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Notes
Len Scales argued that the absence of a central and coordinating power after the Hohenstaufen in fact contributed to many and rich reflections on the imperial idea: Scales 2012. This is true not only for the German parts of the empire, but also for Italy. Most recently, Alexander Lee explored a rich corpus of sources to show the proliferation of the imperial idea in fourteenth-century Italy: Lee 2018. The theme is further explored in the forthcoming proceedings of the conference Emperors and Imperial Discourse in Italy, c. 1300-1500. New Perspectives, which took place at the Royal Dutch Institute of Rome, the Istituto Storico Italiano per Il Medio Evo and the École française de Rome from 5 till 7 November 2018.
For Francesco da Barberino see Brilli 2016. On Cola di Rienzo, see for instance: Lee 2018, p. 125-131, 355-360; Internullo 2016, p. 436-437, 459; Duprè Theseider 1942, p. 79 on Cola di Rienzo: “è sempre Roma imperiale che domina la sua fantasia.” For Dante’s epistole arrighiane, see Alighieri. For the letters of Petrarch and Niccolò Beccari, see the section on Charles IV below.
Cavino 1991, p. 2; Schmitthenner 1923, p. 25, 26, 61.
For the general acceptance of the framework of a universal Roman Empire, one can point at the continuing popularity of pope-emperor chronicles, which have rarely been taken into account so far. See Mierau 2006, p. 281.
For the pro-imperial sentiments in fourteenth-century Rome: Holstein 2006; Internullo 2016, p. 343.
Falkeid 2017.
Riccobaldo da Ferrara, II, p. 751. In these accounts, Pope Boniface VIII refused to give the imperial crown to Albert of Habsburg and placed it on his own head. Versions of this anecdote also in Benvenuto da Imola’s Augustalis Libellus, in his Comentum, in Francesco Pepino’s Historia and in Ferreto: Lee 2018, p. 350, 367.
Hankins 2010, p. 462: suggests that res publica signified any government that serves the common good. Quillet 1988, p. 521: suggests to translate res publica as “men united in pursuit of a common aim”.
Judge 2008, p. 142.
See for a discussion of the term and its use: Suerbaum 1961. Therefore, it is not surprising that Benzo of Alba called Rome a rem publicam imperialem. In the twelfth century, the term res publica reappeared in political contexts, especially in relation to the legitimacy of imperial power (for instance, in the 1152 letter by the Romans to Frederick I). See Schoenian 1919, 42-43, 47, 58.
Martin of Troppau, Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum: Augustus auxerat rem publicam; Hadrian rem publicam iustissimis legibus ordinavit; Antonius Pius rem publicam ampliavit. The chronicle survives in hundreds of manuscripts and was translated into most vernacular languages.
The Carroccio was placed on the Capitoline Hill in a monument with an inscription that referred to the triumphs of Cesar (triumphos Cesaris): Guarducci 2003, p. 100.
Thumser 1996. The use of the term SPQR was itself already an ideological choice, Beneš 2009.
Kantorowicz 1927, II, 257-65: “Zu den Augustalen Friedrichs II.”.
Meredith 1994.
Petralia 2016, p. 20.
Const. 4.2, 1906, nr 644 (19 June 1311), p. 606-13. Ordo D in Elze 1960, p. 61-69, nr xvii. The prelates were the cardinal-bishops of Ostia, Albano, and Sabina, who traditionally already performed a role during the coronations, and the cardinal-deacons of Sancta Lucia and Sancta Maria in Via Lata.
Const. 4.2, nr 644, p. 612.
This again is a revision of Bowsky 1960, who postulated that primarily the city-states revolted, Petralia 2016, p. 34.
A good recent reconstruction of the events is Görich 2016. On Henry’s Romzug more generally see Pauler 1997.
For the election of Henry of Luxemburg and his relation with the pope see Heidemann 2008.
Many chroniclers of communal Italy were jurists or notaries. Zabbia 1999; Dale 2007.
Triumphans igitur in Mediolano…ferrea corona, quam lauream appellabant, cited by Albanese 2016, p. 179-182.
The reward was based on his Ecerinis and his De gestis Henrici VII.
