Introduction

3Besides influencing the contemporary Indonesian literary scene, bookstagrammers are also part of the broader growth of female social media entrepreneurship in Indonesia (Melissa et al. 2015). The majority of bookstagrammers in Indonesia are women (Flanagan 2022: 41), some of whom can be considered professionals as they generate income through their content creation activities. This development is particularly noteworthy given that the gender gap in Indonesia’s digital sphere remains a persistent issue (Bahagijo et al. 2022). Beyond unequal access to digital technologies, this gap also reflects broader inequalities in professional contexts. For example, Indonesian women in the workforce still frequently face discrimination, lower salaries, and delayed promotions because professional work is considered a secondary responsibility after their primary responsibility of caring for the family (Widiastiani 2024). In this context, digital spaces may offer alternative avenues for Indonesian women to work professionally.

4In the Indonesian context, research specifically focusing on the intersection of the professionalisation of bookstagramming and gender discourse in digital workplace remains scarce. To date, most studies on Instagram and women in Indonesia have focused solely on the relationship between gender activism and social media activities. These studies include analyses of how Instagram and its content serve as tools for mobilising social movements aimed at empowering women (Fajaria 2021; Sylvina, Sari & Arlian 2024), promoting views that challenge heteronormativity (Kulau, Aini & Akalili 2023), and advocating against sexual violence (Uzdah Wulandari, Sari & Rahayu 2024).

Table 1. Demographic and professional profiles of selected female bookstagrammers in Indonesia

No.	Account	Education	Occupation (besides bookstagrammer)	Location	Active from	Number of posts	Number of followersa
1.	@sintiawithbooks	Bachelor’s degree in Communication Science	Social Media and Content Manager	Tangerang	16 April 2016	882	58.8k
2.	@vioreadsbook	Undergraduate student in Communication Science	Student	Banten	1 February 2017	612	10k
3.	@tiareadsbook	Bachelor of Arts in International Relations and Affairs	Administration Staff	Salatiga	8 December 2017	626	49.6k
4.	@booksntealibrary	Bachelor of Arts in Design and Visual Communications	Self-Employed	Bandung	30 January 2019	593	24.6k
5.	@descanto01	Master of Arts in English Language	Lecturer	Merauke	11 February 2022	611	1.4k
a. Per 27 March, 2025.

6Digital content analysis is often used to examine content visually (Krippendorff 2018) and narratively (Robinson & Callister 2008). Visually, the analysis focuses on such aspects as the type of post, the aesthetics of the images, and the editing choices. In assessing the professionalism of female bookstagrammers, particular attention is paid to how gender is performed and represented through these visual strategies. On the other hand, narrative analysis involves analysing the words, phrases, themes, or ideas found in the captions (audio or written), which are then categorised and examined concerning key topics, including professional workplace and gender discourse. Moreover, I conducted in-depth interviews with account owners to complement the content analysis. These interviews were conducted to understand the motivations and processes through which the bookstagrammers developed their accounts from inception. The interviews also included questions about the structure of their content, the narratives they construct, and their perspectives on the extent to which bookstagramming constitutes a professional workspace for them as women. These interviews were held online via Zoom.

7The article proceeds as follows. First, bookstagrammers are discussed in light of their activities, which can be categorized between the professional and amateur spheres. Second, it discusses the limitations that restrict the development of female bookstagrammers in Indonesia. Third, it explores bookstagram as a digital workplace, presenting findings from both the content analysis and the interviews, with a focus on how Indonesian female bookstagrammers construct their professional identities and develop strategies to navigate the limitations outlined in the previous section. Finally, the conclusion explores how bookstagramming is not only a means of expression and creativity for these women but also a form of professional work that intersects with the harsh realities of capitalism.

Female Bookstragrammers: Between Professionalism and Amateurism

8The growing prevalence of bookstagramming in Indonesia has sparked discussions over its professionalism and evolution into a digital workplace. In this context, “professional” refers to adopting professional culture and characteristics, including conducting activities according to specific standards (Hargreaves 2000). For example, a frequent expectation from followers is that content creators regularly upload content, are knowledgeable about their “field,” and engage with followers in a friendly and respectful way.

