces festages et bancquetz

  Et aux estrangiers, par acquestz:

  Dieu sçait les maulx qui se font là !

  Vos process sont desià tous faictz

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  8.

  Quant quelque vice commettras,

  Considere que Dieu le voit;

  Soit tant secret que tu vouldras,

  Aussi le dyable l’apperçoit.

  Pour vray, si Dieu le permettoit,

  Il te estrangleroit sur cela.

  Mais fol ne croit tant qui’il reçoit

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  9.

  Vous aultres, qui avez l’autruy

  Indeuement et oultre gré

  Ou qui, par faulx langageri,

  Avez personne revelé

  Publiquement ou en celé,

  Ou détracté soit çà ou là:

  Fault que cela soit reparé

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  10.

  Faulx ypocrites glorieulx,

  Gens folz, qui vous glorifies

  Et qui faictes les marmiteulx

  Et sur tous vous iustifiez,

  Estes vous bien certifies

  Qu’en vous n’y a ne si ne qua ?

  Pas ne s’I fault en trop fier

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  11

  Vous, filles de devotion,

  Vierges pures, sacré vaisseau,

  Et aultres de religion,

  Vostre corps doit ester vng tombeau

  Pur, beau, tout net et precieulx,

  Pour y loger Dieu par deçà,

  Qui vous conduira sur les cieulx

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua.

  

  12

  Disposons-nous à bien mourir,

  C’est le remede que ie y voy,

  Vngs et aultres, grans et petis:

  Et chascun pense bien de soy

  Pour soy trouver devant le Roy

  Quant la trompette sonnera.

  Povre pescheur, appreste toy

  Pour rendre compte et reliqua!

  Amen.26

15Is it possible that Hieronymus Bosch was inspired by this concept when he depicted two Franciscans in The Ship of Fools, surrounded by the sorts of vices against which Maillard preaches in his song ? Given Maillard’s reputation, it seems quite possible that Bosch modeled his poor looking friar on Maillard, or another friar closer to home like Jan Brugman, both of whom were renowned for converting secular songs to religious purposes. Moreover, depicting Franciscans singing the tune of a well-known song like “Bergerotte savoisienne” with words that turn one’s mind forcefully toward penance might have been the sort of thing a viewer would have expected of a conservative Catholic like Bosch.

  • 27 See especially Roest 2013, p. 290.

16More substantive consideration of Bosch’s depiction of the friar’s singing partner must remain for another occasion, but my current research suggests that the inspiration may have come from the communities of nuns (Poor Clares and Sisters of the Common Life) who played a crucial role in the transmission of devotional lyric and vernacular sermons in the Netherlands. Perhaps Bosch’s nun is a conflated figure who represents the many nuns who served as editors, scribes, and, hence, collaborators in the transmission of Observant values27. Are they singing a secular love song, its devotional contrafactum, or are we to imagine them both ? Herein, perhaps, lies the wit of Bosch’s portrayal of the singing Franciscans.

  • 28 Dongen 2011, p. 63-64.

17One of the great maxims in the scholarship concerning this era of religious reform is that the success of rebellious Protestants lay in their pragmatism – for example, their liturgical use of devotional contrafacta sung in a vernacular language. Jeske van Dongen has argued that by the mid-sixteenth century, publications of vernacular devotional songs in the Netherlands were increasingly associated with the Protestants28. But in the songs of Maillard and other Franciscan reformers, one sees how well they, too, understood this powerful mode of communication. Franciscan preachers were in tune with both the musical programs of their predecessors and the views of conservative Catholics like Bosch. Harnessing well-known vernacular songs to religious purposes, these “fools of God” battled with those fools who perpetrate moral ills and heterodoxy. Like their illustrious brethren of an earlier era, Bosch’s Franciscans seem to steer society from within, preaching about spiritual reform and penance by converting secular folly in music and poetry into tools of piety.

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Bibliographie

Sources

Armstrong 2001 = R.J. Armstrong et al. (ed.), Francis of Assisi: Early Documents. III. The Prophet, New York, 2001.

Borderie 1877 = Olivier Maillard, Œuvres Françaises, Sermons et Poésies Publiées d’après les manuscrits et les éditions originales, ed. A. de la Borderie, Nantes, 1877. (repr. Geneva, 1968).

Maillard 1506 = O. Maillard, Sermones de adventu, Paris, Jehan Petit, 1506

Menestò 1995 = Fontes Franciscani, ed. E. Menestò et al., Assisi, 1995.

François Rabelais 1965 = François Rabelais, Gargantua Pantegruel, ed. R. Delbiausse, Paris, 1965.

Bibliography

Adhémar 1962 = H. Adhémar et al., Le Musée National Du Louvre, Paris, I, Bruxelles, 1962 (Les primitifs flamands, 1).