Witt 2000, p. 130. Because of the complexity of the Latin, his De gestis Henrici VII would have been incomprehensible to most of his literate contemporaries.
Witt 2000, p. 143.
M.E. Franke suggested that Mussato’s De gestis Henrici VII should be considered as a literary tragedy instead of a reliable source: Franke 1992, p. 27, 76.
Bortolami 1997, p. 59-60. Witt 2000, p. 164-166. Albanese 2016, p. 161.
An exception is Georg Miczka, who pointed out that Ferreti and Mussato “misused” ancient terms: Miczka 1974.
The vocabulary was not purely ancient, but could also have been drawn from medieval classicizing texts or Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies on triumph. Schramm 1929, p. 40.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 45.
MacCormack 1981, p. 18, 21. Hack 1999, p. 283-370.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 45.
Const. 4:2, nr 777, p. 769-70.
Butrinto, p. 59.
Albanese 2016, p. 178: “curatissime orazioni…sono da considerarsi documenti di una storiografia ufficiale, ratificata dall’imperatore”. Ibidem, p. 182-185.
The term quirites is also used in the inscription on the medieval Casa dei Crescenzi in Rome. Also Frederick II, in his letter to the SPQR, addressed the Romans as quirites. See Thumser 1996, p. 426.
Mussato 1727, p. 452: Quid frequentes literae, quid nuntii celeres toties expetivere, nisi ut meum carum visitem senatum populumque romanum ? quo exultante in Capitolium vehar? All translations are mine, unless otherwise indicated. Celeres is also the term used for the bodyguards of the ancient Roman kings.
This was not completely new. In 1117, Emperor Henry V ascended the Capitol: see Petersohn 2009.
After the establishment of the Roman commune in 1143, the Romans were politically and ideologically organized to confront the claims of the two universal powers on their city. See Miglio 1997, II, p. 117-172; Maire Vigueur 2010.
See Schoenian 1919, 54-64; Petersohn 2010; Strothmann 1998. For other secular approaches to the Roman Empire in the Middle Ages see Blythe 2000, p. 52.
Godthardt 2011, p. 228.
Benjamin G. Kohl calls Mussato “Padua’s foremost republican defender”: Kohl 2010.
Lee 2015, p. 74.
Blythe 2000, p. 42.
Mussato 1727, p. 408: Fama tamen per Italiae civitates increbescebat populum Romanum praesertimque plebem commodis suarum rerum Regem exoptare.
Godthardt 2011, p. 236: states that the majority of the Roman people was hostile toward Henry (“mehrheitlich feindlich gegenüberstehend”). Görich 2016 (p. 97) suggests the opposite. For national stereotypes on the emperors in Italy, see Keller 2006.
Scholars such as Andreas Rehberg and Anna Modigliani have shown that clientele networks divided the Roman people in factions, faithful to opposing baronial families: Rehberg 2004.
Giovanni da Cermenate, p. 4: qui magnam scribendi causam nobis dedit. See also Franke 1992, p. 79-83.
Witt 2000, p. 169. There are many definitions of humanism: Lee 2018, p. xxii. Patrick Baker characterized fifteenth-century humanists as those who shared a love of antiquity, strove after the restoration of classical Latin eloquence, and believed that eloquence had an enormous cultural significance: Baker 2015, p. 234-235. In this article, I consider humanists those who consciously imitated the Latin of ancient authors. The term remains troublesome, because it is often associated with modernity, republicanism, critical methods, secular values, etc.
Giovanni da Cermenate, p. 17: nam nulla pax erit in populo, quem uniformitas voluntatum vinculo iustitiae colligata non excitat ad studium communis boni, quae sola exprimitur uniformi motu, et dependet ab unitate populi voluntatum.
Giovanni da Cermenate, p. 17. Cicero, De Republica, I.32.49; and later Marsilius of Padua, Defensor pacis, I, I 4: vinculo sive iure societatis humanae, cited in Quillet 1988, p. 533.
On the translatio imperii concept see Goez 1958.