9As digital labour, bookstagramming involves both leisure consumption and professional production—that is, reading and writing. Professional reading contrasts with recreational reading (Driscoll 2024: 14). Bookstagrammers then transform themselves from amateurs to professionals through their bookstagramming activities. What were once hobby-based activities have become more organised and stable, resembling the structure of conventional professions. This is consistent with the observations of Ratu (2022), who identified a shift in the motivations of bookstagrammers from focusing on hobbies, alleviating boredom, sharing experiences, inspiring others, and providing entertainment to developing their bookstagram content and seeking professional opportunities. However, leisure, personal interests, and subjectivity do not disappear in this process; rather, they are incorporated into emerging forms of professionalism (Singh & George 2023). Jaakkola (2022: 121-123) refers to this kind of activity as post-professional reviewing, whereby the professional and amateur characteristics of the posts are mixed. Similarly, Duffy (2017: 3) characterizes content creation as a passion project—a mode of professionalism marked by autonomy, flexibility, and creativity, and oriented toward self-actualization. Furthermore, she frames such practices as a form of aspirational labour, a “highly gendered, forward-looking and entrepreneurial enactment of creativity” that promises social and economic success, even though the “reward system for these aspirants is highly uneven” (Duffy 2016: 443).

10In the Indonesian context, however, the convergence of amateurism and professionalism within aspirational labor carries additional significance. While this blending may indeed generate social and economic opportunities, it also functions as a broader socio-cultural project. As previously stated, bookstagramming in Indonesia often operates as a form of activism that enhances women’s visibility in both the digital sphere and the national literary field, while challenging the expectation that women’s primary responsibilities are confined to domestic roles. This suggests that aspirational labor, as conceptualized by Duffy, takes on a distinct inflection in Indonesia—and perhaps more broadly in parts of Asia—where professional ambition intersects with gendered struggles for recognition and emancipation. In pursuing these intertwined goals, Indonesian female bookstagrammers encounter numerous structural and cultural challenges, to which they respond by developing a range of adaptive strategies.

Consumer Culture, Feminization, and Censorship

11In this context mentioned above, bookstagrammers face both opportunities and challenges, particularly in Indonesia. One significant opportunity arising from the professionalisation of bookstagramming is its potential to financially empower women. This opportunity is underscored by the fact that a majority of popular bookstagrammers in Indonesia are women. A 2024 report by Statista.com revealed that 54.2% of Instagram users in Indonesia were female. They maintain blogs, build social media profiles, and follow brands online. Creative workspaces facilitated by bookstagramming activities, as noted by Sintia Astarina (@sintiawithbooks), can offer many benefits to women, particularly as a source of income:

• 5 “Apa Itu Bookstagram dan Bagaimana Cara Membuatnya? [What is bookstagram and how do you create one? (...)

[Women] can network with other bookstagrammers, readers, book bloggers, publishers, editors, authors, writing agencies, or other related brands. Practice skills to increase followers or increase engagement. [Bookstagramming activity] can also be a source of income. One of them is collaboration in making book reviews. [Bookstagramming is] a tool for personal branding. If we want to be known as one of the ‘bookworms’, there’s nothing wrong with creating a bookstagram account...5

12What is implied here is that, in the context of earning income, a bookstagrammer can collaborate with authors or publishing houses to review their books, for which they can be compensated either financially or through the receipt of free books. However, benefits can also be gained indirectly, such as by building a strong personal brand and networking (as mentioned in the above quotation), which ultimately leads to economic benefits. These benefits should be understood as the accumulation of various forms of capital in the Bourdieusian sense (see Bourdieu 1984). From this perspective, the economic benefits of being a bookstagrammer are derived from the exchange or accumulation of other forms of capital, particularly symbolic and cultural capital.

13However, these opportunities come with their own set of challenges, as not all female bookstagrammers can monetise their efforts. Indeed, generating consumption-oriented visibility through social media or blogs can result in a lot of work for little to no pay (Duffy 2017: 9). This aligns with Darma et al. (2021), who found that, unlike other Instagram influencers who may earn significant income from sponsored posts, many Indonesian bookstagrammers receive little or no financial compensation for the content they produce.

14Their focus is primarily on sharing their passion for books and reading rather than generating profit. As Sintia Astarina explained in the interview, she compiled a list of benefits of opening a bookstagrammer account, such as fostering a shared passion for literacy, keeping up to date with new book releases, receiving a discount from publishers, connecting with fellow enthusiasts, and acquiring new skills (e.g., photo editing). However, their unpaid activities contribute significantly to the profits of those behind the platforms, such as Meta. Review activities and collaborations with bookstores and publishers, while supporting the literacy movement, also inadvertently support consumer culture, ultimately benefiting the capitalist system.

