1Digital technology has significantly transformed how Muslim women participate in public life, work, and economic activities, especially for those whose religious beliefs prioritize gender segregation, modesty, and limited physical presence in public spaces. For women who wear the niqab, digital platforms offer new opportunities for economic and social involvement without requiring them to leave the privacy of their homes. Rather than merely extending existing practices, digital media reshapes the boundaries between private and public spaces by allowing mediated forms of visibility, interaction, and work that do not depend on physical mobility.
2This article explores how niqabi (women who wear the niqab) in Indonesia navigate the evolving digital workplace, particularly in online businesses. Historically, women in Salafi or conservative Islamic communities have engaged in home-based economic activities, such as catering, sewing, and small-scale trading, often through local networks like family or ta’lim (women’s religious study groups) (Tarawiyah 2018). However, the rise of digital technology has significantly transformed how these economic activities are conducted, expanded, and presented to the public. Digital platforms enable niqabi to reach a broader audience, manage interactions selectively, and create a public economic identity without needing to physically enter public spaces.
3The Indonesian context provides a crucial case study for understanding these dynamics. Niqabi generally operate within a moral framework that emphasizes avoiding unnecessary mixing between men and women, regulating bodily visibility, and defining the home as the primary space for women’s activities. Nevertheless, they also share economic needs and aspirations for independence similar to women in other contexts. Digital platforms, such as Facebook, WhatsApp, and online marketplaces, serve as vital infrastructures that allow niqabi to balance these demands, enabling them to be “present in public space” while remaining physically and morally anchored in the private sphere.
4By using qualitative approach through narrative inquiry as Bruner (2003) defined as “self-making stories,” where individuals make sense of themselves and the world around them (Squire 2008), this research reveals the patterns and meanings embedded in a person’s experiences (Consoli 2021). Through this narrative approach, the study aims to uncover how niqabi experience, interpret, and ascribe meaning to their life choices. In this article, I will showcase three stories of the most influential niqabi actively using social media for their business endeavours that I interviewed them between 2018 and 2019 in Surakarta Indonesia. This study explores the subjective experiences of niqabi running online businesses from home. It examines how digital technology facilitates new forms of public participation, how interactions are closely regulated, especially concerning gender relations, and how engagement in digital workspaces contributes to changes in economic roles, self-identity, and agency. The study pays particular attention to differences in niqabi experiences based on age and marital status, demonstrating that digital participation is interpreted and experienced in diverse ways.
5Theoretically, this article builds on the concept of agency as proposed by Saba Mahmood (2005), which challenges the liberal assumption that agency is achieved solely through resistance to or liberation from norms. Mahmood’s framework allows for a broader understanding of agency as something that emerges through the practice of piety, self-discipline, and moral formation. When applied to the digital realm, this perspective helps explain that niqabi’s involvement in online businesses does not conflict with their religious commitments; rather, it is consciously shaped and exercised through these values. Thus, digital media becomes a space where their pious agency is exercised, rather than undermined.
6This article argues that digital media serves as a transformative space for niqabi, allowing them to blur and renegotiate the boundaries between private and public spaces without violating religious norms. Through digital entrepreneurship, niqabi gain access to economic opportunities, expand their social networks, and establish a controlled and selective public presence. These practices reflect the concept of “digital-hoped-for-futures” (see Arnez, this volume), wherein public participation, economic autonomy, and piety are not mutually exclusive but instead support one another. While numerous studies have addressed Muslim women’s digital entrepreneurship and the religious presence of niqabi in online spaces, very few have specifically examined how Salafi niqabi women engage in digital-based economic activities. By focusing on home-based online business practices among niqabi, this study aims to fill this gap.
7The structure of this article is as follows: The first section is an introduction, the next section contextualizes the experiences of niqabi within the framework of Salafism in Indonesia, along with the norms governing gender and public space. The third section explores the concepts of public and private spaces, digital media, and the narrative analysis of how women navigate online public environments while avoiding discrimination. The fourth section examines the expansion of economic activities enabled by digital platforms. The concluding section revisits Mahmood’s conceptual agenda, reflecting on how digital technology is reshaping the possibilities for niqabi’s agency in contemporary Indonesia.
8The term “niqabi” refers to women who wear long, loose clothing that covers their entire bodies and a face covering leaving only the eyes visible. In Indonesia, the use of the niqab and its increasing popularity among Muslim women are often linked to the Salafi movement, which gained prominence after the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, a period commonly referred to as Reformasi (the reform era). Many scholars view this era of democratic transition as a time when political Islam (Porter 2002), various Islamic movements (Alimi 2014), and the rise of symbolic Islam or Islamism (Sakai & Fauzia 2013) emerged. Bruinessen (2014) describes it as a conservative turn, noting that moderate Islamic thought, which had been the mainstream view in Indonesia, already appeared marginalized in 2005.