Unfortunately, we do not know what Cermenate wrote about Henry’s presence in Rome: these pages have not survived. Giovanni da Cermenate, p. 108: desunt aliquot folia (also on p. 97). Except for a fragment, no medieval manuscripts have survived: see Ferrai in Giovanni da Cermenate, p. xxxi-xlv.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 50: locus ille quondam Iovi natoque veterum ritu dedicatus, Cesarum sedes inclita, facile capitur. Hac cesar sede potitus de more vetusto curules suis ducibus innovans, benificia queque distribuit, inter que Ludovicum de Sabaudia memoratum quo quidem senatoris titulo functus erat in idemptidem restauravit.
Falco 1911.
Margue 2009, p. 77.
Constitutiones 4:2, nr 789, 787-88: Cessio iurisdictionis in Urbe regi facta. The document of 13 June, however, was signed in the Torre delle Milizie. We do not possess documents of Henry that where signed on the Capitoline Hill. Widmer 2008, p. 119-122.
Heidemann 2008, p. 91.
Butrinto, p. 56: Domini cardinales de huiusmodi impedimento dolentes et continue afflicti super strage et destructione urbis, que continue fiebat, non valentes apponere remedium, libenter ipsum alibi quam in sancto Petro coronassent, sed timebant quod non possent virtute commissionis eis facte.
Duprè Theseider 1952, p. 411.
Carocci 2001, p. 104.
Forcella, vol. 1, p. 122-124, numbers 433, 434, 435, 437, 438; vol. 7, p. 297-298, numbers 596, 597, 598. For instance, the tomb of Egidius, abbot of Weissenburg in Santa Sabina: Hic requiescit dominus egidius de Varnsperch in regno Alemanie abbas ….
Mussato 1727, p. 456-457: Hunc conflictum Nicolaus de Bonsignoribus Senensis, qui tunc Capitolii sedem Ludovici Sabaudiensis Vicarius obtinebat, adnuntiatum est, flagrans excandescensque campanis undique per turritas Ecclesias ad certamen pulsatis, percussisque Populum Romanum elicuit praeconiis vocibus. The bells were also used to convoke parlamenti of the people, see: Maire-Vigueur 2010, p. 334.
Const. 4:2, nr 780, p. 778: illico pulsata campana in vos et sequaces vestros in civitate et extra potenter inruere vestramve vestrorumque duritiam.
Görich 2016 (p. 100) agrees that Henry used his contact with the Roman people to put pressure on the cardinals.
Mussato 1727, p. 460: Cardinalibus vero non assentientibus, Caesar Populum Romanum, illum videlicet, qui suas partes fovebat, in Concilium evocavit has proponens facti angustias, quidque expediat consultans. Ex plebiscito itaque obtentum est, Cardinales Reipublice suasionibus, precibusque Coronam dare. Even though the Romans living in the areas occupied by the anti-imperial party might not have attended the assembly on the Capitol, it was seen to symbolically represent the will of the Roman people.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 55: in vico publico ante Capitolii vestibulum cetus omnes Romani populi congregari iussit, quorum numerus supra quam decem millium virorum putatus est. Rome’s population counted between 20,000 and 50,000 in this period: Hubert 2001a, p. 174-75; Hubert 2001b.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 57: id volente senatu.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 57-58: ad hoc leges persuasorias applicent, que sacris Iustiniani Digestis, capitulo ‘De eo quod certo loco per commune’ et ‘De officio delegati lege statuimus, ut eos’ etc. clarissime rediguntur. Cino da Pistoia, advisor of Roman senator Louis of Savoye, was in Rome during the coronation and supported Henry. He was writing his comments on the Codex iustinianus in this period and may have played an important role, which remains to be explored. Carrai 2018.
Mussato 1727, p. 460: Reluctantibus itaque Cardinalibus Plebs commota est in illos excandescens.
Mathias von Neuenburg, p. 89: Differentibus autem cardinalibus, quorum unus obiit […] ex persuasione Hostiensis, qui Gibellinus fuit, et Stephani Columpna multitudo Romanorum irruit in palacium regis […] requirente rege quid vellent, illi se velle occidere voratores illos dicebant, qui stipendia militum devorarent.