15In addition to the economic challenges discussed above, bookstagrammers also face gendered expectations regarding their professionalism. The activities associated with bookstagramming are frequently feminized—that is, they are framed as requiring skills aligned with traditionally “feminine” traits. As a result, bookstagramming is often constructed as a women’s domain, emphasizing emotional labor and personal relationships that are brought into the public sphere, where they are systematized and standardized (Hochschild 1983). In Indonesia, there is a persistent assumption that female bookstagrammers prioritize aesthetics and the emotional dimensions of reading when producing book reviews, rather than offering rigorous or critical analysis (Qonitah 2024). This perception reinforces the idea that their work is expressive rather than intellectual. Moreover, the feminization of bookstagramming is linked to discourses of flexibility and mobility (Adkins 2001). These qualities are often framed as advantages, particularly in relation to the family responsibilities that continue to be disproportionately assigned to women within Indonesian households. Bookstagramming is thus perceived as enabling flexible working hours and location-independent labor. In this regard, as Widiastiani (2024) argues, within the Indonesian context, the digital workplace (such as bookstagramming) can indeed provide a mechanism for balancing professional commitments with domestic responsibilities. However, while this flexibility may appear empowering, it can also inadvertently undermine the recognition of bookstagramming as legitimate professional labour. By positioning it as work that conveniently accommodates domestic duties, such narratives risk reinforcing hierarchical distinctions between feminized digital labor and more traditionally institutionalized forms of professional work.

16The next challenge concerns the content produced by these female bookstagrammers that complicates their professional positioning. Several of the bookstagrammers in this research frequently share posts with an activist orientation, for example, in promoting women’s literacy. Another bookstagrammer (@descanto1), for instance, uses her platform to critique various government policies, and as a result of these critical interventions, she has faced the threat of being banned by Instagram Guidelines and repression by the Indonesian authorities and has been subjected to harsh criticism (further explored in the next section).

17The challenges related to the content produced by female bookstagrammers are also closely tied to the extent to which they can secure a place within the world of Indonesian literature. Anjani (2022) focused on their role as literary influencers, whose primary function is to promote reading activities, advocate for specific literary works, and foster literacy culture in general. Darma et al. (2021) concluded that their role is more akin to that of a reviewer, particularly in the context of digital media, than that of an academic literary critic. As digital media reviewers, their professionalism, as previously described, is marked by subjectivity and impressionistic approaches that dominate their reviews. Consequently, their presence often goes unrecognized as part of the traditional and/or “serious” literary critique, despite their significant contribution to Indonesian literature. This echoes the frequent assertion by Indonesian literary scholars that Indonesia is currently experiencing a crisis in literary criticism, particularly in criticism produced by women (Suryaman et al. 2012; Michalik & Budianta 2020). Such assertions, however, overlook the possibility that Indonesian female bookstagrammers themselves may be generating forms of contemporary literary criticism through their reviews on social media platforms.

Navigating the Indonesian Bookstagram Workplace and Negotiating Gender Dynamics

18This section examines how bookstagramming activities establish a professional space for Indonesian female bookstagrammers. It explores the process of creating this workplace, the characteristics that define it, and how these characteristics are shaped and influenced by Instagram as a medium. Additionally, this section analyses how these bookstagrammers engage in their aspirational work, and further addresses their perceptions of professionalism and their views on whether bookstagramming constitutes a legitimate profession.

Bookstagram as a Workplace

19In the interviews I conducted, the five bookstagrammers acknowledged that their bookstagramming activities initially served as a means of expressing their reading hobby. When they created their bookstagram accounts, some were still students in school or university, while others were already engaged in other professional careers. As such, bookstagramming activities were considered supplementary to their primary roles. Beyond serving as a hobby, their motivation to document their reading experiences or treat it as a personal diary was reflected in their early content. For example, the @vioreadsbook account primarily posted landscape photos during its first year, indicating that the awareness and intention to become a bookstagrammer developed gradually. Indeed, only in the second year did her bookstagram account begin to serve not only as a platform for documenting her reading activities but also as a record of her daily life. This shift is evident in the two images below. Fig. 1 is Vio’s first post in 2017, which features a landscape photograph. In contrast, Fig. 2, posted two years later, shows a book Vio has recently read and includes a short review and diary-like entries, along with timestamps and specifics about her daily activities.