9Bruinessen (2014) noted an important development related to this conservative turn: the emergence of fundamentalist groups that promote exclusive Islamic teachings, known as Salafism. “Salafi” literally refers to the followers of the pious forefathers or Salaf al-Salih. The Salafi manhaj instructs its members to adhere to the teachings of the three generations following the Prophet Muhammad: the companions of the Prophet (sahaba), their followers (tabi’in), and the followers of their followers (tabi’in al-tabi’in). These three generations are regarded as the best interpreters of Islamic doctrines due to their proximity in time to the Prophet (Wahid 2014). Marcoes-Natsir & Octavia (2014) identified Salafi groups alongside several other fundamentalist Islamic factions, including Tarbiyah/PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera [Prosperous Justice Party]), HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia [the Indonesian branch of Hizbut-Tahrir]), LDII (Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia [Indonesian Islamic Propagation Institute]), MMI (Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia [Indonesian Mujahidin Council]), and MTA (Majelis Tafsir Al-Qur’an [Quran Interpretation Council]).
10Salafism began to expand in Indonesia in the mid-1980s, with adherents showcasing religious symbols in their appearance. Men often grow long beards (lihya), and they wear Arab-style robes (jalabiyya), turbans (imama), and trousers that reach their ankles, while women commonly wear a black veil (niqab) in public. Salafis typically live in small, exclusive communities, maintaining a distance from the broader society around them (Hasan 2007: 83-94).
11In their daily lives, Salafi adherents strictly follow the manhaj, methodology, or path, as their guide. The Salafi manhaj is an Islamic missionary movement that advocates for the purity of Islamic teachings according to the sunnah (traditions) practiced during the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Followers strive to embody a lifestyle that they believe reflects true Islamic principles. While not all women who wear the niqab do so for ideological reasons or identify with a specific group, within Salafism, wearing the niqab is seen as a genuine act of obedience to religious teachings. One of the most prominent rules governing women within the Salafi framework is their behaviour in public spaces.
- 1 Ajnabiyah is a woman who is not mahram—meaning she is legally marriageable—according to Islamic law
12Niqabi who adhere to the Salafi manhaj uphold the restriction on women’s presence in public spaces, sharing the belief that women should remain at home as a woman’s body can incite temptation in men if they see it. According to Rohman (2012), Salafi literature discusses two primary issues concerning the visibility of women: the concept of seeing ajnabiyah1 and gender segregation. The interpretation of these issues dictates that seeing any part of a foreign woman’s body is forbidden because it is considered part of her aurat (those parts of the body that should be covered). This belief is rooted in the idea that a woman’s entire body is considered private and must be covered. Consequently, ikhtilat (the mingling of men and women) is also prohibited, as it is believed to lead to lust and potentially result in adultery.
13Hence, according to the Salafi manhaj they follow, private space is considered the best space for women. If they show themselves in public, they should cover all parts of the body, not mingling with men, and maintaining behaviour that reflects respectability (Nisa 2012). This strict code has prompted niqabi to limit their involvement in public spaces, with the effect that they often do not work outside their homes and focus on activities within private or domestic spaces.
14In fact, studies on the niqab often focus on the transformation of women who choose to wear it. For many Muslim women, wearing the niqab represents a conversion or a journey towards becoming a more devout Muslim or embracing complete Islam (Dzuhayatin 2020; Ahmad et al. 2023; Rijal 2025). This choice comes with specific rules that these women are expected to follow. An important rule is to limit their involvement in public spaces to avoid ikhtilat which could lead to potential slander. The strict rules that niqabi choose to follow come with consequences that they must accept. Several scholars have explored how these restrictions on public life affect niqabi. For instance, Tarawiyah (2012) discovered that, due to their withdrawal from public life, some niqabi have had to give up their previous jobs. In addition to the economic effects, these self-imposed restrictions also influence their social lives. Astuti (2010), Rusmiyanti (2017), and Nursani (2018) pointed out that limitations on public activities lead to a restricted social life for niqabi, which often results in the formation of exclusive social circles.
15However, digital media has created a platform for niqabi to express themselves and assert their agency (Peterson 2020). Modern digital tools, like selfies, social media posts, and consumer websites, offer niqabi new opportunities to engage with and challenge the notion that self-portraits must show their faces. They use digital technology for various purposes, ranging from promoting the Islamic Caliphate (Fathurrosyid 2024) to showcasing niqabi fashion, which demonstrates a shift from viewing the niqab solely as a moral identity to embracing it as a form of fashion expression (Puteri 2022).