Butrinto, p. 59: Satis timuimus illos rusticos insanos; et credo quod nisi fuisset dominus rex, qui illos quantum potuit mitigavit, pauci de clericis fuissent securi de vita.
Butrinto, p. 61: Qui cum non debuisset nec potuisset de jure, facere recusavit.
Const. 4:2, nr 794: Requisitiones iteratae cardinalibus factae, p. 792: Pretendens idem dominus rex multas rationes iuris et facti ad probandum quod ipsi cardinales ipsas coronationem et inhungtionem facere possint et debeant alibi quam in basilica predicta […] quia iura et canonica et civilia in hoc concordare videntur.
Const. 4:2, nr 794, p. 792: tum quia per retardationem dicte coronationis multe strages, multa homicidia, rapine, depredationes et mala alia quam plurima specialiter in Urbe et etiam alibi iam evenerunt.
Once before an emperor had been crowned in St John Lateran: on Sunday 4 June 1133 Pope Innocent II had crowned Lothar III there. See Bäseler 1919, p. 128-130.
Elze 1960, nr xx, p. 104.
Görich 2016, p. 101. Ferreto de’ Ferreti called this bridge pons de la Forma.
Const. 4:1, nr 644, p. 611: Consuevit etiam rex, quando descendit de monte Gaudii et venit ad ponticellum, prestare hoc iuramentum Romanis: ‘Ego Henricus rex futurus imperator iuro me servaturum Romanis bonas consuetudines suas. Sic me Deus adiuvet et hec sancta evangelia’. Elze 1960, p. 104.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 59: denique ad pontem de la Forma, gradu sollicito, pervenit, ubi, iuxta Cesarum sanctiones populique normam, rem publicam tueri, legesque servare pollicitus est.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 60.
Görich 2016, p. 102.
Margue 2009, p. 79; in the illustrated chronicle of Villani, Henry is crowned by three men as well: Frugoni 2005, p. 227. The crowners were Arnaldus of Sabina, Nicholas of Ostia, Luca of Santa Maria in Via Lata: Const. 4:2, nr 797, p. 798. Görich 2016, p. 103: states that Arnaldus of Sabina actually put the crown on Henry’s head. This cardinal, according to the ordo, had to say the words Accipe signum glorie when the crown was placed on the emperor’s head. Butrinto refers to him as dominus legatus, so probably he bore the responsibility over the papal delegation. But the ordo states that the legates had to crown the emperor together: Vos autem universi imponatis mitras… et diademata regi et regine predictis.
As described in the ordo: Const. 4:1, nr 644, p. 610.
Const. 4:1, nr 644, p. 611: Scriniarii vero Urbis serecis capis induti ante pectorale consistentes in choro respondeant: ‘Domino Henrico invictissimo Romanorum imperatori et semper augusto salus et victoria’.
Mussato 1727, p. 462: multis cleri, populique applausibus inclyto Imperatori Henrico semper Augusto vitam, victoriamque conclamantibus universis.
Aldrete 1999, p. 101-108, 112, 128.
Mussato 1727, p. 462-463: in Aventinum ad parata convivia, comessationesque cum Nobilibus et Plebe delatus est. Commesatio has a connotation of excessive feasting, and is also associated with bacchanal processions.
Butrinto, p. 60: secundum quod in ordinario scribitur et in litteris vestris continetur.
Mussato 1727, p. 462: protestantibus cardinalibus, scilicet legato, et Luca de Flisco non sua sponte, sed plebis, regisque impulsibus coactis parere coronam auream capiti eius imposuere.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 64: Sed hec Urbs potissiumum illi velut tenax anchora fixa est, ut, victis fugatisque hostibus, tranquilla potiatur libertate.
Ferreto de’ Ferreti, p. 65: si Urbem urbium in quiete adiciat, que Cesarum sedes et orbis regina merito dicitur.
Mussato 1727, p. 508: Denuo quoque compertum est dispositis ad huius plebisque libitum rebus precipue potentioribus fusis omnia hec parari cesari ipsum evocandum in urbem vehendumque triumphaliter in capitolium principatum ab sola plebe recogniturum. Or perhaps to “accept”.