Fig. 1. A landscape photograph

Source and credit: Instagram, @vioreadsbook

Fig. 2. A first (short) review by @vioreadsbook

Source and credit: Instagram, @vioreadsbook

20During the interview, Vio revealed that exposure to other bookstagram accounts significantly influenced her decision to document her own reading experiences. Similarly, the @sintiawithbooks account, which initially featured single images accompanied by brief captions conveying personal reflections and impressions after reading a particular book, frequently shared content inspired by other bookstagrammers. This is illustrated in Fig. 3, where Sintia participated in a then-popular challenge among other bookstagrammers, as indicated by the hashtags “#alices15daysofwonderpt2” and “#dawntoduskjuly.”

Fig. 3. @sintiawithbooks hashtag challenge

Source and credit: Instagram, @sintiawithbooks

21The visual presentation of the bookstagrammers’ content demonstrates a high level of aesthetic skills, adding to its appeal. Followers and popularity serve as key indicators of the transition from a personal hobby space to a professional workplace. This phenomenon reflects the core characteristic of a bookstagrammer’s work, as described by Duffy (2017: 7), namely the contrast between hobby and profession, where personal hobbies evolve into professional opportunities. With the growing number of followers and the expansion of available features on Instagram (such as video sharing, Stories, Live sessions, and Reels), the content shared by bookstagrammers has become increasingly diverse in form and substance. Regarding form, the primary content formats include single and carousel images, and video reels. Additionally, such features as tagged and collaborative posts—where the same content can be shared across multiple accounts—have emerged. Other formats used include Instagram Stories and Instagram Live. In terms of content, beyond general book reviews, bookstagrammers also post content centred around various themes and interests. Book review content itself is categorised into three types: conventional book reviews with long captions, short book reviews, and what I term “read-reaction” posts, which include the impressions and reflections from reading a particular book. This post typically features short, interactive captions, such as questions, polls, quizzes, challenges, and tagging. Additionally, promotional book reviews, which provide information on prices, bookstores, discounts, and other details, are also common.

22Alongside book reviews, bookstagrammers also create what I refer to as “bookish activism posts,” which share ideas related to books and the literary world in general, encouraging followers to read books anywhere and in any way. Such posts also include campaigns related to the broader book industry. One such initiative is a campaign to support a legal and equitable book industry while combatting book piracy. Another content type is the “bookish lifestyle,” which includes reviews of bookstores, cafes, and libraries (Akmal 2025). This content is occasionally produced as part of promotional collaborations with various companies or institutions.

23The diverse nature of their content has led to increased attention from various collaborators. They began receiving offers to collaborate with publishers, authors, bookstores, cafes, institutions, festivals, literacy organisations, and companies outside the literary field. These collaborations often prompted them to diversify their content further and gradually encouraged them to develop their system for managing it. By “system,” I refer to the way they align the form and content of their posts while creating a structured approach to the content production process.

24The way the form is used concerning the content or theme is crucial to understanding the characteristics of their work. Except for @descanto1, all of the studied bookstagrammers would begin their posts with a single image, with most of these posts being used to convey read-reaction content. @descanto1 started creating content only in 2022 (after her previous account was banned by Instagram), and she immediately adopted carousel images and video reels. Over time, as the carousel image feature emerged in 2017 and video reels in 2020, most of the bookstagrammers transitioned to these formats. Conventional long review posts, promotional reviews, and bookish activism often use carousel images, while video reels are predominantly used for bookish lifestyle content. This shift is understandable because conventional reviews require a quieter space for followers to read the text and closely observe images of the book or its parts. In contrast, video reels are used for promotional content related to specific places or literacy events due to their more visually and emotionally engaging nature. Video reels combine audio, visuals, and narration simultaneously, which influences the algorithms. The more activity, the more likely it is that the algorithms will favour particular creators’ content.

25Amid the tendency to pair specific themes with particular forms, the personal preferences of each bookstagrammer remain evident. While @sintiawithbooks and @vioreadsbook have almost entirely transitioned to using video reels for promotional content (covering books and places, such as cafes and bookshops), @booksntealibrary uses video reels for various types of content based on her preferences. Meanwhile, @tiareadsbook continues to prioritise single-image posts, and @descanto1 mainly uses carousel image posts, particularly for uploading conventional book reviews, and shows little concern for the growing popularity of video reels among Instagram users.

26Personal preferences are not only evident in the choice of content format but also in several other core aspects of their bookstagramming activities. First, in determining which books, places, or topics to review. In response to the interview questions, “How do you choose books/content materials?” and “What are the factors that influence your choice of books/content materials?,” all of the bookstagrammers highlighted their personal tastes. The owner of the @sintiawithbooks account discussed how her subjectivity influences both the selection of books she reviews and the approach she takes in reviewing them. She has also emphasised that “Bookstagrammers can totally go with what they like, and even though they turn professional, they’re still just readers with their own tastes.” In this regard, @sintiawithbooks explicitly highlighted her preference for poetry and romance genres. Similarly, @vioreadsbook favoured fantasy books, @descanto1 focused on erotic and queer literature, @booksntealibrary Japanese and Asian literature, and @tiareadsbook selected books from authors and publishers she admires, only excluding horror from her reading list.