16The study by Ainz-Galende, Lozano-Diaz, and Fernández-Prados (2021) explores the relationship between niqabi and the digital world, presenting niqabi as a fundamentalist group active in cyberspace, which they term “cyber-fundamentalism.” This concept describes a form of fundamentalism that has evolved to adapt, survive, and thrive in modern times. In this context, cyber-fundamentalism is seen as a means of providing niqabi with freedom and creativity, enabling them to present their identities to the world. Similarly, Piela (2022) introduces the term “digital Niqabosphere” to describe a third space where niqabi can exercise their agency and express their identities. Digital technology allows them to share their values, beliefs, and experiences more widely. Piela refers to the work of Rivka Sajida in this regard, a digital media content creator, to illustrate how these online spaces foster the development of shared discourses and aesthetics surrounding the niqab. This, in turn, supports the emergence of global, mediatized alternative religious narratives and counter publics. Rivka Sajida’s narratives contribute to counteracting the generally negative perceptions of niqabi.
17I argue that Piela’s (2022) concept of the “digital niqabosphere” is more relevant than the idea of “cyber-fundamentalism.” The term “cyber-fundamentalism” often has negative connotations, portraying niqabi women as rigid or isolated. In contrast, the term “digital niqabosphere” provides a more nuanced view by highlighting online spaces as platforms for creativity, agency, and identity negotiation. Niqabi women in Indonesia utilize digital platforms not as a means of withdrawal, but as a space for expressing their piety, engaging in economic activities, and challenging dominant stereotypes.
18In her study in Indonesia, Nisa (2013) explored the role of the Internet in enabling niqabi to present themselves in virtual public spaces. At that time, they often used the Internet, including platforms like Facebook and Instagram, to share knowledge and pursue virtual careers such as programming or writing. Notably, they often presented themselves via fake profiles rather than real identities. Nisa’s findings are highly relevant to this research; however, the context has slightly changed due to the emergence of more diverse and commercial digital platforms. In my research, some niqabi are no longer solely focused on anonymity. Instead, they are beginning to build personal brands and public identities, especially in digital business. This shift illustrates a transformation in digital agency, moving from a mere virtual presence to active participation in the digital economy while maintaining their pious values.
19Over time, the digital engagement of niqabi has become increasingly prominent. In Indonesia, niqabi extensively use digital media for various purposes, including establishing interaction and dialogue with their audience (Khamis 2024). They share diverse perspectives, as seen in the Cadar Garis Lucu (Funny Line Niqabi) Instagram account, which aims to portray a moderate representation of niqabi (Dwifatma & Beta 2024). Nugroho, Febrian and Setyawan (2024) studied how young Salafi women utilize social media for business, finding that digital business opportunities significantly contribute to their financial emancipation. These findings strengthen my argument that digital media serves not only as a means of representing identity but also as a transformative space for niqabi. It allows them to achieve economic independence, expand their social networks, and creatively challenge and dismantle negative stereotypes.
20While existing studies have examined niqabi and their digital presence, particularly regarding Salafi women’s roles in digital business, this study provides a unique contribution by expanding the focus to how niqabi actively navigate the boundaries between private and public spheres using digital technology. Unlike previous research that has primarily concentrated on identity representation (Nisa 2013) or financial independence through online entrepreneurship (Nugroho, Febrian & Setyawan 2024), this study examines the transformative aspects of niqabi’s digital practices. It explores how they redefine public engagement, negotiate religious boundaries, and establish agency within new hybrid workspaces.
21This research emphasizes that the participation of niqabi in economic activities is not a new phenomenon. In various Muslim communities, women have historically engaged in productive home-based work through family and local community networks. However, the advent of digital technology has significantly transformed these practices. Digital tools expand the reach of economic activities, increase visibility—though selectively—and allow for more flexible modes of interaction. As a result, the private sphere no longer serves as a barrier separating women from public engagement; instead, it acts as a starting point for mediated participation in the public domain.
22In Habermas’s view (1991), public space is traditionally defined as an arena for social interaction, where individuals engage in communication and form shared opinions. In contrast, private space refers to the family and domestic sphere, separating it from social and political participation (Habermas 1991). However, feminist critiques have highlighted that this concept often overlooks marginalized groups, including women (Fraser 1990). In this article, we understand public space more broadly as any form of social participation that includes visibility, interaction, and engagement with audiences outside the domestic sphere. Additionally, private space is not limited to a physical location, such as the home, but is viewed as a social and moral domain characterized by control over visibility, access, and interaction.