Arlotti remained in power until February 1313, see Holstein 2016, p. 87-93.
Compagni, p. 149: “lo imperadore con le sue forze vi farà prendere e rubare per mare e per terra.” This is the final sentence of the chronicle, which survives in about 30 manuscripts. See Bratu 2010.
Collard 2001; Pontari 2016a and 2016b; Mallegni 2016.
Bowsky 1960.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber X.1, p. 211.
See the discussion in Pertile 1997, p. 1.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber X.136, p. 336.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber X.53, p. 257-258.
Petrarch, X, 1, p. 246.
The classical biography is Thomas 1993.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.20, p. 543: “Romani si levarono a romore e feciono popolo perché non aveano la corte del papa né dello ’mperadore.” Whaley 1982. This revolution was directed indirectly against Robert of Anjou, who was appointed “Roman senator for life” by Pope Clement V in 1313, and who made vicars govern the city. Miglio 1997, p. 151; Holstein 2006, p. 95-100.
Anonimo, p. 14: “caporioni.”
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.22, p. 546-547.
Anonimo, p. 19.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.55, p. 582.
Mussato 2015, p. 233.
Mussato 2015, p. 257: ut Roma caput mundi apicis sui gloriam non amittat.
Mussato 2015, p. 258: Populus Romanus ut Deus ab excelsis veniente gavisus illum magnis alacritatibus preconiorumque applausibus excepit.
Vita Ludovici quarti, p. 156-157.
Vita Ludovici quarti, p. 157: advenisti desiderabilis, quem expectabamus pro domino, quia tu factus es spes desolatis et magna consolacio hiis, que sunt in tormentis.
For the eschatological role of the Roman empire in medieval historiography see for instance Lettinck 1983, p. 24-42. Brilli 2015.
Mussato 2015, p. 259: Sicque Lodoici Romanorum regis nomen ac titulum vociferante populo (illum vivere ac regnare), in Capitolium ipse reginaque pariter consedere concessa plebi populoque Romano de rebus imperii potestate consulendi effitiendique quicquid statui rei publice pertineret. Status rei publicae has been translated as “il particolare modo di essere della organizzazione di un popolo” (cited in Suerbaum 1961, p. 64). Suerbaum suggests that, by adding the term status to res publica, the term became more concrete, perhaps referring to the particular modes of organisation of the Roman people.
See note 55. The edition reads cetus, cf. coetus.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.55, p. 583: “com’egli avea intenzione di mantenergli e innalzargli, e di mettere il popolo di Roma in ogni buono stato.”
Ibidem: “E nel detto parlamento s’ordinò la sua coronazione la domenica vegnente”. Godthardt states that Louis, not the Romans, decided the date for the coronation: Godthardt 2011, p. 231. To me it seems a common decision of the gathering.
Godthardt 2011, p. 240-253. Godthardt, after Friedensburg, translated it as “Kaiserordo”, Schwarz as “Reichsgesetz” and Heinz Thomas suggested this could have been the Codex iustiniani: Schwarz 2014, p. 131.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.56, p. 585: “E non trovando niuno difetto, fuori la benedizione e confermazione del papa, che non v’era”.
Godthardt 2011, p. 230-33, 270, 310: “Daher können auch die bei der Kaiserkrönung Ludwigs des Bayern beteiligten Römer nach Marsilius keine konstitutive Funktion besitzen”.
For papalist views see Wilks 1963, p. 254.
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.56, p. 584: “Come Lodovico di Baviera si fece coronare per lo popolo di Roma per loro re e imperadore.”
Mathias von Neuenburg, p. 368.
Gesta Baldewini, liber III.5, 245: non ab ecclesia, sed a senatu fuerat in imperatorem coronatus.
Const. 6.1, nr 383, p. 286: Castruccii encyclical in die coronationis scripta, The ritum refers to the ordo, which was also mentioned by Villani. Castruccio, in his letter, emphasized that both new and old usages were respected in the coronation ceremony.