28Bookstagram serves as a space where both amateur and subjective and professional content, identities, and motivations intertwine in a co-creative relationship (Burgess & Green 2009). Within this space, Indonesian female bookstagrammers position themselves as individuals engaged in aspirational labour (Duffy 2017: 7). They shape their professional and online personas, which is evident in how they describe themselves both in interviews and on their bookstagram accounts. In the interviews, the participants consistently expressed their preference not to be labelled as “critics,” despite their content often including evaluations of books. Instead, they modestly referred to themselves simply as “readers.” Meanwhile, in her account bio, @sintiawithbooks identifies as a digital creator and bookstagrammer who enjoys traveling and exploring bookish places. Additionally, on her blog, she describes herself as “an aspiring writer, devoted reader, content creator, blogger, and professional marketer.” Similarly, @vioreadsbook explicitly identifies as a bookstagrammer, blogger, and book reviewer, while @tiareadsbook describes herself as a bookstagrammer, digital creator, bibliophile, and librocubicularist (that is, one who reads in bed). In contrast, @booksntealibrary does not explicitly refer to herself as a bookstagrammer, but rather as a digital creator focused on providing “Japanese & Asian book recommendations.” Furthermore, @descanto1 does not directly mention her bookstagram activities; rather, she identifies as “a queer lectiophile” (a lover of reading or books). Moreover, she embraces the motto “Rage... rage against the dying of the light,” which reflects her personal beliefs.

29Personal taste, supported by the digital affordances of the Instagram platform, contributes to a unique characteristic of the bookstagram workplace. On the one hand, it can be highly emancipatory, enabling each bookstagrammer to exercise agency and assert their presence within the professional digital sphere. On the other hand, this emphasis on personal taste can potentially “feminize” their work. Furthermore, when considered alongside factors such as social class and educational background (see table 1), these personalized preferences may not be representative of the broader population of female bookstagrammers in Indonesia.

Negotiating Gender Dynamics

30Five Indonesian female bookstagrammers shared their experiences of how problems and challenges arise during their bookstagramming activities. Each had also developed their own strategies for overcoming these challenges. The story from @descanto01 is especially fitting to begin this chapter, due to its complexity. @descanto01 is the third account she created after two previous accounts had been banned, of which she related:

My Instagram used to be @descanto, but it got banned because I posted something about Wadas. Do you remember, Sis? How was Wadas going to be used for a cement factory? We were planning to protest against Ganjar. After that, I created a second account—@descaang or @desca.ang, I’m not sure which one—but it got banned too. This time, it was because I uploaded a photo from an erotica book, which included an image of a pelvis. The book was titled Universalist Erotica, and it explored erotica from ancient times to the present. And now, I’ve ended up with my current account.

31Desca’s original account was suspended following a post about the Wadas Case, an ongoing conflict between residents of Wadas Village in Purworejo, Central Java, and the Indonesian government, often represented at the time by Governor Ganjar Pranowo. Unfortunately, during the course of this research, the original image from the post could not be retrieved. However, according to Desca, the post featured an image depicting women protesting against the government. The dispute began with the government’s plan to mine andesite rocks in Wadas Village for the construction of the Bener Dam. The residents of Wadas opposed the mining project due to concerns over environmental degradation and the potential destruction of local water sources. The conflict ultimately culminated in violent clashes.

32Following the suspension of her first account, Desca created a second one, only for it to be banned once again after she uploaded an image of a pelvis alongside Gilles Nerret’s book Erotica Universalis. The content was deemed to violate moral norms or be inappropriate. In an interview, she clarified that the book discusses the history of erotica from ancient times to the present and that it does not reflect the allegations against it.

33Further to being banned twice, Desca admitted that she frequently received sharp criticism from her followers regarding certain posts. This criticism often appeared in the form of comments or direct messages. The critiques were typically centred around her advocacy for queer issues and her interest in erotic literature. While she did her utmost to engage in thoughtful debates, these often ended in disputes and unfollows. Desca’s experience illustrates gender dynamics at work. The suspension of her account following posts about women’s protests and advocacy for queer groups demonstrates that in Indonesia, there are assumptions or (traditional) values instilled in women, which clearly do not involve protesting or advocating for queer people.