23For the niqabi in this study, digital media serves as a means of being “present in the public sphere” without necessitating direct physical interaction, which could potentially conflict with the principle of ikhtilat. Digital spaces allow them to reach a wide audience, promote products, and build economic relationships while maintaining the moral boundaries that are important in their daily lives. Thus, public presence is redefined not as merely a physical presence in social spaces, but as a form of mediated, controlled, and selective participation.
24Digital media fundamentally blurs the boundaries between private and public spaces by enabling a form of “socially mediated publicness” (Baym & Boyd 2012). This concept refers to a presence in public spaces that is mediated by technology rather than physical presence, which changes the nature of engagement in public life. In this context, niqabi actively control how and to what extent they are visible in digital public spaces. Instead of revealing their faces or bodies, some opt to use avatars, brand logos, or product photos to interact with customers. This approach allows them to maintain a public presence and participate without exposing their physical bodies, thereby minimizing the risk of ikhtilat (intimacy) and unwanted male gazes.
25The narratives of niqabi presented here illustrate how they reinterpret public spaces and redefine what their participation in public life means. Although the niqabi in these narratives vary in age and social status, they all share a common perspective on how digital media has allowed them to experience a sense of public engagement in their work environments.
26Ummu Mia is preparing to pack the homemade snacks that customers ordered via WhatsApp the day before. Her husband has just arrived home from a nearby pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and will take the orders to the shipping agent. Since Ummu Mia began selling online, this division of tasks has been their agreed-upon arrangement. She started her business three months ago when her children began school. Her days at home became monotonous, so she wanted to find a new activity. Although she initially thought working outside the home was impossible, she decided to sell products that would allow her to stay at home.
27Ummu Mia, a 31-year-old mathematics graduate, chose to be a housewife after marriage and now wears the niqab. She manages the household and cares for her two young children. Her husband teaches at a nearby pesantren. Ummu Mia believes it is important for women to focus on domestic activities and prioritize their children’s upbringing, so she decided against working outside the home.
28Ummu Mia chose to sell online from home primarily because she wanted to be more productive and generate income without leaving her house. She offers small food items, such as homemade bread and snacks, and Muslim clothing that she resells, which she sources online. The products her customers order are delivered by her husband using the post office or a delivery service. For Ummu Mia, not working outside the home is the best decision. She believes that working outside can expose women to inappropriate situations, as it increases the likelihood of encountering men who are not their mahram (a close family member with whom marriage is prohibited under Islamic law). She emphasizes that women should be able to choose jobs that are suitable for them. According to Ummu Mia, good jobs for women are being a midwife assisting women during childbirth or a teacher educating female students and boys who have not yet reached puberty.
- 2 Interview with Ummu Mia, conducted at 11:00 a.m. on October 11, 2017, in Karanganyar, english trans (...)
Women should be selective about their career choices. If possible, they might consider jobs that do not involve working alongside men. Examples of such roles could include being a midwife, which involves assisting with childbirth, or a teacher for young children. If a woman wearing a niqab works in a public setting, such as a general hospital or a public school where both men and women are present, she must uphold appropriate boundaries. Specifically, she should refrain from making jokes or behaving inappropriately, ensuring that her modesty is adequately maintained. It may be preferable for her to avoid certain situations altogether. For example, a woman does not have to teach male students when many male teachers are already available.2
29Another married niqabi is Ummu Fata (48 years old). She currently works as a private Arabic tutor at a tutoring institution in Solo. She teaches elementary school children for two hours each day. In addition to tutoring, Ummu Fata offers beauty treatments, including facial acupressure and facial ironing. She believes that even though her face is covered, it is essential for a niqabi to undergo beauty treatments as a form of gratitude for the body, which she views as a gift from God. To promote her beauty services, Ummu Fata usually reaches out to several of her female friends and the mothers of her students via WhatsApp. These women often share the information with their acquaintances. Ummu Fata emphasizes that her treatments serve not just for beauty but also as a form of da’wah (Islamic outreach). During her sessions, she incorporates religious messages into their conversations. When it comes to working women, Ummu Fata strongly supports their participation in the workforce, believing it can enhance their economic situations and help prevent them from engaging in unproductive activities at home. However, she underscores the importance of women understanding their boundaries in public spaces, in accordance with religious guidelines. This includes limiting interactions with men to only what is necessary. Consequently, Ummu Fata has chosen to work in roles that involve teaching children and providing care exclusively for women.