Boczowska 1971 = A. Boczowska, The lunar symbolism of the ship of fools, in Oud Holland, 86, 1971, p. 47-69.

Clasen – Gurp 1956 = S. Clasen, J. van Gurp, Nachbonaventurianische Franziskusquellen in niederländischen und deutschen Handschriften, in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 49, 1956, p. 434-82.

Cuttler 1969 = C.D. Cuttler, Bosch and the narrenschiff: a problem in relationships, in The Art Bulletin, 51, 1969, p. 272-276.

Dixon 2003 = L. Dixon, Bosch, New York, 2003.

Dongen 2011 = J.H.M. van Dongen, Een devoot ende profitelijck boecxken: terug naar de bron, Ph.D. diss, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, 2011.

Freed 1977 = J.B. Freed, The friars and German society in the thirteenth century, Cambridge (Mass.), 1977.

Gennrich 1965 = F. Gennrich, Die Kontrafaktur im Liedschaffen des Mittelalters, Langen bei Frankfurt, 1965 (Summa Musicae Medii Aevi, 12).

Godefroy 1888 = F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française, et de tous ses dialectes du IXe au XVe Siècle, Paris, 1888.

Lafond 1914 = P. Lafond, Hieronymus Bosch : son art, son influence, ses disciples, Bruxelles-Paris, 1914.

Loewen 2013 = P. Loewen, Franciscan hymns and hymnals, in The Canterbury dictionary of hymnology, Canterbury, 2013.

Martin 1988 = H. Martin, Le métier de prédicateur en France septentrionale à la fin du Moyen Âge (1350-1520), Paris, 1988.

Roest 2013 = B. Roest, Order and disorder: the Poor Clares between foundation and reform, Leiden, 2013.

Suppan 1973 = W. Suppan, Deutsches Liedleben zwischen Renaissance und Barock, Die Schichtung des deutschen Liedgutes in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Tutzing, 1973.

Taylor 2002 = L. Taylor, Soldiers of Christ, preaching in late medieval and reformation France, New York-Oxford, 2002.

Tuttle 1981 = V.G. Tuttle, Bosch’s image of poverty, in The Art Bulletin, 63, 1981, p. 88-95.

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Notes

1 Lafond 1914, p. 79-80.

2 Cuttler 1969, p. 272.

3 Adhémar 1962, p. 29.

4 Cuttler 1969, p. 272-273.

5 Boczowska 1971, p. 67; Dixon 2003, p. 76.

6 “Nos sumus joculatores Domini, et pro iis volumus in hoc remunerari a vobis, videlicet ut stetis in vera paenitaentia.” Et ait : “Quid enim sunt servi Dei nisi quidam joculatores ejus, qui corda hominum erigere debent et movere ad laetitiam spiritualem.” (Speculum perfectionis in Menestò 1995, p. 100. Translation in : Armstrong 2001, p. 347-348).

7 Dixon 2003, p. 12.

8 Dixon 2003, p. 34.

9 Tuttle 1981, p. 91-92.

10 Clasen – Gurp 1956.

11 Freed 1977, p. 44.

12 Striking examples appear in the “Grüne Ton” by the Spruchdichter Heinrich von Meissen (aka. Frauenlob); and Jeffrey Chaucer takes on the friars in “The Summoner’s Prologue” (1665-1708) of the Canterbury Tales.

13 See Loewen 2013.

14 Taylor 2002, p. 232. On the theatrical dimension of Maillard’s preaching, see also Martin 1988, especially p. 179, 254-255 and 579-581.

15 Taylor 2002, p. 29.

16 Taylor 2002, p. 47.

17 Taylor 2002, p. 256, n. 80.

18 Taylor 2002, p. 47.

19 Maillard 1506, fol. 70. See also Quadragesimale opus Parisius predicatum, fol. 116 and 153 (Broderie 1877, p. 104).

20 “Il les prêcha éloquemment comme se fut un petit frère Olivier Maillard” (François Rabelais 1965, II, p. 4:8).

21 Borderie 1877, p. 77.

22 Gennrich 1965, p. 7. See also Suppan 1973, p. 22-24.

23 Suppan 1973, p. 24.

24 The word “merande” seems to refer to an afternoon “snack time”. See “marande” and “marander” in Godefroy 1888, p. 161.

25 Paris, BnF, fr. 12744, fol. 9v. Modern edition in Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot,1875, p. 14-15, musical item 12.

26 Borderie 1877, p. 39-43.

27 See especially Roest 2013, p. 290.

28 Dongen 2011, p. 63-64.

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Peter Loewen, « Olivier Maillard in an Age of Reform », Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Moyen Âge [En ligne], 130-2 | 2018, mis en ligne le 17 juillet 2018, consulté le 14 octobre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mefrm/4390 ; DOI : 10.4000/mefrm.4390

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Auteur

Peter Loewen

Rice University, pvl1@rice.edu

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