34During one of our later conversations, Desca Ang, the account owner of @descanto01, mentioned that she had permanently closed her recent account due to an attempted credit card fraud. Subsequently, she posted all book review content in the book club account she manages, @klubbukumerauke. Through this account, Desca does not represent herself as an individual, but rather as part of a community or book club. As a university lecturer based in Merauke, Desca continues to pursue her literary activities locally while maintaining a digital presence. Not only does this approach protect the account from potential attacks, but it also emphasises the importance of networks and community in engaging with bookstagramming activities. In so doing, it contributes to the development of a more professional identity within the platform.

35While @descanto1 faces significant challenges stemming from larger forces, such as Instagram’s policies as outlined above and criticism from her followers, other bookstagrammers confront less direct, and often internal, obstacles. One such challenge is the issue of reading slumps, which, combined with the pressures of social media, can become a significant concern. However, as illustrated in Sintiawithbooks’ post in Fig. 4, the challenge becomes content in itself, which, rather than hindering, actually enhances their role as bookstagrammers. Given this reality, the challenges they encountered were swiftly transformed into opportunities. However, when examined more critically, the “advantages” they derive from disseminating their challenges may call into question the integrity of their activism.

Fig. 4. @sintiawithbooks’ post about her exhaustion in managing her Instagram account

Source and credit: Instagram, @sintiawithbooks

36Questions concerning integrity arise, on one hand, as a reality that counterbalances another aspect —namely, the professional landscape for women in Indonesia. More specifically, it relates to the evolving professionalism of female bookstagrammers. The fact that being a bookstagrammer, on the one hand, enables women to succeed in creating a space outside the traditional work environment, where policies (particularly in Indonesia) still heavily undermine women. On the other hand, this condition ultimately positions them as instruments of capitalism. By becoming bookstagrammers, they are potentially escaping work environments characterized by insufficient maternity pay, inadequate rest periods, limited flexibility, and the persistent conflict between their professional and domestic responsibilities (Cameron 2023). Becoming a bookstagrammer may also help them escape the harsh reality of gender-based wage disparities; according to BPS 2025 data, women’s salaries in Indonesia are still lower than men’s. However, such emancipatory potential is contingent upon the ability to generate sufficient income from bookstagramming itself. In fact, three out of five bookstagrammers continue to rely on other jobs as their main source of income. This means that while bookstagramming may deliver flexibility, it does not consistently guarantee financial security. The promise of “better work” for women is therefore only partially realized.

37Even for those who succeed in monetizing their accounts, new tensions arise. Financial empowerment is closely intertwined with participation in capitalist market logics. As bookstagrammers, they collaborate with large bookstores and publishers, promoting such content as bookstore reviews, book hauls, and book collections. Through these activities, they actively contribute to the culture of consumerism, wherein some can afford to purchase books, while others cannot. As such, content is not always inclusive. Tragically, despite their role as facilitators of capitalism, this aspirational labour is still categorised as “women’s work,” akin to domestic, reproductive, and care labour—forms of work that remain undervalued and unrecognised (Duffy 2017: 9). This exclusivity also extends to the realm of who can be considered a professional bookstagrammer. Indonesia has thousands of bookstagrammers, yet not all of them can reach a professional level, nor can this activity always be classified as work. In reality, and as with other forms of digital content creators, not all bookstagrammers achieve professional recognition or status. Not all aspirational workers have the opportunity to become professionals in the field, nor do they necessarily achieve career success or financial independence. To address this, they tend not to engage in bookstagramming activities in isolation; rather, the five participants described supporting one another by following, liking, and commenting on each other’s posts. They frequently share reading recommendations and challenge each other to read specific books. More recently, they have collaborated on content creation. Through such a network, they do not view each other as competitors but instead foster mutual support, engaging in what is referred to as shared curation (Marshall 2021: 113).

38If networking strategies are employed to support and reduce the gap in professionalism, they also strive to address the dilemma of their relationship with capitalism, with the aim of achieving balance and inclusivity through their content. They juxtapose bookstores with libraries, book hauls with the practice of borrowing books, and cafes with home reading corners as the most comfortable spaces for reading. This approach is evident in the significant evolution of the @vioreadsbook account. In several of her recent posts, she consistently advocates for borrowing, rather than purchasing, books: “Adulting is: memutuskan untuk pinjem buku padahal pengen punya bukunya juga” [Adulting is deciding to borrow a book, even though you may want to own it]. She also offers advice on how to obtain free books and provides tips on purchasing only used books.