- 3 A cone-shaped traditional Javanese dish symbolizing gratitude and commonly served during ceremonial (...)
30While Ummu Mia and Ummu Fata are married, Lela (20 years old) is unmarried and represents a younger generation of niqabi who actively engage in online business. She relies on this platform to promote her products, which include homemade bread, tumpeng rice,3 and various services specifically for women. Lela also offers massage services, private lessons for elementary school children, and sewing services. Unlike Ummu Mia, who conducts most of her work from home, Lela is willing to travel to her customers’ homes for services like massages or private lessons. However, she strictly limits her clientele to women for her massage services and to elementary school children who have not yet reached puberty for her private lessons. For Lela, private spaces do not necessarily mean being indoors; she can still operate outside of her home while maintaining her boundaries regarding interaction with men who are not her mahram. She approaches her activities in physical public spaces with considerable caution. To reach a wider audience, she also engages in online activities. As she explained:
- 4 Interview with Lela, conducted at 13:30 p.m. on August 19, 2018, in Sukoharjo.
Social media helps me promote my products and reach a wider audience. I also created a WhatsApp group to connect with my customers, particularly those who seek massage services. I believe that social media enables me to attract more customers because my promotions spread rapidly.4
31Lela’s story illustrates how digital platforms serve as a bridge to enhance the affordability of the products she offers, allowing her to engage in economic and social activities while maintaining her religious boundaries.
32The experiences of niqabi such as Ummu Mia, Ummu Fata and Lela highlight the diversity in how they engage with digital and public spaces. Ummu Mia, who is married with young children, chooses to conduct all her business activities from home, relying solely on online platforms to interact with customers. In contrast, Lela, who is young and unmarried, and Ummu Fata, who is older, are willing to engage in activities outside the home as long as there is a clear purpose, such as checking inventory or meeting with suppliers and customers. Both of them maintain strict boundaries to avoid ikhtilat. Meanwhile, Ummu Mia delegates the responsibilities of collecting and delivering goods to her husband or uses an expedition delivery service. Ummu Mia focuses on selling food products and reselling Muslim clothing to support her family’s finances.
33In addition to selling her own food products, Lela has also started offering massage services, a skill she developed to supplement her income and showcase her innate talents. Ummu Fata provides beauty care services specifically for women. While she acknowledges the economic value she brings to her family, she emphasizes that it is not her primary source of income, as her husband, as the head of the household, is responsible for providing for them. Despite their differences in age, marital status, and limitations on public space and business goals, all three women agree that digital technology offers them a safe platform to remain productive, network, and express their independence without compromising their deeply held religious values.
34Niqabi view public spaces as environments where mingling between men and women (ikhtilat) is likely to happen. However, the Salafi doctrine they follow strongly discourages it. It defines them as devout Muslim women. They see wearing the niqab as the highest form of obedience to Allah, which leads them to avoid situations that could compromise these values, such as ikhtilat (Nisa 2012). This choice creates clear boundaries between private and public spaces, leading niqabi to prioritize spending more time at home or in private areas, as men often frequented public spaces (Sunesti 2007). The Salafi doctrine, which considers women’s visibility in public spaces as potentially harmful to men, encourages women to wear the niqab as a protective measure in society. As a result, women who wear the niqab often restrict their participation in public spaces. Hasan (2010) writes that this doctrine leads to gender segregation, which is apparent in the separation of men and women in public places, while the division of labour among niqabi involves choosing occupations that align with these principles.
35The narrative surrounding niqabi in this section illustrates that avoiding ikhtilat (mixing of genders) does not equate to a complete withdrawal from public life. Instead, digital media offers new ways to manage distance, visibility, and interaction. By utilizing practices such as avatars or logos, limiting communication with male customers, and centralizing economic activities online, niqabi actively redefine the concept of public presence. Consequently, the private space of the home no longer serves merely as a boundary; rather, it acts as a starting point for meaningful public participation that remains in line with their pious values.
36Digital technology not only serves as a means for niqabi to earn an income but also creates opportunities for them to build identities, networks, and a sense of agency that align with their pious beliefs. Therefore, the experiences of niqabi demonstrate how digital technology has the potential to shape a more inclusive future, where creativity and independence can thrive alongside religious commitment.
37Through digital media, niqabi have more opportunities, economically, socially, and religiously. Economically, they can engage in economic activities that were previously inaccessible to them. Socially, digital platforms enable them to interact with a broader audience, a once-unimaginable prospect. In terms of religion, digital media has revolutionized their practices. Previously, they participated in studies within limited communities, meticulously observing dress codes and avoiding mixed-gender environments. Now, digital platforms allow them to engage in activities traditionally conducted in public spaces from the comfort of their private settings.