Whereas, for instance, Pauler presents Sciarra Colonna as crowner, Schwarz suggests that the excommunicated bishops crowned Louis (Godthardt, however, has shown the unlikeliness of this: Godthardt 2011, p. 248, 257) and calls the coronation by Sciarra Colonna a ‘legend’ (indeed, no contemporary source claims that he is the sole coronator): Schwarz 2014, p. 132; Pauler 1997, p. 155 (they both use Villani as their source).
The most important chroniclers, among whom Villani, state that a number of lay Romans crowned the emperor. In some sources they are called the “syndics of the Roman people”. See for the best analysis so far: Godthardt 2011, p. 236-284, 309. Beside discussing the historiographical narratives, Godthardt used documents from the papal trial after the coronation to show that several Roman citizens were accused of crowning the emperor, whereas the bishop Giacomo of Castello was held responsible for anointing the emperor (p. 254-258).
Giovanni Villani, II, liber XI.56, p. 586.
It is another aspect that is reminiscent of a classical Roman triumph: the ancients used to hold a banquet after the completion of ceremonies at the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill.
On Marsilius of Padua’s influence on Louis IV see Godthardt 2011.
Marsilius of Padua 2005, II.26.4, p. 451.
Marsilius of Padua 1979, p. 430: ad solemnitatem, non quidem propter necessitatem aliquam. It remains unclear whether the coronation as such, or the coronation by the “Roman bishop” was not necessary.
Kurze 1892, p. 112: a cuncto Romanorum populo adclamatum [also acclamatum] est. Marsilius of Padua 1979, p. 420: a cuncto Romano populo acclamatum est. In the most popular late-medieval chronicle, Martin of Troppau’s Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum, Charlemagne was made emperor thanks to the Romans: ob rogatum Romanorum factus est imperator.
This leads Godthardt to write: “Es ist nicht erkennbar, dass Marsilius dem römischen Volk eine weitergehende Beteiligung bei der Kaiserkrönungszeremonie zugesteht als in der Tradition der Kaiserkrönungen üblich.” Godthardt 2011, p. 124.
Marsilius of Padua 1979, p. 420: imperialium laudum acclamationem per populum. The senators leading the twelfth-century Roman commune also made their decisions by acclamatio of the people: Petersohn 2010, p. 90.
Giovanni Villani, liber XI.56, p. 586: “non troverrai per nulla cronica antica o novella che nullo imperadore cristiano mai si facesse coronare se non al papa o a suo legato”. An exception, which Villani overlooked, was Charlemagne’s coronation of his son Louis the Pious in Aachen in 813.
Mussato 2015, p. 285-286: ipsum strenuo animo Alpes transisse, Mediolani coronam ferream suscepisse, inde, per Tusciam permeantem, Roman pervollasse, in Capitolium sedisse, senatorem consulesque ac decuriones et tribunos more Romani imperatoris creasse; a populi Romani concione laudatum approbatum fuisse, omnia vasto animo aggressum que viro audatie eximieque virtutis pertinuerint. [Per] hec et nomine et re dignum Cesarum Romanorumque regem nuncupandum vocandum [dignum] que fecere.
Mussato may also have been inspired by high medieval texts such as Benzo of Alba, p. 512: creavit novos centuriones, tribunos ac senatores […] secundum antiqum morem. Schramm 1929, p. 273-274.
Schoenian 1919, p. 56. Other examples in Cavino 1991; Duprè Theseider 1942, p. 255-269.
Godthardt 2011, p. 129.
Godthardt 2011, p. 133.
Hohensee 2009.
Mussato 2015, p. 286-287.
For the creation of antipope Nicolaus V and the second coronation by this pope on 22 May see: Godthardt 2011, p. 385-400.
Mussato 2015, p. 288: nil ipsius merite dignitati auctoritatique detrahere intendentes, sed aliorum posterum veritatis iuditium reservantes.
Wilks 1963, p. 247.
Scales 2012, p. 258.
Giovanni Villani, VII, p. 1: considers himself as part of the populari.
Mussato 2015, p. 259-260: Plebs vero ac populus, ut eorum moris semper est novis gaudere rebus, non modo Ludovici nomen extollere, sed et papam Ioannem detastari criminari in publicum cepere, verumque papam negare.