39A more progressive initiative was undertaken by @booksntealibrary, in collaboration with members of the book club she leads, @madteabookclub. They organised a pre-loved book sale programme, with the proceeds directed towards female survivors of sexual violence. This initiative is reflected in the image posted on November 25, 2024, as shown below.

Fig. 5. @booksntealibrary’s post on the Preloved book sale event

Source and credit: Instagram, @booksntealibrary

40The post was accompanied by a caption, part of which is quoted here:

Dear readers, from November 25 to December 10 marks the campaign period for the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence. At The Mad Tea Book Club, we are deeply concerned by the recent rise in cases of sexual violence occurring in book clubs, music schools, and the Indonesian theater scene—among many other spaces. We have decided to use this moment to engage in a small act of activism by raising funds to support our friend “Pip,” who has been a victim of sexual violence. Pip’s name and the details of her case are kept confidential for her safety. You can show your support by purchasing books through our Instagram Stories. All proceeds from the book sale will be donated to Pip to cover the costs of her psychological assessment and first clinical psychology session.

41The group-initiated program stands in stark contrast to typical book hauls or the hoarding of books. Rather than accumulating books for personal consumption or display, this initiative involves selling books to support survivors of sexual violence. It merges their bookstagramming activities with activist efforts, positioning books not as collectible “libraries” to be hoarded as treasures, but as concrete tools of resistance. In implementing this program (as illustrated in Fig. 5), @booksntealibrary also employs strategic networking. She uses collaborative posts with five other accounts to extend the campaign’s reach and impact.

42The next challenge faced by Indonesian bookstagrammers pertains to their position within the realm of Indonesian literature. It is undeniable that several well-known Indonesian novels, such as Laut Bercerita [The Sea Speaks His Name] by Leila S. Chudori and Cantik itu Luka [Beauty Is a Wound] by Eka Kurniawan, have gained immense popularity and achieved remarkable sales, in part due to the impact of literary influencers, including bookstagrammers. However, many in the so-called “serious” literary circles—whether academic literary critics or mainstream media critics—rarely acknowledge the role of bookstagrammers as key agents supporting the development of Indonesian literature and literacy in general.

43Their writings and reviews are often regarded as insufficient compared to, for example, academic literary critique or journalistic critique, as they are seen as highly impressionistic or subjective, and lacking in the in-depth expertise typically associated with traditional literary analysis (Dupi 2024). A significant polemic surrounding digital literary criticism emerged in newspapers between 2001-2002, contributing to a sense of cynicism towards these new forms of literary critique (for further details, see Roekminto 2005: 35). Despite these polemics, there remains a substantial divide between the world of “serious” academic literary critics and that of bookstagrammers. Furthermore, as literary activities become increasingly dominated by digital media, concerns have arisen regarding a perceived crisis in Indonesian literary criticism over the past decade. In these discussions, the short, accessible, and popular reviews produced by bookstagrammers—especially female bookstagrammers—are often excluded from the definition of literary criticism, despite their significant contributions to the field. As Nichols (2017) provocatively suggests, the authority once held by experts has shifted toward influencers. In this context, bookstagrammers have effectively taken on the role of evaluating works and, in many cases, have proven more effective in promoting literary works than traditional critics.

44To bridge the gap in perspectives outlined above, bookstagrammers have increasingly turned to other media as a strategy to demonstrate legitimacy, thus becoming more transmedial. A prime example of this transmedial journey is the @sintiawithbooks account, whose owner (Sintia) began her reviewing activities on Goodreads Indonesia in 2012. In 2016, she launched her bookstagram account. A year later, she expanded her presence by starting a personal blog, which not only serves as a book review platform but also includes travel posts, hotel reviews, and reviews of other places. On the one hand, the blog functions as a hub for Sintia’s collaborative activities with the industry; on the other, it provides a space for her to write longer, more critical, and analytical reviews. Her Goodreads account also hosts her reviews. Similarly, @booksntealibrary, which had already gained popularity as a booktuber under the account name “the cozy library,” also plays a significant role in this context. In contrast, @Descanto1, who is also an academic, frequently contributes to other academic spaces and engages in journalistic writing, thereby bridging the often “superficial” world of bookstagram and the more in-depth realm of literary criticism.