38Several niqabi initially intended to focus on domestic roles upon marriage. While managing household duties initially sufficed, they sought additional sources of income beyond their husbands’ earnings and experienced boredom with homebound activities over time. Some ventured into retail businesses, selling items ranging from food and clothing to herbal medicines and even promoting Sharia-compliant housing clusters. They use various social media dedicated to buying and selling, such as Facebook, Whatsapp, and also Whatsapp groups, which specifically cater to niqabi women.
39In addition to meeting economic needs, they see online selling as a form of self-expression. They emphasize that selling online aligns with their beliefs regarding ikhtilat. According to them, online platforms offer the benefit of reaching a diverse customer base and safeguarding against potential ikhtilat. Selling online allows niqabi to conduct business activities that would traditionally occur in public spaces, all from the comfort of their homes or private spaces. As Ummu Mia said:
- 5 Interview with Ummu Mia, conducted at 11:00 a.m. on October 11, 2017, in Karanganyar.
Social media has been incredibly helpful in helping me earn income for my family. This is not only because my children are still young, but also because selling online does not require me to leave the house. It is even easier to gain new customers with the help of friends who promote my products through their social media platforms. I also feel more comfortable because I no longer have to worry about being ikhtilat.5
40In addition to economic reasons, some niqabi also emphasize the benefits of digital technology for consuming and accessing religious and business knowledge from their private spaces. Some of them find it convenient to engage in religious or business studies while performing household chores without the need to wear a niqab. For instance, Lela listens to religious and business lectures on YouTube almost daily, especially when she has spare time. She can easily search for and watch lectures that interest her while relaxing or doing chores around the house. Digital media allow her to continue learning even without attending regular local classes:
- 6 Interview with Lela, conducted at 13:00 p.m. on April 22, 2019, in Sukoharjo.
Even though I still participate in women-only religious studies organized by my community, I cannot attend every day because I need to focus on finishing my studies and selling my goods online. Social media has been extremely beneficial, it allows me to listen to sermons from my favourite religious teachers and learn about online business from experts, all without the need to attend classes or pay for courses.6
41Niqabi can choose their business activities and preferences, which extend to their selection of religious sources for study and guidance. Traditionally, they sought religious education through local gatherings with selected ustadz or ustadzah (religious teachers), typically weekly or monthly. However, the rise of digital media has changed how niqabi access religious authority and knowledge. This new success grants them greater autonomy in selecting religious teachings, specific applications, and the messages they follow.
42In addition, niqabi consume religious knowledge from digital media and use these platforms to share their perspectives on religion without needing to attend halaqahs (religious meetings) as frequently as they did before. While offline halaqahs still provide a space for direct discussions, they can share knowledge and experiences through social media and reach a wider audience. Some niqabi post religious quotes on their social media pages, while others create short videos with recorded religious messages, as one of the posts posted by Ummu Mia on her WhatsApp status: “a Muslim woman, in the view of Islam, is often compared to a precious gemstone—something valuable that the owner seeks to protect and keep hidden from the sight of others.” Additionally, Lela also frequently updates her sports activities, such as gym workouts or martial arts photos and videos, on her WhatsApp status with captions that encourage people to live a healthy life, as maintaining health is an important obligation for Muslims.
43In their business endeavours, niqabi typically do not show their faces. Instead, they use alternative writing styles and visuals, such as creative content and faceless videos. They prefer to interact through chat and avoid in-person meetings or video calls. However, not all niqabi in this study concealed their identities; some displayed alternative images on their social media profiles or chose not to meet customers or others in person. The older niqabi, Ummu Mia and Ummu Fata, preferred to use images of Quranic verses for their social media profiles. In contrast, Lela, a younger niqabi, opted to post her real photo while still wearing her niqab. She frequently shared authentic photos and videos of herself on her Facebook and WhatsApp status updates, accompanied by captions with religious messages. What they all had in common was a mutual agreement to limit their direct exposure in public spaces, particularly when interacting with non-mahram men. Although Lela and Ummu Fata were not hesitant to meet their business customers, they both acknowledged that their online activities significantly outnumbered their offline interactions.
44The “public” has transformed for niqabi as they can interact with others through digital spaces within cyberspace. These online environments allow niqabi to engage without discomfort or compromising their beliefs, helping them maintain their identity. As a result, digital technology has reshaped the boundaries of niqabi life, gradually blurring these distinctions over time. In this discussion, digital spaces are viewed as new public arenas where the line between private and public becomes more flexible.