Giovanni Villani, p. 605: “De la detta sentenzia i savi uomini di Roma molto si turbarono; l’altro semplice popolo ne fece gran festa.”
Suckale 1993, p. 31, ill. 14; Pietrangeli 1960. More details on the bull and references in Schwarz 2014, p. 138-145.
More on Louis’ perspective in Godthardt 2011, p. 285-301.
Blythe 2000, p. 51.
As Scales wrote “Rome as idea still mattered”: Scales 2012, p. 257. On the fifteenth century, see the articles by Veronika Proske and Riccardo Pallotti in the forthcoming volume Emperors and imperial discourse in Italy, c. 1300-1500. New perspectives, A. Huijbers (ed.).
For the image of Charles IV in historiography more generally see Frey 1978. Classical works on Charles IV are Patze 1978; Seibt 1978; Stoob 1990; on the Italian campaigns of his father John of Bohemia see Margue 1996.
On Charles IV and Petrarch see Bayley 1942; Blanc 1986; Six letters were written between 1351 and 1355: Petrarch, Fam. X.1, XII.1, XVIII.1, XIX.1, XIX.4, XIX.12. Other letters followed in 1358, 1361, 1362 and 1365.
William of Ockham also considered the empire as secular in origin: first the community conferred jurisdiction to the emperor, then it received God’s blessing. Blythe 2000, p. 51.
Crevatin 2012, p. 168.
Petrarch, X.1, p. 240. Špička 2010, p. 535. Other letters XIX.4, 336-41, 12, 370.
Petrarch, X.1, p. 247: reformandeque reipublice propositum.
Petrarch, XVIII.1, p. 224-225; 227: ut reipublice deformitates aboleas.
Cited in Sistrunk 1991, p. 117: sicut maritus defensor uxoris […] ita et imperator rei publicae. This idea had ancient precedents: the Historiae augustae handed down that it was impossible to have a res publica without an emperor: Suerbaum 1961, p. 148.
Petrarch, XIX.1 (Milan, October or November 1354), p. 318-321.
Const. 8, nr 9-13, p. 11-27 and nr 91, p. 117-119; Johannis Porta de Annoniaco. Charles IV returned to Rome in 1368, together with Pope Urban V. For the impression this made on the humanist Coluccio Salutati, see Lee 2018, p. 141-143.
For a more extensive account on Charles in Rome see Bauch 2015, p. 136-149.
For the nickname rex clericorum, see Frey 1978, p. 16; Bauch 2015, p. 148, 436. Schlotheuber 2016.
A jurist who defended the imperial deeds of Henry VII, stated the same: see Heidemann 2008, p. 209.
Petrarch, XIX.12, p. 375: Boemie rex solius.
Matteo Villani, I, p. 607: “Lo ’mperadore nome sormonta li altri per somma magnificenza, al qual solea ubidire tutte le nazioni dell’universo… l’infedeli hanno quello in dispregio.”
Matteo Villani, I, p. 587, 608.
Beccari, Niccolò, in DBI, vol. 7, 1970, p. 437-440: Beccari was an official at the court of Charles IV and was staying in Magdeburg when he wrote the letter.
Folz 1962.
Niccolò Beccari, p. 266: he refers to the lex regia.
Ibidem, p. 278: Ita te augustissima in maiestate niveo et ornatissimo currui triumphali invectum presidentem aspicio […].
Ibidem, p. 280: via recta ad Capitolium […] ubi et in quo caput et sedes est Imperii eritque inperpetuum […] tria verba sola […] pronunciabis que Iulius Cesar quondam, auctor et parens imperii […].
Ibidem, 281: vetusto more […] publice perlegetur […] ORPR - ob rem publicam restitutam.
Although these four words are not abbreviated on the arch of Septimius Severus, Beccari probably was inspired by this example. For other ancient uses of res publica restituta see Hurlet 2009, p. 11-12.
In antiquity, res publica was sometimes used in a personified way as well, to signify something like the public good, the people or the country: Judge 2008, p. 143.
Suerbaum 1961, p. 228-229.
In their letters, however, the expression res publica referred not just to the Roman commune, but to a larger imperial territory.
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