45Further to being transmedial, these bookstagrammers also form communities to expand their influence and gain broader legitimacy. Every bookstagrammer involved in this research is part of a community. “Community” here refers to book reading clubs, where bookstagrammers are either members or pioneers. For instance, @vioreadsbook frequently collaborates with @klubbukunarasi, one of the largest book clubs in Indonesia. Beyond simply being a member of a book club, @booksntealibrary, along with two collaborators, manages an English book club called @madteabookclub, which carries the tagline: “An English book club with hats, tea, and good friends.” @descanto1 also founded @klubbukumerauke and is a member of @kebabreadingbook, a book club that has given rise to and inspired numerous other bookstagrammers. These book clubs not only connect members in online spaces but also facilitate offline interactions, with regular reading schedules and meetings at various locations. Bookstagrammers are also active participants in discussions and literary festivals, often appearing as speakers. For instance, Sintia often speaks at national and international literary festivals. Her presence at these events highlights the active participation of bookstagrammers as literary influencers within the Indonesian literary scene.

46The range of challenges encountered by female bookstagrammers, and the strategies they employ to address them, collectively represent the landscape of Indonesian bookstagram as a workplace. Despite structural constraints, these women continuously carve out emancipatory opportunities within this space, positioning bookstagramming not merely as a platform for expression but as a site of ongoing negotiation and professional development.

Conclusion

47This research has traced the process through which female bookstagrammers navigate digital bookstagramming as a workplace. This process unfolds in multiple stages, is gradual, and involves various transformations. It entails the blending of the personal and public spheres as well as a shift from initially personal motivations to those that are more professionally oriented.

48Paradoxically, the professionalism of bookstagrammers originates in what appears to be its opposite: the pursuit of a personal hobby. Initially, managing a bookstagram account is simply a means by which to accommodate a reading hobby. Over time, however, as Instagram’s affordances expanded and interactions with fellow bookstagrammers—both nationally and globally—intensified, these Indonesian creators began to refine their content strategically. They focused on increasing engagement through the systematic use of hashtags, tagging practices, and interactive features. As follower numbers grew, so too did their visibility, attracting collaborations with publishers, bookstores, and other cultural actors. These partnerships marked a critical step in the professionalization process, transforming bookstagramming from a leisure activity into a form of real work. However, despite this transformation, Instagram never entirely eliminated the personal aspects of bookstagramming. According to Duffy (2017: 3), creative digital labor that foregrounds self-actualization can be understood as aspirational labor. In this sense, the bookstagram workplace is characterized by blurred boundaries: between play and work, subjectivity and professionalism, autonomy and market logic.

49Beyond the blurred and overlapping boundaries between the professional and amateur domains, bookstagramming also presents a number of significant labor challenges. Content that incorporates literacy advocacy, government critique, or gender-related issues often encounters resistance, from both followers and platform governance mechanisms. In extreme cases, this resistance results in account suspension or banning. These bookstagrammers remain undeterred, however, demonstrating their resilience by quickly rebuilding their presence through the creation of new accounts. They also confront internal challenges, such as social media fatigue. Notably, they often transform such difficulties into content itself, integrating vulnerability and reflexivity into their professional narratives. As such, these challenges become integrated into their professional work, enhancing rather than diminishing their performance.

50The next challenge relates to the fact that despite providing women with a platform for independence and professionalism through social media, not all female bookstagrammers have managed to reach that level of success. Furthermore, bookstagramming activities are embedded within the capitalist system, which fosters consumerism in the book industry through such content as book hauls and bookstore reviews that encourage readers to make more purchases.

51Even more concerning is that, for less well-known female bookstagrammers, their content fails to generate personal profit and instead primarily benefits the larger capitalist industry. In response, popular female Indonesian bookstagrammers attempt to neutralise this situation by developing strategies to balance their content. For instance, they pair book haul posts with content about borrowing books from libraries. However, despite these efforts, the visual and narrative elements of their posts often fail to diminish the sense of exclusivity in their activities, as their bookshelves and personal collections—large and numerous—convey significant financial capital.

52The final challenge pertains to their position and recognition within the Indonesian literary world. Regardless of their popularity or their content’s significant role in promoting certain literary works, their contributions are seldom acknowledged as part of the development of Indonesian literature. This is partly due to the perception that their content does not meet traditional literary standards and the broader scepticism towards digital media, which has long been viewed with cynicism by proponents of conventional, writing-based literary culture. In response, they actively seek to enhance their skills and legitimacy by participating in various literary activities, such as discussions and festivals. While these efforts do not immediately result in recognition, they gradually help carve out a space for them in the contemporary Indonesian literary landscape.