45Thus, participating in public life from a private room means that niqabi can actively engage in public spaces without a physical presence facilitated by digital technology. Economically, niqabi are present in digital public spaces through their activities, such as marketing products, serving customers, and influencing the market. Socially, they contribute to public discourse by engaging in online communities and providing education related to religion or business. Symbolically, the presence of niqabi in digital public spaces also offers an alternative representation of Muslim women in the workforce and the business world. Their participation challenges the common narrative that often portrays Muslim women, particularly those who wear the niqab, as passive or marginalized. Instead, they show themselves as active economic agents capable of integrating religious commitment with entrepreneurial creativity.
46The development of digital technology in the last decades has brought profound changes to societies worldwide, including Indonesia. Digital advancements, particularly the internet, facilitate unrestricted human interaction across time, space, and culture. Giddens (2006: 51) noted that the Internet has emerged as “the fastest-growing communication tool ever developed.” This digital transformation has significantly altered various aspects of society’s daily life. In Indonesia, digital technology has become “the core of life, culture, and identity” (Jurriens & Tapsell 2016: 1). As of 2023, approximately 221 million out of 278 million are internet users, representing about 79.5% of the population (APJII 2024). Women in Indonesia, including those who wear the niqab, use digital technology for various purposes.
47In the context of niqabi, digital media enable them to engage in public life without needing a physical presence. It also broadens the types, scale, and scope of economic activities they can pursue. Unlike traditional home-based economic practices, which typically relied on networks of family, friends, or local communities, digital platforms allow for economic endeavours to extend beyond these limited social circles and connect with wider, anonymous, and sometimes impersonal markets. As noted by Ali and Purwadi (2016), virtual spaces provide individuals with opportunities to communicate, self-actualize, produce, consume, and build their agency and self-identity. In this sense, digital spaces not only serve as platforms for expanding economic activities but also offer niqabi a venue to express and share their opinions and thoughts with their virtual friends.
48For niqabi, digital technology allows them to make choices aligning with their desires and needs. Such changes blur the lines between public and private spaces, though their implications vary across individual experiences, enabling greater flexibility for some niqabi while reinforcing domestic-oriented roles for others. Through digital media, niqabi are redefining public spaces and creating new avenues for engagement.
49Like Ummu Mia, Ummu Fata, and Lela, who utilizes digital technology for economic activities, others have likewise found new opportunities through social media. Ummu Mia and Ummu Fata discovered ways to supplement their family income. Active on WhatsApp, they started to promote their products. They acknowledge that social media has transformed their daily routine; beyond handling domestic chores, they now engage in business activities that nurture their entrepreneurial spirit and creativity. Similarly, Lela has also found passion in their businesses since the rise of social media. At first, Lela could not have imagined earning extra income to help pay for her college through the Muslim massage business she promoted on social media. Digital technology has expanded her business reach, allowing her to connect with consumers far beyond her initial circle of close friends.
50At this stage, niqabi undergo an identity transformation and develop personal agency. Previously, if they knew digital technology and social media, they may have felt limited in their public activities. However, they can now present themselves, work, and interact through digital media without needing to be physically present. Thus, they can create new avenues for self-representation, manage their time effectively, and create a professional image while adhering to their religious principles. Their engagement in the public sphere through digital work also helps foster stronger self-confidence, leading to greater personal validation.
51Digital technology has significantly influenced the visibility of niqabi identity. While this experience is not universal, several niqabi in this study reported that social media has become an important platform for sharing their knowledge and perspectives, as Lela said:
I typically update my WhatsApp status every two hours a day and my Facebook status once to three times a day. In addition to sharing information about sales, I often post Islamic teachings by sharing quotes from the Quran, hadith, and messages from ulama [Islamic scholars]. My goal is to spread positive messages so that as many people as possible can see them.7
52Ummu Mia and Ummu Fata also spoke about the benefits of digital technology:
- 8 Interview with Ummu Mia, conducted at 11:00 a.m. on October 11, 2017, in Karanganyar.
Initially, I decided to be a housewife, focusing on taking care of my husband, children, and home. However, one day I realized I needed to help my husband supplement our family’s income. Selling online was the best and most feasible option for me, especially since I wear the niqab. Through my online activities, I also found an easier way to share my thoughts and preach by posting statuses on WhatsApp. (Ummu Mia)8
- 9 Interview with Ummu Fata, conducted at 10:00 a.m. on September 10, 2017, in Sukoharjo.
My husband manages the family’s finances, but I work to support my preaching efforts. I have skills in beauty treatments, which is why I initially started offering these services online to my friends. Over time, I gained more clients through word of mouth, as many of them reshared my promotional posts. (Ummu Fata)9
53In a broader context, niqabi have transformed their social roles, shifting from being mere consumers to becoming producers. Many have transitioned from roles as housewives to becoming online shop owners or even da’wah influencers. Some niqabi in this study are very active on social media, posting updates that call for action following religious teachings. For instance, Lela mentioned that she updates her social media around every two hours to promote her business and share the religious messages she has learned. This reveals how digital media has changed the landscape of religious authority. Some niqabi now express their personal opinions on various topics to their social media followers, which, for some, is more attractive than traditional advice from ulama. However, they do not explicitly position themselves as offering advice.
54Moreover, the transformation evident among niqabi is primarily economic. Previously reliant on their husbands for financial support, niqabi women can now generate their income through digital businesses. As Ummu Mia pointed out, she can now support the family economy through online sales. Her story serves to challenge the stereotype of niqabi as passive, reclusive figures who are solely engaged in domestic duties. Through their involvement in digital businesses, niqabi women are actively redefining their identities as engaged Muslim women while still upholding their religious values.
55Viewing niqabi from Mahmood’s (2005) concept of agency, the niqabi in this study express a form of female agency that arises from obedience, piety, and self-discipline within the framework of their faith. In Mahmood’s perspective, agency is not solely defined as resistance to patriarchal structures or a rejection of social norms, which is the dominant assumption in Western feminist discourse. In this context, religious practices that may seem restrictive can serve as a way for women to define themselves, derive meaning in their lives, and independently decide on their active participation.
56From this perspective, the restrictions on religious practices observed among niqabi empower them to find agency within their piety. Wearing the niqab, limiting interactions with non-mahrams, and choosing more private activities are not simply acts of withdrawal, they are deliberate choices made to affirm their identity and spiritual values. This study shows that niqabi demonstrate how adherence to manhaj rules can coexist with the use of digital technology, allowing them to engage in the public sphere without compromising their religious commitments.
57For example, one informant stated, “I choose to wear the niqab and spend most of my time at home, yet I can still make friends and earn money through my online activities.” This statement reflects Mahmood’s concept that piety can be a form of agency, where individuals seek to achieve moral and spiritual independence by adhering to their religious values.
58In participating in the digital workspace, they have redefined their presence in the digital public sphere. Instead of using facial imagery, they employ creative narratives to attract buyers. Digital technology has created a new arena for niqabi to negotiate their work, conduct business, and develop social relationships while adhering to religious principles. Their choices in presenting themselves in the digital public space are conscious decisions based on ethical and religious considerations.
59The context of niqabi illustrates that their religious agency is both dynamic and not limited to the domestic sphere. For instance, digital technology allows these women to create alternative public spaces that reflect their values. They can conduct business, network, and share their religious narratives with a global audience without the need to be physically present. This supports Mahmood’s perspective that religious agency can involve creatively adapting to existing social conditions. It also shows how religious practices can harmonize with, rather than conflict with, modernity.
60This article illustrates the significant role that digital media plays in reshaping how niqabi Salafi women in Indonesia engage in public, economic, and religious life while remaining within their moral boundaries. By examining the lived experiences and narratives of the informants, this article argues that digital spaces serve not merely as platforms for identity representation but as transformative environments that facilitate ongoing negotiations between piety, visibility, and agency. The findings of this study challenge the assumption that the public and economic participation of niqabi is solely a new development driven by digital technology. Muslim women, historically limited to the domestic sphere, have long been involved in home-based and local economic activities. However, this article contends that the critical differences presented by digital media lie in the scale, reach, and form of this participation. Digital platforms allow niqabi to connect with a broader market, strategically manage their representation, and organize social and economic interactions with greater flexibility and relative anonymity.
61This article highlights that the transformations brought about by digital media are not uniform among niqabi. For some, like Lela, digital spaces provide opportunities to achieve economic independence and develop a relatively autonomous professional identity. In contrast, for others, like Ummu Mia, online engagement primarily complements their domestic roles and allows them to contribute to the family economy without challenging the existing gender dynamics. This variety of experiences underscores that niqabi’s agency is complex and cannot be reduced to a simple narrative of emancipation. Drawing on Saba Mahmood’s ideas about agency and piety, this article contends that agency does not always manifest as resistance to social norms; it can also emerge from reflective adherence and internalized practices. In this context, the use of digital media by niqabi represents a form of agency that operates within the Salafi moral framework rather than outside of it. Digital media enable them to engage publicly while avoiding the risks associated with direct interaction with men, all while upholding their commitment to piety and self-control.
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